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The history of computer networks is relatively well described in Western literature but some parts of the world have been neglected. This paper explores the first ways in which computer networks were used in Yugoslavia, since these are different from the modes used in the West or Russia, because the dissolution of the country -- mixed with its transition from communism to democracy and the wars for independence -- created an environment which allowed computer networks to be used in unprecedented ways. The paper uses a mix of historical method, computational methods for collecting and analysing USENET data, semi-structured interview, archival research, and qualitative online observation. The main findings show that access to Western technology and participation in academic networks enabled Yugoslavian STEM academia and hackers to use computer networks for the first computer networks' propaganda war. Slovenians, Croatians, and Serbians created electronic mailing lists through which they tried to manipulate international actors and to bond the diaspora for a common cause, and they additionally fought in USENET discussion groups by implementing trolling techniques. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Battle of Neretva, directed by Veljko Bulajić is one of the biggest war spectacles produced in Yugoslavia following the famous partisan battle with Axis forces during World War II. The film serves as a useful site from which we can understand the conventions of the Yugoslav war film while its exceptional production and exhibition strategies and reception history signal a critical turning point in the cultural understanding of the war film as a meditator of history. By studying the film's production, exhibition, and reception, aesthetics, and historiographical significance, and drawing upon original archival documents preserved in the Jugoslovenska Kinoteka/Yugoslav Cinematheque in Belgrade, this paper aims to identify, assess, and expose the layered significance of the film The Battle of Neretva, and to further map out its position within (Yugoslav) film history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The keeping or discard of objects is not always within people's power range. War and the escape from war are instances when people are violently separated from their possessions due to massive destruction. At the same time, few objects might be saved or regained in later stages of life. This paper is about objects that people who fled the war in Yugoslavia in the 1990s as children were able to preserve. In my analysis, I point out how the biographies of people and things are entangled, joining and parting at various points in time. As people's and things' biographies do not inevitably align with each other, the conditions that facilitated such a keeping or recovery are reconstructed. The article concludes that agency does not always reside with humans but is distributed between people, things and the material and social infrastructures that both are embedded in. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The war that has been raging in Ukraine since 24 February has claimed thousands of lives. The attacks by Russian forces on residential and public buildings have caused material damage on a scale not seen since the Second World War, in violation of existing international conventions. Military operations have also targeted Ukrainian cultural heritage. The conflict in the former Yugoslavia in the 1990s, which was to some extent similar, also resulted in the destruction of a large amount of immovable heritage. This article outlines promising approaches to solving the key problems of post-war heritage restoration in Ukraine, taking into account the relevant experiences of the Balkan countries. The Balkan case can provide scientific added value derived from the synthesis of the Balkan and Ukrainian experiences to increase the effectiveness of reconstruction assistance from international institutions. Practical recommendations for the establishment of an efficient post-war heritage management system are also provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the term "memory abuse" as an analytical framework to understanding politically constructed mnemonic tensions in the years preceding Yugoslavia's violent dissolution. Here, "memory abuse" represents an intersection between the literatures of memory and conflict studies and refers to the intentional manipulation of memory beyond an intangible threshold, past which violence inevitably results. Drawing on the typologies of collective and cultural memory by Aleida and Jan Assmann, I argue that the political mobilisation of both distant and recent memories in the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia in the late 1980s to a significant degree contributed to the outbreak of war in the early 1990s, and contemporary political actors have perpetuated an abuse of memory that has limited reconciliatory outcomes in the region since the end of conflict. In reformulating the memories of, inter alia, the 1389 Battle of Kosovo and the atrocities of the Second World War to fit nationalist narratives, political actors across Yugoslavia's republics sought to profit from forced divisions that ultimately brought about the country's end. