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There has been much recent scholarship on the importance of engaging students of all ages in the critical readings of texts. This study explores a group of pre-service teachers' responses to a set of experiences designed to encourage them to respond critically to several picture book versions of the American-Japanese conflict in World War II, focusing particular attention on Sadako by Eleanor Coerr (1993). Although a presentation by a visiting scholar from Japan highlighted the “constructedness” of the Sadako myth and outlined the historical and cultural inaccuracies of Coerr's telling of the story, the pre-service teachers in the study chose to believe the truth of the story and based their choices about teaching this literature to children on their pre-existing assumptions. The study examines reasons the pre-service teachers may have responded as they did and challenges teacher educators to develop more effective methods to support pre-service teachers as they select literature and develop their own pedagogical strategies to promote thoughtful critical conversations.

We have here two papers which build one upon the other. Smith's admirable treatment, a precis of her book, A Peril and a Hope, provides a reference point for Nelkin's, whose acute analyses of the contemporary movement are enriched by her historical perspective. Both papers raise important substantive issues about the politics of science; but just as Smith's paper provides a benchmark for Nelkin's, so it would seem that we need a historical frame for Smith's. Examination of certain key features of science and politics before World War II will increase our understanding of how the politics of science has changed since 1940 and how it has not.

The need to reclaim African territory – economically, socially, and politically – from imperialism and colonialism united Africans, especially after the Second World War, in pressing for the independence of African nations from colonialism is imperative. This period marked the emergence of Nationalism or Nationalist Movements in Africa. Nationalism presupposes African unity against European domination and rule in Africa or the creation in Africa united ‘nation-states’ as well as their economic and political transformation. Using the Nigerian case as analytical compass, this paper interrogates the concepts of Nationalism and Nationalist Agitations in Africa, especially during the colonial and the postcolonial periods. The paper employs historical and descriptive approaches and relies solely on secondary sources of data. The paper notes that, while all the ethnic-nationalities in Nigeria united against colonial rule and fought for its independence, sooner after independence in October 1960, the country began to divide against itself along ethno-religious-cultural cleavages. This division culminated in the Civil War fought between 1967 and 1970 and the continuous agitations by various ethnic-nationalities that make up the country either for more relevance within the larger Nigerian State or for outright abrogation of the State and creation of 'our own state'. These agitations are captured by the concept of Self Determination. The paper therefore concludes that there has been serious transformation in the meaning of Nationalism from what it used to mean under colonialism and presently under postcolonial state. The paper notes that this transformation is due in part to the colonial origin of the state itself and the insincerity of the postcolonial African leaders to make the state a 'nation-state'. To reawaken the Nigerianness nay Africanness nationalism, the paper recommends a political structure, which allows each ethnic-nationality some latitude of self-rule/governance in the likes of genuine federalism. Also there is need for spirited efforts at engendering good, transparent and fair governance, which will rapidly take many Africans out of the mouldy pond of poverty. This, we hope, will not only results in development of the states, but also transfer loyalties of the critical mass of the populace away from their micro ethnic-nationalities back to the state and strengthens the state against centrifugal forces.

Recent research has located the camp as the paradigmatic space that emerges when geopolitics and biopolitics intersect. In doing so, it has neglected another space that is indispensable for an understanding of the nexus of these two modalities of power: the nuclear bunker. This paper explores the West German government's now abandoned nuclear bunker in the Ahr valley. Constructed on the site of a subterranean World War 2 concentration camp, the bunker hosted a number of NATO exercises, which simulated nuclear war on German soil. Through an analysis of the site's military–strategic context and its technical and security features, the paper relates it to its predecessor—the camp—and uncovers a number of spatial overlaps and inversions between the two. Whilst similarly situated within a context of legal exceptionality, logistics, and total war, the concentrated and confined living space of the nuclear bunker turned the camp's logic of extermination inside out. The nuclear bunker was a concrete crypt in which sovereign power and total war sought to find eternal peace.

This is a paper written for the University of Toronto and adheres to it's standards. It was written and formatted in Chicago 17th style and uses written and digital scholarly and published sources. One source is the author's own translation of a German text. Otherwise, widely accepted English translations are used (i.e. original English translation of "Mein Kampf"). This paper covers the interrelationship between German colonial thought and German / non-German relationships on the Eastern Front during the Second World War, particularly relations with collaborationist states and Slavic volunteers to the Waffen SS.

