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Since the break-up of Yugoslavia, Croatia and Serbia have emerged as nationalist states that serve the political interests of ethnic Croats and Serbs, respectively. Despite these regime shifts, historical communities of Croatian Serbs and Serbian Croats still remain within these states. This paper sheds light on the experiences of these minority groups who embody ideological threats to their regimes' nationalist goals. I argue that Serbs in Croatia are heavily marginalised by dominant political narratives that have cast them to bear the brunt of the state's post-war grievances. As a result, they experience institutional discrimination that limits their range of economic and social opportunities. Conversely, Croats in Serbia face less explicit prejudice, though post-war stigmas have pushed many to redefine their ethnic affiliations. Both minority groups are experiencing a steady population decline as the rise in nationalist rhetoric has dissolved their rootedness to these territories. This paper examines a majority-minority dynamic in the context of the literature on modern 'ethnocratic' states and presents a case study for how ethnic minorities navigate through social prejudices and find ways to negotiate access to participation in everyday society, given the structural exclusion from institutions they face as communities deemed hostile by their state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will elaborate the impact of social, political and economic processes on the formation and development of the pharmaceutical profession in Croatia until the end of the Second World War. Political axes and dominant economic theories shaped a complex history of interactions between the pharmaceutical profession and state structures, dramatically polarizing the profession into interest groups. The paper will focus on the conflicts which arose from disagreements between owners and employees regarding professional interests, social issues and political ideologies, that became evident with the 1914 employees' strike in Zagreb and ended with the nationalization of all Yugoslav pharmacies after the Second World War. The main argument is that the conflict between the owners and the employees created powerful dynamics of change in the pharmaceutical profession. It induced the establishment of various class bodies and official gazettes; influenced the debates around new pharmaceutical legislation; awakened the need to establish instruments of social protection and social insurance; problematized the concession system, and ultimately led to the conversion of private pharmacies into state-owned ones. These complex processes were embedded in the quest for the unique identity of the pharmaceutical profession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the factors affecting police officer willingness to adhere to a code of silence among the police in Croatia and Serbia. The paper explores the factors predicting police codes of silence in two countries formed after the dissolution of the former Yugoslavia in the early 1990s that pursued separate development paths. A police integrity questionnaire recorded the views of 1,007 police officers in Croatia and 1,843 police officers in Serbia. Multivariate modelling was used to analyse the predictors of officers' perceptions of whether they would report the violation in different scenarios. Decades since the break-up of the former Yugoslavia, the results indicate that many of the factors predicting the code of silence remain similar across police officers in the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Written in 1981, immediately after the death of Yugoslavia's leader Josip Broz Tito, Slobodan Snajder's play Hrvatski Faust (The Croatian Faust) - dealing with the historical event of a production of Goethe's Faust in Nazi Croatia in 1942 - heralded a new age of drama in Yugoslavia, which aimed to challenge and re-examine the darker side of Yugoslav communism. Thematically the play focuses on the relationship between theatre and power and the ways in which the same work of art can be used for different political ends. The analysis of Snajder's play in this paper is therefore contextualised on two levels: historically and sociopolitically as a play that deals with the role of art and literature in a particular repressive context, and in terms of metatheatre as a kind of fiction that can empower the reader to 'co-create meaning'. Snajder's play, which went on to become a modern classic - receiving a couple of significant German productions in the late 1980s and early 1990s - was also a milestone in a long-lasting trend of metatheatre being used as a political tool in disintegrating Yugoslavia. This paper forms a retrospective consideration of the play's impact at the time of its original 1982 production, and at the same time coincides with the 200th anniversary of the publication of Goethe's play. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies in Croatian and Yugoslav cinema (and Eastern European cinema in general) traditionally organize the subject according to a great master narrative. That narrative explains the history of Croatian/Yugoslav/Eastern European cinema as a long and liberating voyage from Soviet-style dogmatism of the post-war era up to a complete emancipation in the heroic era of the 1960s modernism. Most of the scholars who studied the history of Yugoslav cinema (Skrabalo, Volk, Goulding, etc.) narrate film history according to this narrative. The intention of this text is to question that narrative, and offer a possible alternative methodological approach. Our starting point is Croatian cinema, in which the late 1950s and early 1960s were not just a transition period toward the full liberation of the modernist movement. On the contrary, for Croatian cinema that period was almost a 'golden era' in which Croatian cinema produced most of its masterpieces, including four to five evergreen classics, two Academy Award nominees, and a certain number of mature and challenging genre works. All of these films perfectly fit into a stylistic and ideological model of 'classic narrative style'. This paper