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper was to understand more about the continued learning process of those who have experienced negative life experiences. This paper focuses on the various issues of learning and living through war, specifically encounters from the war in former Yugoslavia. Therefore, the purpose of the study was to understand lessons learned by those who experienced the Yugoslavian War. This conflict took place approximately from 1991-1997. The sample consisted of 21 adults, previously known by the researcher. Each person speaks English well enough to have this interview, and they are comfortable speaking on these topics. They were asked to answer four main questions: (1) Describe your situation during the war. (2) What impact did this have? (3) What was helpful for you at this time? (4) What did you learn from this experience? Most of the sample was on the periphery of this conflict rather than some extreme difficulty such as personal injury, detention camps, or hand to hand battles. Findings indicated there is a creative chaos that takes place during this time, this creative chaos is an atmosphere evident by three positive and three negative aspects of learning. The three negative aspects are confusion, loss, and difficulty. The three positive are creativity, new information, and change. This comes together to form a creative learning chaos where significant lessons of life were learned and relearned for these participants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The past was ubiquitous in South Eastern Europe in the 1990s. On the one hand, historical analogies were widely and tendentiously used by observers and participants to render comprehensible the numerous conflicts that scarred the region, as the scripting of the Kosovo war of 1999 as a re-run of the Second World War exemplified. On the other hand, 'history' was also commonly adduced as a significant factor actually causing those conflicts. Western policy-makers and pundits interpreted them as the product of ancient ethnic enmities unleashed by the collapse of communism, while indigenous nationalists concocted extravagant narratives of historical victimization and destiny to ground new identities and mobilize populations for war. These representations exerted an important influence upon trends in scholarship on the region through the same period. First, the long-term genealogies of western 'Balkanist' perceptions were elaborated by historians, anthropologists and literary critics. Second, nationalist mythologizing was deconstructed by scholars positing alternative socio-economic and political causes of the violence. Third, drawing on wider bodies of scholarship exploring the work of memory under and after state socialism and in relation to the trauma of war, connections between memory,identity and war in the region began to be scrutinized. Of particular interest here were the role of historical narratives in grounding national and other senses of identity, the efforts by nationalists to co-opt or stimulate private memories of past traumas and wrongdoings as part of these projects (including the broader issue of the resistance to or negotiation of would be dominant memories at local levels) and the question of the agency of 'history'. The papers within this collection, first delivered at a conference organized by the University of Wales Centre for the Study of South Eastern Europe in 2000, contribute to the growing body of scholarship on these issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We examine the long-term effects of civil war in former Yugoslavia on economic growth and development. To this end, we employ the synthetic control methodology, and estimate the missing counterfactual scenario for the long-run growth and development of former Yugoslav republics, in the absence of the civil war by matching their growth and development characteristics with non-Yugoslav countries at the similar stages of development. The results suggest that the civil war led to unprecedented long-run growth and development losses. In the absence of the war, per capita income levels of former Yugoslav republics would improve markedly with notable differences in the magnitude of the growth and development gains across the affected countries. The estimated effects of the civil war are robust to a large number of placebo checks, and falsification-based random permutation tests. The results show that not a single former Yugoslav republic down to the present day has achieved the level of per capita income predicted by their synthetic control groups in the years preceding the civil war. Our results show that the Yugoslav civil war appears to be a permanent institutional shock with long-lasting implications for economic growth and development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the relationship between socialist Yugoslavism and national minorities in a crucial phase of Yugoslavia's post-World War II evolution. It focuses on the contested multicultural Upper Adriatic borderland, specifically on the city of Rijeka–Fiume, the main Italian minority centre in the Federation. Considering both local and broader federal dynamics, as well as Yugoslavia's nascent non-aligned foreign policy, this urban-centred analysis suggests that the insistence on Yugoslavism produced significant contradictions in political relations towards minorities, contributing to the evolution of socialist Yugoslavia's ideological and political system in the early 1960s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores how denial of the Srebrenica genocide against the Bosnian Muslims/Bosniaks in Srebrenica, committed in 1995, is still lived as an everyday reality in present-day Serbia. It argues that this denial