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This article examined the relationship between ideology and conspiratorial thinking and the related mediating effect of ingroup favoritism in a non-Western society. We investigated patriotism and nationalism as two favorable orientations toward national ingroups. We also examined their relationship with the general conspiracy mentality and the specific conspiracy beliefs that have emerged during the COVID-19 pandemic. The results revealed that conservative ideology was associated with conspiratorial beliefs in China regardless of the specific conspiracy theories related to ingroups or outgroups, which indicates such tendencies may exist universally across cultures. Patriotism was not associated with conspiracy theories about the origin of COVID-19, whereas nationalism was negatively associated with the conspiracy theories about China (an ingroup) and positively associated with conspiracy theories about the US (an outgroup). Moreover, nationalism mediated the relationship between ideology and specific conspiracy beliefs during the pandemic. The general conspiracy mentality did not predict conspiracy theories about the origin of COVID-19. The results indicate that believing conspiracy theories is not only the result of a stable conspiracy mentality but is also influenced by ideology and intergroup relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the transformation of public identity among the Greek-speaking inhabitants of Cyprus during the late medieval period, when the island was ruled first under Western-style feudalism and then under Ottoman feudalism. This change of style of rule contributed to the transformation of the Greek speakers' public identity, from fragmented to collective. The explanation of this transformation in identity is based on an analysis of shifting social boundaries, themselves linked to changing sociopolitical structures. By comparing the Western and Ottoman periods, and by conceptualizing public identity in relation to boundaries, this study puts known accounts of Cypriot history under new light. The result is revealing when considering debates on Greek nationalism in Cyprus. Although many factors contributed to the genesis of that phenomenon of nationalism, the presence of a collective form of identity by the Greek speakers was a prerequisite. This prerequisite was absent during the Latin period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the late 1970s, thousands of—in many cases legal—Samoan immigrants were systematically evicted from New Zealand shores. Today, however, "Samoans" are an integral part of New Zealand's national rugby team, the All Blacks. Although this may, perhaps, be interpreted as evidence of a more progressive racial climate in contemporary New Zealand, this article argues that the All Blacks, in fact, serve to obfuscate the cultural politics of race and nation embodied in, and played out through, the game of rugby. In particular, the article examines the parallels of the exploitation of Samoan industrial and athletic labor, how the public discourses that surround players of Samoan descent raise increasingly complex questions of national eligibility and allegiance, and finally how new diasporic affiliations such as the Pacific Islanders rugby team may provide an opportunity to build on an emergent "Black Pacific" culture that transcends the boundaries of nationality and nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Isaiah Berlin is often regarded as one of the sources of contemporary liberal nationalism. Yet his own attitude to nationalism, and its relation to his liberalism, remains unexplored. He gave conflicting definitions of nationalism in different places, and although he frequently contrasts more benign with more malign forms of nationalism, the terms in which he draws the contrast also vary. In Berlin's most explicit account, nationalist doctrine is presented as political, unitary, morally unrestricted and particularist, but these four dimensions are separate, and on each of them alternative nationalist positions are available. Berlin's account of the sources of nationalism is also ambiguous: his analysis of the Jewish condition in European societies and his support for Zionism contrasts with his diagnosis of the origins of German nationalism. Comparing Berlin with later liberal nationalists, we see that his liberalism prevented him from presenting a normative political theory in which liberal and nationalist commitments were successfully combined. Such a theory can indeed be developed, but the challenge that emerges from Berlin's writing is to explain how real-world nationalism can be kept within liberal limits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contested nature of multiculturalism in Australia is stark in local debates over mosque developments in Sydney. Queer-theory concepts (citation, repetition, sedimentation, and troubling) are used to reveal the differing utilities of discourses on nationalism at this everyday level. Neo- conservatives oppose the declining normativity of Anglo-Celtic culture, and nostalgically invoke 'White (or Anglo-Celtic) Australia-Mosque opponents are both limited and empowered by this discourse of nationalism. The official recognition of Australia's multicultural composition and the shift in rhetoric on national identity have provided a counterideology to the still hegemonic constructions of an Anglo-Celtic Australia. Muslim associations and their supporters have drawn on these symbolic tools in their arguments with planning-consent authorities, and in other local political forums. Through the repetition of their claims to local and national citizenship, and by evoking the rhetoric of multiculturalism, they challenged the hegemony of Anglo-Celtic culture. A deeper and broader multiculturalism may be sedimented through the reiterative deployment of the national discourse of multiculturalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explores how humiliation has been an integral part of the construction of nationalism in China. Social theory; Domestic and international political consequences of the deployment of shame and humiliation; National insecurities in China.