Wars, conflict, and persecution have forced more people to flee their homes and seek refuge and safety elsewhere than at any time since the end of World War II. As displaced people and other migrants increasingly move out of the conflict-ridden and less developed regions of their displacement and into relatively rich and stable regions of the world, the countries of destination are increasingly working to contain and even stem the migration flow before it reaches their shores. Perversely, countries that have developed generally rights-sensitive standards and procedures for assessing protection claims of asylum seekers within their jurisdictions have simultaneously established barriers that prevent migrants, including asylum seekers, from setting foot on their territories or otherwise triggering protection obligations. Consequently, those who would otherwise have been able to avail themselves of asylum procedures, social support, and decent reception conditions are often relegated to countries of first arrival or transit that have comparatively less capacity to ensure protection of human rights in accordance with international standards. This paper seeks to develop a working definition of the externalization of migration controls and how such externalization of the border implicates the human rights of migrants, and asylum seekers in particular. Although the majority of those migrants seeking legal protections stay in countries neighboring their own, hundreds of thousands continue their journeys in search of protection and stability in more distant states, including in the European Union, the United States, and Australia. In response to the significant increase in asylum seekers arriving at their borders, all three entities have significantly increased deterrence measures with the hopes of keeping new arrivals from entering. This paper will thus highlight a number of the most troubling externalization strategies used by the European Union, the United States, and Australia. Finally, because rights-threatening externalization law, policies, and practices implicate the international legal responsibility of the destination states pursuing them, the paper will conclude by presenting recommendations that could strengthen protection of human rights in the context of state actions seeking to manage migration.

This paper discusses artistic representations of space in relation to constructions of national identity in Second World War popular icons (λαϊκές εικόνες). Due to their origins, name and production by private initiative rather than state directive, popular icons were not directly associated with propaganda or seen as means of state ideology. This paper argues that they are valuable primary sources that need to be studied in their own right, as carriers of official ideas in wartime that can contribute to understandings of cultural belonging in modern Greece, especially in reference to representations of space.

By using examples from food and domestic life in England during 1950, this paper examines the use of narrative archival sources as a methodological alternative to researching everyday food practices by traditional research methods, such as interviewing. Through the analysis of three diaries written for the Mass Observation Archive, and the everyday food practices expressed in these diaries, we consider the benefits and challenges of using narrative archival diary data to gain insights into food and eating during times of austerity. Before presenting and discussing the cases, we outline some of the challenges of researching food practices as a result of the muted, moral and mundane aspects of such practices. We then describe the study on which this paper is based, including a discussion of our methods and the reasons for using diaries and selecting our cases. Following this, we set the scene for understanding food and eating in 1950s Britain, such as contextual background about rationing during the Second World War, government policy and propaganda of the time. In our analysis of the three diaries, we discuss some of the ways in which the data have enabled us to ‘get at’ and provide insights into habitual food practices.

Reporting Under Fire: 16 Daring Women War Correspondents and Photojournalists. Kerrie Logan Hollihan. Chicago, Illinois: Chicago Review Press, 2014. 256 pp. $19.95 pbk.Beginning with her discussion of female war correspondents in the late 1880s, Kerrie Logan Hollihan set the groundwork for a series of profiles and a convincing argument. "Beyond one or two, you've probably never read their names, though several were celebrities in their day. Their stories are worth telling-and remembering," she says. All 16 of the stories she tells are compelling, worth telling-and remembering.For example, she tells the story of Peggy Hull reporting during World War I when women did not even have the right to vote yet savvy editors hired women to write ad copy and features from the "women's angle." Hull became the first American woman to "embed" with American forces. Along the Texas-Mexican border in the early 1900s, she went right along on the marches and never complained that her feet hurt.Similarly, Helen Johns Kirtland reported from France during World War I. Whereas her husband, Lucian, had no trouble gaining credentials that gave him access to the front lines in France, for Helen, the same rules did not apply. Not one woman was credentialed as a war correspondent in the fall of 1917.The social changes after World War I, including the right to vote, did not change their status on newspaper staffs. Nor did it change the magnitude of the achievement of female war correspondents. Irene Corbally Kuhn scooped the other news services, earning a $50 bonus, and made news of her own when she became the first person to make a radio broadcast across China in 1924.Throughout the book, Hollihan discussed the talents and strengths of female journalists such as Sigrid Schultz who, like so many of the female war correspondents, was gifted with instincts that led her to solid information. She picked up the art and science of "hanging around," building relationships with potential contacts and fruitful sources. Armed with such insights, Dorothy Thompson, in the early years of World War II (WWII), sized up Adolf Hitler as a "most unimpressive person" and shared her frank views, becoming the first reporter expelled by the Nazis. Time magazine named her the second most popular woman in the United States after First Lady Eleanor Roosevelt.The author also discussed how these pioneers in journalism were on the front lines of not only conflicts worldwide, but also of a changing profession. During WWII, Martha Gellhorn moved away from the flowery sentences commonly attributed to female journalists of the time to a more hard-hitting style of reporting. Gloria Emerson discovered that the best stories come from people doing their jobs. Similarly, Georgie Anne Geyer, a graduate of the Medill School of Journalism at Northwestern University in Chicago, was a trendsetter in modern reporting style at the Chicago Daily News, a paper she described as unlike any paper today focusing on straight reporting. …