revisits some of these films (Branko Bauer's Don't Turn Around, Son (1956) and Three Annas (1959), Branko Belan's Concert (1954), Nikola Tanhofer's H-8 (1958), Franci Stiglic's Ninth Circle (1960), Fadil Hadzic's Alphabet of Fear (1961)). By examining these Croatian films (and some other films from the Yugoslav 1950s, including Zika Mitrovic's Captain Leshi (1960)), this paper offers an alternative approach for understanding pre-modernist Yugoslav cinema. The paper argues that the master narrative which explains the Yugoslav 1950s in general is a story of a gradual achieving of the (mainly Western) technologies and know-how within the political framework of communist society. It demonstrates how this process worked in the field of industry, media, everyday life and the entertainment industry. It further examines the Yugoslav film industry of the 1950s as part of that process. For the Yugoslav cinema of the 1950s, the technological model which had to be domesticated was a model of American and Western European classic narrative style. Most of the films that we discuss in the paper consciously use Western cinema classic as a model. By using motives, dramaturgy and type of characters of American/Western European cinema in their classic works, Yugoslav directors had to deal with the implicit ideological content of the Western classic narrative style cinema. Within the new frame of the communist society, that ideological content mutates in an often unexpected way. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article advances an interdisciplinary and multifactorial socio-cultural approach to the fascistization of the Ustaša in interwar Yugoslavia, leading to terrorism and racial cleansing. It concentrates on the life-trajectories of Mijo Babić and Zvonimir Pospišil, two nationalist activists notoriously known as the first Ustaša terrorists. Drawing on the previously unknown political memoirs of Pospišil and Babić, the article argues that the two activists bridged several phases of cumulative radicalization in the Ustaša organization, from the adoption of political violence at the grass-root level in the 1920s to international terrorism in the 1930s and then state-sponsored genocide in the first half of the 1940s. The article points out that Ustaša underwent most forms of political radicalization to terrorism identified by McCauley and Moskalenko, but it also adds to their typology a case of radicalization to mass violence in the regime phase. Ustaša's trajectory thus illustrates a rare process of transition from the radicalization of an oppositional, non-state group to mass radicalization leading to racial genocidal policies under a fascist-totalitarian regime. It is hoped that the biographical approach to radicalization advanced by the article contributes to a better understanding of politically motivated terrorism and mass violence in post-1918 Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the outbreak of the Homeland War (1991-1995) in Croatia to the present day popular music has been used as a means to commemorate the upheaval and sacrifice of Croatia's war against the Yugoslav National Army and the Serb militia. This paper focuses on the musical commemoration of a particular region, Eastern Slavonia, which was not fully integrated into the Croatian state until three years after the official end of the war. The narrative, vocabulary and symbols established during the immediate wartime phase have persisted into the present day when war memory has become inflected by post-war developments, such as the indictment of Croatian Army officers for war crimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This contribution explores the case of Yugoslav Albanians working in the private sector in late socialist Croatia and the ways in which their involvement in tourism and private business on the Adriatic coast was shaped by Yugoslavia's position in the Cold War context as well as domestic political dynamics. Such dynamics include the securitization of Albanians across the country following the violently quelled 1981 student demonstrations in Kosovo and the perennial suspicion held by the authorities towards private business in general, and Albanian owned private businesses in particular. The key argument advanced is that Albanian involvement in tourism and private business on the Adriatic coast, as well connections to diaspora communities in Western Europe, facilitated (micro)economic activity and mobility between nonaligned Yugoslavia, capitalist liberal democracies of Western Europe and, increasingly, by the 1980s, neighboring Warsaw Pact states. Methodologically, the research is based on the triangulation of archival documents, regional printed press and oral history interviews to demonstrate how Yugoslavia's liminal non-aligned position and market socialist economy offered opportunity (as well as notable constraints) to Albanian private business owners and their workforces in the Cold War era and its immediate aftermath. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a comment on a previous article by sociologist N.K. Karlovic related to colonialism in Croatia that appeared in a previous issue of the journal Ethnic and Racial Studies. According to the author of this article, he agrees with Karlovic when Karlovic attributes great importance to international, or as he calls them, inter-ethnic relations for Yugoslavia's internal development and for international relations in Europe as a whole. But this is the extent of author's agreement with him, and the author is particularly opposed to Karlovic's views when, for example, at the very beginning of his paper, he displays a clearly defined attitude opposing the existence of Yugoslavia, or rather, favoring the secession of Croatia from its ranks. The one-sidedness and prejudice of Karlovic's approach is also reflected in reducing Yugoslavia simply to the relations between Serbs and Croats, quite neglecting the significance of the other nations and nationalities. According to the author, as far as Yugoslavia is concerned, the question of relations between its nations and ethnic groups is extraordinarily important and delicate for a number of reasons.