comprises various performative and narrative levels, which all stem from the unique acts of hiding and disguising on behalf of the state and individual perpetrators. The essay follows several levels of concealment and denial of the Srebrenica genocide in Serbia: the socio-political one, best palpable in Radovan Karadžić's hiding and disguising as a healer after the war (up to 2008), and the artistic by which the reality becomes disclosed in the fictional world of the theatre play Srebrenica. When we the murdered rise by Zlatko Paković (2020). The play exposes a phenomenon of a well-trained performance of denial designed by the distinguished members of the Serbian intellectual elite. In this vein, it ventures into the intellectual evolution of the genocidal attitude towards Muslims in Yugoslavia, from pre-war times to actual executions during the dissolution of Yugoslavia (1991–5). The perception that the Balkan Muslims were disloyal members who had converted from the Serbian Orthodox religion to Islam prevails throughout the century and shapes the way people write, read and stage history in Serbia. Therefore, it follows the genocide denial in exploring how concealment strategies work as they are re-actualized by ordinary people in their personal, everyday performances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study was to examine whether there was a direct effect of parents' traumatic war experiences on the child's mental health, or whether the effect was achieved through the attachment, family dynamics and parenting styles. The sample consisted of 76 triads (fathers, mothers and children) from the territory of Kosovo and Metohija. The study results show that the effect of the father's war trauma is mediated entirely by the variables Closeness/Dependence and Authority, while for the mother, it is the dimension Closeness/Dependence that achieves partial mediation. The results are discussed in context of trauma-focused and psychosocial approaches, and in the context of attachment theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Yugoslav Federation never satisfactorily resolved the problem posed by the Albanians of Kosovo. Emerging from a period of intense repression, Kosovo in the 1960s and 1970s underwent rapid political development, including the creation of autonomous political institutions. The Kosovo issue was directly affected by developments in Albano–Yugoslav relations—themselves subject to events in the wider world—and by internal developments within Yugoslavia, in which Albania had a strong interest. Throughout the period the issue remained a staple in Albania’s ideological war with Yugoslavia. Wary of the official Kosovar political leadership and suspicious of the nascent Kosovar national movement, Albania was alarmed by Kosovar demands for republican status. Ironically, the reaction of Albania and Yugoslavia to these demands was not dissimilar. This study is based on an analysis of recent historical research, as well as on recently released documents from Kosovar, Albanian, Serbian, and American archives. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The past three decades has seen increasing recognition of the gender-specific impact of armed conflict. This issue became especially important in context of conflicts in the former Yugoslavia, and in Rwanda, which were marked by the high prevalence of sexual and gender-based violence. International criminal law has also made some significant advancements regarding sexual violence committed during periods of conflict. In particular, successful prosecutions of wartime rape led to the development of long-awaited (especially in the field of international law) post-conflict justice. However, here it is argued that much of ‘post-conflict gender justice’ is yet to come. The International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia and for Rwanda is examined in relation to how wartime rape is defined and prosecuted. The extent to which the Tribunals addressed these acts as gender crimes as opposed to through the lens of victim's ethnicity or nationality is evaluated as an area where there is much work to be done. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Children and War Foundation was established after the authors' experiences following the civil war in former Yugoslavia in the mid-1990s. Many organizations tried to mitigate the effects of the war on children but few interventions were based on evidence and fewer were properly evaluated. The Foundation was established in Norway with the aim of promoting better evidence-based interventions to help children after wars and natural disasters. The Foundation has developed a number of empirically grounded manuals that aim to help children learn strategies that will lessen the stress reactions that they have developed. The manuals are designed to be delivered by personnel who are not necessarily very experienced in child mental health. They are aimed at groups of children using a public health approach to reach large numbers in a short space of time. The strategies are not intended as individual therapy. The Teaching Recovery Techniques manual has been used following a number of earthquakes and other natural disasters and data from a number of these will be discussed. A Writing for Recovery manual is aimed at helping adolescents and is based on the seminal work of James Pennebaker. It is currently being evaluated in three separate studies. A group-based manual to help children bereaved by war or disaster has recently been developed. For the