Throughout the Second World War camouflage was employed to conceal and counterfeit the military’s presence in diverse landscape habitats; a technology designed to wipe out revealing patterns and inscribe false forms, all in order to make of enemy reconnaissance a glass eye. It was on the plains of the North African desert that the technology proved its effectiveness for military strategy. The desert was an expansive, shifting environment, demanding a new relationship between modern militarism and knowledge of the earth’s surface. Where aerial reconnaissance could threaten to expose military desert designs, other forms of visual literacy were developed to engage with the vertical, as well as the horizontal, plane, all in order to camouflage military movements. This paper critically considers the triangulation of the technology of the aeroplane, and the camera, alongside the granular surface of sand. It explores the working practices of British desert camoufleurs, a diverse group of practitioners, including artists, scientists, filmmakers and, less expectedly, a magician, who were handpicked by the military due to their skills in visual literacy. Their innovations in camouflage form a narrative focusing on the development of desert-based design practices that subsequently arose from military engagements with this environment. The paper seeks to show both the aesthetic and the political implications of these military incursions into the desert, telling how the militarization of the desert exploited a land of mirages to deadly effect.

During the mid-20th century there was new utility in combining scientific, artistic, and military knowledge for the development of effective military camouflage. When WWII was declared the military began recruiting seemingly disparate specialists, such as surrealist artists, a zoologist, and a magician to train in concealment: to become camoufleurs. Across diverse environments and battlefields these camoufleurs plied their trade of secrecy, in the process militarising landscapes and their knowledges. This paper will explore how camouflage was developed for different interrelated surfaces during war, whether for the sea in WWI, the earth, or in response to aerial warfare. In particular this paper will explore the surface of sand in the Desert War in WWII, which demanded a new relationship between modern militarism and knowledge of the earth’s surface, in order to develop effective camouflage. In turn, it will reveal that camouflage was a defining factor influencing the geographies of the desert as a theatre of war, transforming it into a bewildering topography requiring, as one soldier put it, ‘mental guts’. Keywords: camouflage, deception, desert, military

This paper gives a brief account of how doctors who were either native to or actively working in Tayside helped to shape the early development of cardiology. It exemplifies how important contributions to the understanding and practice of medicine can be made by an exceptional individual or an inspired team, no matter how unlikely the initial setting for their work might appear. The remarkable role that Sir James Mackenzie played in the understanding and fostering of this speciality in its infancy is outlined. The paper also describes the transformation of Dundee Royal Infirmary's meagre facilities after the Second World War into a dynamic centre of excellence in cardiology services in the 1960s, becoming in effect a prototype for the highly acclaimed 'embedding' of clinical care, teaching and research at the new Ninewells Hospital and Medical School in Dundee.

This paper examines the Hollywood Red Scare as one of the most prominent instances of Hollywood's implication in real-life politics. Occurring amid the fear of communist subversion of American society and anti-communist fervor that gripped the nation in the wake of the Cold War after World War II, the event was the Hollywood rendition of the anti-communist crusade. However, the Hollywood Red Scare was not a mere reflection or an extension of the concern of communist subversion and the anti-communist sentiment of the greater society. Nor did it occur to Hollywood by accident. This paper shows that the Hollywood Red Scare was also a response to internal developments, i.e., the challenges from organized labor and progressive politics of the 1930s. In other words, the Hollywood Red Scare provided an occasion to drive out militant labor, its supporters, and other radicals that gained ground during the 1930s. The ferocity of the Hollywood Red Scare was a testimony to the seriousness of these challenges from within as well as the fact that at stake was the control of an industry that had the enormous impact on popular imagination.