The Croatian height transformation model (HTMV) enables the transformation of absolute heights of discrete points with known horizontal positions from the Trieste 1875 reference system used throughout the former Republic of Yugoslavia and in Croatia known as HVRS1875 to the new height reference system of the Republic of Croatia (HVRS71) and vice versa. The HTMV is realised as a grid transformation model based on separate modelling of datum and distortion components comprised in height differences. The quality of the transformation model is assessed by comparing the difference in height values at benchmarks that were not used in the model derivation against height differences at the benchmark locations interpolated from the model. The results indicate a high external and internal accuracy of the transformation process, which points to the adequacy of the HTMV utilisation for engineering purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the nineteenth century, Croatia was a semi-autonomous province in the Hungarian part of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. Zagreb was the capital city and the national and political centre. Since most of the Croatian provincial governments in the so-called Dualist Period of Austro-Hungarian history (1867-1918) were formed by pro-Hungarian parties, the Zagreb City Government took on the role of promoting Croatian national identity by launching and supporting cultural projects and initiatives. It was in this atmosphere that the Zagreb City Museum was founded in 1907 as a new institution where narratives about the history and culture of the city started to be shaped through cultural and historical evidence that also served to represent the Croatian nation and national identity formation. This continued in 1918 when Croatia found itself stripped of all autonomy in the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes/ Yugoslavia. The significance of the Zagreb City Museum and the local government in sustaining and reinforcing the Croatian national discourse came to the fore again in 1925 with the celebration of the millennial anniversary of the Croatian kingdom. This article explores the main protagonists and the underlying ideologies behind the early work of the Zagreb City Museum and its nationalist agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State socialist women's organizations were particularly active in Yugoslav industrial towns with a significant female workforce, as in the case of the Croatian mill town of Duga Resa. By exploring the local activities of the Conference for the Social Activity of Women (KDAŽ), this article contributes to historiographical debates regarding state socialist women's organizations and women's agency as well as to the recent revival of interest in the social history of the post-Yugoslav region. An analysis of reflexive and representative archival sources, namely minutes of party and municipal meetings as well as official publications, shows that working women's double burden was not silenced but was frequently discussed by socialist authorities, women's organizations and female workers themselves. Through the Yugoslav politics of self-management, local KDAŽ activists often lobbied for better working and welfare rights, especially the provision of housing and childcare facilities for working mothers. While KDAŽ activists' agency was shaped by dominant social norms, the possibilities for voicing open criticism in socialist Yugoslavia meant that a certain degree of bottom-up initiative was possible. The archives of municipal and socio-political organizations, therefore, are of fundamental importance in understanding working women's position at the intersection of gender and labour history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Public awareness of aphasia has been surveyed in a number of countries revealing that it is universally low. We report results of surveys in the Balkan countries Serbia and Montenegro and compare results with data from Croatia and Slovenia. Methods: Convenience surveys of the general public were conducted in public places like shopping centers/malls and parks in Serbia (N = 400) and Montenegro (N = 500) using an adapted version of the public awareness of aphasia survey questionnaire. Respondents were asked whether they have heard of aphasia and tested with questions about aphasia. Information on gender, age, occupation and education was recorded. Outcomes: Twelve percent (Serbia) and 11% (Montenegro) had heard of aphasia, but just 4% (Serbia) and 3.2% (Montenegro) had a basic knowledge of aphasia. Age, gender and occupation interacted variably with awareness. Between 16% (Slovenia) and 60% (Croatia) said they had heard of aphasia (10.5% overall mean for the four countries) and basic knowledge of aphasia across the four countries ranged between 3.2 and 7%. Conclusions: Levels of awareness of aphasia in the Balkans are low and variably associated with age, gender, socio-economic and educational levels. Respondents with some knowledge of aphasia gained it through personal or professional interaction with aphasia or the media. The