A claim frequently made about European Citizenship is that by decoupling 'rights' from 'identity' it challenges us to rethink the classical Westphalian model of citizenship. According to some EU scholars and constitutional experts, this beckons a new form of 'supranational' citizenship practice based not on emotional attachments to territory and cultural affinities ('Eros'), but to the rights and values of a civil society - or what Habermas calls 'constitutional patriotism'. This article uses anthropological insights to critique these arguments and to analyse the EU'S own citizenship-building policies and practices. It concludes that rights cannot be meaningfully divorced from identity and that citizenship devoid of emotion is neither feasible nor desirable. Finally, it considers the idea of 'post-national democracy' and what this might entail in a modern European context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the ways in which new audiovisual technologies may organise and challenge patterns of seeing for purposes of political mobilisation and ideological indoctrination. The context is that of the Hindu Right, with particular reference to the Ayodhya controversy. Focusing on God manifests Himself, a video produced by Jain Studios in New Delhi (1989/1990), the complex question of representation is discussed with reference to two key principles that inform the audiovisual rhetoric of Hindu nationalism. First, the video demonstrates that the Hindutva politics of representation is based on the technique of 'intervisuality', whereby meaning emerges from the dynamic interplay of aesthetic and symbolic spaces and social practices. Second, Hindutva rhetoric relies on the use of 'wish-images', through which imaginary 'think-spaces' are opened that enable in ideologues to generate ideas of a crisis-ridden imagined community of Hindu nationals against the backdrop of a Golden Age and a utopian future. This includes the stereotypical fixation of the 'Muslim Other'. The article investigates the role of popular culture and religio-political practices as well as stylistic aspects of docu-drama, montage and special effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1920s, W.E. Gladstone Solomon, the nationalist sympathising director of Bombay's J.J School of Art, provided a remarkable description of that institution's blossoming hybridity: '. . . the Western buildings in which different departments of the School are housed almost seem, to knowledgeable eyes, to have been draped by the hands of their Indian students with invisible "saris".. . in the depths of their dark eyes are the fires of enlightenment, bus it is a Secret of their own Country that they are engaged in unravelling in the School of Art. This 'partialisation' and failure of the 'redemptive' colonial aesthetic project forms the core of this article which will attempt to place the interventions of the colonial state alongside enduring practices of vision and a radically reconfigured political context, all of which have helped determine the nature of modern India's popular visual archive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the political upheaval of 1989, a political concept has regained its significance, an idea, it was thought, that belonged to the past: the idea of the nation as the basis of international order and the foundation of political self-determination. The re-emergence of the nation as a model of political order contradicts the vision that post-war European integration would culminate in complete transnational unification of Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Religious nationalism represents an institutional project to transform the ontology of the social, to redefine the substance of collective representation, the principle of domination and the criteria for membership. Religious nationalism transforms the territorial nation-state into a vehicle in and by which to extend the materiality of its culturally specific categories, codes, values and narratives. It thereby challenges social theories, like that of Bourdieu, that deculturalize power, as well as those, like Alexander, that culturalize it in an institutionally restrictive manner. Religious nationalism is not a retreat to the premodern, but an effort to bound and energize the elemental modern moments, that of the self and the national-state. Religious nationalism represents the return to text, to the fixity of signs, the renarrativization of the nation in a cosmic context. It returns us to bodies and souls, a zone to be defended against things on the one side and beasts on the other. It offers a way to secure morality against an increasingly post-humanist world. Its discourse of difference seeks to bound the nation. Religious nationalism restores the binaries of inside and outside, us and them, good and evil, man and woman and centers them in sacred space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A number of writers have recently argued that nationalism is essentially a response to the uneven geographical development of capitalism or industrialism. In this part of the paper the most important problems confronting a theory of nationalism are outlined and the origins of this particular theory in twentieth-century Marxian thought are examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims to trace the beginnings of Frantz Fanon's preoccupation with the idea of nation, show the emergence of a recognizable nationalist doctrine and discuss some of the most important consequences on nationalism. Phases of Fanon's thought; Examination of Fanon's nationalism; Idea of Fanon on a well-established nation.

The article looks into the emergence of ethnicity and nationalism and the latter's association with communism in Eastern Europe. The author claims that ethnicity and nationalism can be attributed to modernity. Moreover, she explains that communism and nationalism are ideologies that emerge as specific responses at adjustment to the challenges of modernization. Meanwhile, she is confident that a merger is possible between Communist practice and nationalism. Furthermore, she emphasizes that nationalism in Communist countries in the region is a peculiar type of inverted nationalism.

The article focuses on the concept of nationalism in the social context. It notes that sociologists adopt the idea of nationalism to describe a sense of patriotism that goes beyond the love of country, extending to a belief in the superiority of one's own country and a willingness to harm other nations in its service. Critical topics such as economic struggle, social change, and political boundaries are discussed.