Despite the entrenched and long-term nature of the Italian and English North/South divide, this has not always been considered a relevant scale at which to redress spatial inequalities. To explain this apparent conundrum, this paper has two interlinked aims: (1) to investigate why, how, for whom and when the North/South divide is held to be a relevant ‘policy geography’ and (2) to explain the accompanying debates about the internal geography of this North/South divide. To do this, the paper develops a cultural politics of scales approach that compares the discursive (re)construction of the North/South divide in Italy and England by focusing on key moments, particularly the Keynesian consensus after the Second World War and the more current turn to neoliberal policies. Two parallel trends are identified: that support for an interventionist state and regional subsidies to poorer regions has decreased and that the North/South divide as a dual national partition has been dissolved into a micro-diverse geography. The paper concludes that the North/South divide is a contested political geography interpreted in different ways and used as a ‘discursive device’ by different actors to fit wider political projects.

CANADA'S VOICE The Public Life of John Wendell Holmes Adam Chapnick Vancouver UBC Press, 2009. 384pp, $32.95 paper ISBN 978-0774816724Adam Chapnick has written a fascinating and extremely well-researched book about John Wendell Holmes, whose work for the Canadian Institute of International Affairs covered three different periods of his life and is celebrated annually in an issue of the International Journal dedicated to his memory. Sandwiched in between his CIIA stints were 16 years in External Affairs, into which he parachuted during World War II in 1943 and from which he was secretively forced to resign in late 1959 as part of an ongoing purge of homosexuals in sensitive positions. In the fourth stage of his life, Holmes remained involved with the CIIA at a less intense level while teaching and mentoring postgraduates at the University of Toronto and Glendon College and commenting on Canadian foreign policy. Chapnick had access to Holmes's papers and carried out extensive interviews with former colleagues and friends. The resulting narrative weaves together a myriad of fascinating strands concerning Holmes, warts and all.Chapnick describes Holmes as embodying the ideals of postwar Canadian foreign policy. He was an integral part of the cadre of civil servants who dominated the Canadian public arena during the nation's formative years as a world player. "He played an equally crucial role in shaping the way that diplomats, scholars, and statespeople abroad understood Ottawa and its citizens," Chapnick writes. "For students and practitioners of international affairs at home and around the world, he was Canada's voice" (x).That someone whom Chapnick reveals as having a natural tendency towards indecision could end up playing such a role is just one of the many contradictions that come to light in the book. Holmes's trademark was to stress the importance of paradox in the formulation of Canadian foreign policy, and his own career and personal life were full of paradoxes in their own right. Some of Holmes's concerns and preoccupations (e.g., the importance of the Commonwealth and staying out of the Organization of American States) may have been somewhat overtaken by events, but many of his views, particularly the importance of managing relations with the United States and the value of the United Nations, still ring true today.Holmes's diplomatic career took him to London, Paris, Moscow, New York, the National Defence College in Kingston, and finally, "killer's row" in the east block of Parliament Hill, where he served as assistant undersecretary. He reached this level in half the time that it took most other diplomats. En route to London, Holmes carried a letter from George Ignatieff to Alison Grant proposing marriage. However, she was unable to decipher Ignatieff's handwriting and it was up to Holmes to propose marriage on his friend's behalf.A 10-month posting to Moscow as charge d'affaires in 1947-48 ultimately led to Holmes's dismissal from External in 1959 because of the homosexual affair he had while in the Soviet Union. (Chapnick points out that the affair was "not with a Soviet agent assigned to discredit" Holmes (113).) But during the late 1940s and through the 1950s, he was a close confidant of the senior establishment in Ottawa at both the political and bureaucratic levels, and he served as mentor to many young foreign service officers. While at the National Defence College, Holmes enunciated six principles of Canadian foreign policy. His analysis drew on Louis St. Laurent's Gray lecture of 1947, but emphasized the centrality of foreign trade, the need for a counterweight to the United States, and the importance of being realistic about the extent of Canada's international influence. …

In the early years of the Second World War the British had already begun post-war planning for education in Germany. They expressed a need to re-educate Germans and re-establish personal contacts with German people. One tool conceived to achieve these policy objectives was educational exchange. This paper will examine British educational exchange policy in post-war Germany, including how educational exchange came to be a part of post-war educational policy in Germany, what types of exchange programmes were established and how exchange programmes addressed educational policy objectives. It will focus on programmes for university level youth, utilising documentary evidence from archival sources and an historical approach to analysis. The aim of the paper is to provide a clearer conception of how educational exchange programmes between the British and Germans developed in the immediate post-war period.