abstract or full text in other languages, please see Supplementary files under Article Tools online [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia convicted the Bosnian Serb soldiers who used rape as a weapon of war of violating the human right to sexual self determination and of crimes against humanity, it transformed vulnerability from a mark of feminine weakness to a shared human condition. The court's judgment directs us to note the ways in which the exploitation of our bodied vulnerability is an assault on our dignity. It alerts us to the ways in which the body of human rights law is a law of bodies; to the ways in which our desire for intimacy creates communal ties that ground our personal and social identities; to the ways in which the symbolic meanings of our bodies are integral to our sense of integrity and worth; and to the ways in which gender structures which position men as protectors of women make it possible for rape to be used as an effective and criminal weapon of war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the key lessons of combining diplomacy and airpower in the Kosovo Crisis (1998-99). Drawing on a comprehensive list of primary sources involved in the military leadership of NATO at the time, this article goes beyond existing literature in revealing just how surprisingly unprepared NATO was when it went to war against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (FRY). This article argues that on the eve of war, NATO neither had a political nor a military strategy for handling the war it itself had started - and that at the time, the air power community in general failed to appreciate the need for producing more precise and innovative solutions to complex conflicts and crises in the lower band of the intensity spectrum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The causal link between ethnic intolerance and ethnic conflict is tested using four highly comparable data sets from Croatia that span the time before and after the violent dissolution of Yugoslavia : 1984–5, 1989–90, 1996 and 2003. Though most approaches to ethnic conflict posit a social-psychological dimension critical to violent encounters, our analysis provides an unprecedented empirical examination that dispels the commonly held view that ethnic hatred , hostility, and intolerance are the cause of ethnic conflict. After explaining the events and the shifting social, political and economic landscape that precipitated the war , we examine demographic, social structural and attitudinal changes between 1985 and 2003 that are associated with variation in ethnic intolerance, giving special attention to the connection between religiosity and intolerance. Prior to the war people were slow to translate public tensions into personal animosities. We find strong support for concluding that the events of the war itself and especially elite manipulation of public images of these events, are strongly implicated in rising intolerance during the war, and that the war's residual effect has been slow to dissipate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Norms are fundamental constitutive elements of modern military power. Because norms influence military behavior and force structure, contemporary Western military power is produced only by interaction of normative and material factors. Two norms—the civilian casualty avoidance norm and Western societies' demand that their military forces take minimal casualties, or the force protection norm—more strongly influenced the origin, conduct, and outcome of nato's 1999 war against Yugoslavia than the material disparities of mismatched adversaries. Many actors, including the Yugoslav government and the Kosovo Liberation Army, notice the linkage of norms to Western military force structures and operational behavior and therefore strategically use norms instrumentally against states that adopt them. Such strategies generate technological and tactical responses, leading in turn to counter-responses—a dynamic interaction of material and normative factors that increasingly influence military operational outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the pathologisation of post-conflict societies through a comparison of the framing of the Cambodian and post-Yugoslav states. The notion of failed states fixes culpability for war on the societies in question, rendering the domestic populations dysfunctional while casting international rescue interventions as functional. The article suggests that the discourse of pathologisation can be understood primarily not as a means of explaining state crisis so much as legitimising an indefinite international presence and deferring self-government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

James Klugmann spent two and a half years working on the staff of the Yugoslav Section of SOE. One of the most active and overt British communists of his generation, he has long been accused of having exploited that post to manipulate operations and policy in the interests of the communist cause. With reference to SOE and MI5 records, this study reveals how he was able to join and remain in SOE in spite of his pre-war profile as a leading student activist of the left. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the psychological impact of the war on Albanian-Kosovar children in Kosovo, Serbia. Humanitarian services offered by the Trauma Recovery Project; Level of psychological trauma; Details on the traumatic experiences of children; Several war crimes committed against Albanians.