data provide a basis for awareness raising in Balkan countries to reduce stigmatization, improve community access and understanding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the terms transnationalism and diaspora have both become the focus of increased academic attention. Subsequently, the question has arisen as to how expanding theories surrounding transnationalism - which include an ever wider class of actions, processes and institutions that cross the boundaries of states - affect the ways in which both diaspora and diaspora communities are understood. This article examines how the transnational character of one diaspora group - Croatians following Second World War - influenced the organisational development of radical emigre separatism, particularly in relation to the strategies of action adopted by some of the more extreme nationalists. The article focuses on how difficulties arising from the fact that the Croatian diaspora existed in 'landscapes' as much as 'lands' helped define and delimit the repertoires of political action taken up by radicals. The internal and external pressures of being forced to operate in transnational space - including the fractional splintering which resulted from these pressures - helped shape the range of possible development for Croatian emigre organisations, including for some the adoption of violence as an acceptable form of political expression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The causal link between ethnic intolerance and ethnic conflict is tested using four highly comparable data sets from Croatia that span the time before and after the violent dissolution of Yugoslavia : 1984–5, 1989–90, 1996 and 2003. Though most approaches to ethnic conflict posit a social-psychological dimension critical to violent encounters, our analysis provides an unprecedented empirical examination that dispels the commonly held view that ethnic hatred , hostility, and intolerance are the cause of ethnic conflict. After explaining the events and the shifting social, political and economic landscape that precipitated the war , we examine demographic, social structural and attitudinal changes between 1985 and 2003 that are associated with variation in ethnic intolerance, giving special attention to the connection between religiosity and intolerance. Prior to the war people were slow to translate public tensions into personal animosities. We find strong support for concluding that the events of the war itself and especially elite manipulation of public images of these events, are strongly implicated in rising intolerance during the war, and that the war's residual effect has been slow to dissipate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the relationship between charisma and national mission during wartime Croatia. Details of the life of Croatian fascist dictator Ante Pavelic; Information on the Ustasha regime during 1941; Views of the Croatian public regarding the defeat of Yugoslavia and the establishment of the Independent State of Croatia.

Most explanations of German foreign policy in the Yugoslav crisis have focused on only one of three distinct phases of that policy: Germany's highly assertive policies towards the recognition of Slovenia and Croatia. Yet Bonn's policies towards former Yugoslavia have shown both assertiveness and impotence; they began with reticence and returned to it after the exceptional push for recognition. The best explanation for German policy is the 'civilian power' approach - Germany's unique post-war aversion to military power and emphasis on multilateral solutions. Germany's foreignpolicy 'culture of restraint' is still firmly rooted, and the Yugoslav crisis underlines the constraints and limitations of German power, rather than its potential. That Germany still needs partners to secure its interests is more obvious now than ever. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EC's recognition of new states in former Yugoslavia is considered by most analysts to have seriously aggravated the conflict in the region. This article challenges the conventional wisdom and argues that the strategic effects of recognition have been largely overstated. The prospect of recognition played no significant role in the Slovene determination to sustain their campaign for independence and therefore bears little responsibility for the first phase of the war. In Croatia, recognition - together with the deployment of UN peacekeepers - may even have had a mitigating effect. Only in Bosnia is there any correlation between recognition and an intensification of hostilities but it is doubtful whether non-recognition would have prevented the eruption of violence since Bosnian Serb aspirations for an ethnically homogeneous state entity could not be realised without resort to war. The real relevance of recognition lies with the opportunities for more effective international action which it created. It was the failure to seize these opportunities, rather than the strategic effects of recognition, which better explains the tragic events that ensued. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]