In this paper I engage with the literature on nationalism and popular culture to discuss the role of Captain America Comics in the production of American national identity and national interest prior to World War 2. The character of Captain America is introduced as an example of a rescaling icon, or a bridge between collective identity and the individual. Additionally, the impact of the context in which the comic was produced is discussed as a force in the construction of American identity before the 1941 entry of the United States into the war. The empirical portion of the paper is a content analysis of the first ten issues of Captain America Comics, all predating the attack on Pearl Harbor. The analysis focuses on the ways in which American behavior is disciplined through the narratives in the comic book, as well as the ways in which nationalities are scripted into a moral geography.

This paper addresses the connection between war and masculinity through a case study of three generations of men in one family—the author's own. Gorham's great-grandfather, Charles Edward Gorham, born in 1842, served in the Union army during the Civil War. Her grandfather Henry Wilson Gorham wished he could have served in the First World War. Her father, postwar novelist Charles Orson Gorham, served in the Second World War. Using such primary sources as the Charles O. Gorham papers housed at the Howard Gottlieb Archival Research Center, Boston University; family papers in her possession; local history sources in St. Johnsbury, Vermont; as well as secondary literature on a variety of topics; Gorham presents an account of the experience of these three men. The case study is intended to contribute to a wider analysis of the intersections between dominant American conceptions of masculinity on the one hand, and war and violence on the other.

Han Fuju was the most senior military figure to be executed for treason during the wars that engulfed the world between 1937 and 1945. His crime was to withdraw his troops in the face of the invading Japanese armies. His execution helped to strengthen Chinese resolve to resist Japan. This paper looks at Han’s career, and at his end. It compares him to other failed commanders of the Second World War, Vlasov, Percival and Kimmel. The paper also notes the strange twist of history that has left Han celebrated for his humour as much as for his treachery.

This paper historicizes American cities after the Second World War through the rich motif of noir literature and film. But, in doing so, the paper is also a critical consideration of noir's work in urban studies. Noir has been drawn, often usefully but also unfortunately, away from its referents, from the terrain that it most directly summons but also from the spaces in which its contradictions are most apparent. Moving from a discussion of the distractions of Chinatown to contextual themes such as mobility and ruin, the paper links noir criticism and noir texts with broader debates in postwar urbanism and modernism. As just part of these discourses, noir not only is irreducible to certain essences, but can potentially perform the opposite role, challenging conventions of urban understanding and practice. The result would be a more detailed and subtle account of modernism's American geographies.

Pacific Citizens: Larry and Guyo Tajiri and Japanese American Journalism in the World War II Era. Greg Robinson, ed. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2012. 344 pp. $60 hbk.Studies of the Japanese American press during the war have tended to focus on news- papers published in the concentration camps set up by President Roosevelt's Executive Order 9066, which forcibly evacuated citizens of Japanese ancestry from the West Coast. Greg Robinson's book fills a gap in the historical record by examining the main Japanese American newspaper published outside the camps. Thriving Japanese American papers along the West Coast, home to 90% of Japanese Americans, shut down as relocation took away subscribers and staffs. Four papers continued to publish during the war in the Rocky Mountains, east of the exclusion zone. Of those, the Pacific Citizen, with its national circulation base of 7,000, was by far the largest. It moved from California, where it began as the newsletter of the Japanese American Citizens League, to Salt Lake City, Utah. Journalist Larry Tajiri and his wife, Guyo, agreed to put out a real newspaper, starting at first as a weekly and converting to biweekly. They worked on a shoestring budget, operating as the paper's sole journal- ists. They reported on issues of interest to Japanese Americans, including military service, camp riots, and civil liberties. In so doing, they earned high praise from Office of War Information Director Elmer Davis, who called Pacific Citizen the best weekly in America.Historians interested in the mainstream Japanese American journalism of the war can thank University of Quebec history professor Robinson for compiling and editing significant works of the Tajiris and opening a window to an American minority's response to troubled times. The newspaper remains the best single source for news for and about Japanese Americans during World War II.That this newspaper, or any Japanese publication, could exist during World War II remained an open question for several months after December 1941. Federal officials fretted about the possible security threats posed by newspapers published by citizens whose ancestors came from Axis countries. One option was to shutter them for the duration, another was to keep them open but impose censorship, and a third was to let them publish but monitor their content. Larry Tajiri argued for the third case in a 1942 letter to Alan Cranston, a bureaucrat in the Office of Facts and Figures and, much later in life, a U.S. senator from California. Japanese Americans needed their own press, Tajiri said. "People left in the dark are less likely to maintain a proper perspective and hence are more susceptible to be influenced by rumor and inimical gossip," he said in the letter, which the book reprints. In addition, the educational function of the press could prepare Japanese Americans to support "democratic and liberal" ideas.Chapters cover Larry Tajiri's prewar writings, wartime columns and editorials, writings that appeared in mainstream publications, wartime letters, postwar writings, and selections from his career after leaving Pacific Citizen in 1952. …

The arrival, and subsequent longevity, of the military in politics in much of the Middle East over the last 50 years or so has elicited considerable attention. This is, perhaps, particularly so in Turkey, where, since 1909, there has been only 10 years in which a fully civilian administration has governed. Recently, the collapse of the Kurdish Workers Party and the beginning of a process of constitutional amendment aimed at meeting EU accession criteria has sharpened the controversy over the role of the military in the Turkish polity. The aim of this paper is to contribute to this debate by analysing the methods through which military rule has been perpetuated since the Second World War. Using the work of the sociologists Eric Nordlinger and Michael Mann, I argue that two succinct regime strategies are discernible. The first – semi-authoritarian incorporation – was deployed throughout Turkey during the 1960s and 1970s. Following the 1980 coup, however, it existed alongside a second method – autocratic militarism – which emerged in south-east Anatolia. Thus, the primary purpose of this paper is to offer an explanation for the structure of these strategies.

With a flamboyant eight-month, multi-city promotion campaign USA Today drew news media and public attention to itself and to coin-operated newspaper vending machines. Beginning in September 1982, USA Today put 135,000 flashy vending boxes on American streets and in places where no one had ever put newspaper boxes before. The weekend prior to the New York City launch party, 3,000 blue and white USA Today pedestal boxes with tilted display windows were bolted to the city's sidewalks. (1) This caused other papers to respond and put more boxes on the street, providing a boost to the coin-operated newspaper vending box business. (2) Single-copy sales of newspapers have changed since newsboys shouted lurid headlines from downtown street corners and sellers nailed a canvas bag to a telephone pole next to a stack of papers and hoped the buyer would be honest and toss in a coin. (3) Today coin-operated newspaper vending boxes are everywhere. They line concourses at airports, stand outside hotels and restaurants and sit on suburban street corners in most metropolitan areas and many small cities. Newspaper vending boxes are now taken-for-granted as part of everyday life. Although almost entirely neglected by scholars, along with the study of newspaper circulation generally, (4) the boxes nevertheless have played a role in the changing circulation patterns of U.S. papers as they responded to the social changes that followed suburbanization. In Newspaper Circulation: Marketing the News, William Thorn and Mary Pfeil wrote, "Until recently, neither leaders of the newspaper industry nor scholarly commentators gave much attention to newspaper circulation. It got ... only the most cursory mention in histories of the press." (5) Their book begins to remedy the oversight. (6) As a further contribution, this article examines the growth of coin-operated newspaper vending machines before the introduction of USA Today in 1982 when the quantity and new style of its boxes caused other newspapers to increase their use of boxes. (7) According to Thorn and Pfeil, "The emergence of USA Today, with its heavy reliance on single copy sales and the competition it generated, has forced competing newspapers to pay greater attention to the nonsubscriber." (8) The vending box sellers provide the best beginning to filling in the historical record on the use of coin-operated newspaper vending boxes. While the pattern of suburbanization has varied from city to city (9) and individual newspaper circulation departments are idiosyncratic, vending box sellers had the entire nation as their marketplace. Research is being conducted on the legal challenges to the boxes, but no one as yet has begun to examine the use of vending boxes by newspapers. (10) As seen by sellers, the use of coin-operated racks began slowly and then had an explosive burst in the early 1970s followed by ever growing sales, until the introduction of the USA Today boxes prompted another sales spike. Individual papers in different cities responded to local conditions. However, the sellers of the vending boxes were connected to many papers in multiple cities and therefore provided an excellent beginning to telling the story of the use of the coin operated boxes that are now a ubiquitous part of everyday life. Metropolitan areas in the United States steadily expanded following World War II. (11) Central cities lost their domination of outlying areas as suburbanization changed where people shopped, voted and relaxed. Drastic changes in where people lived also altered how they got to work. For example, more than a quarter of the population of metropolitan Detroit used public transit in the early 1950s, but that fell to only 3.6 percent by 1980. In 1960, nearly two thirds of the workforce lived in the central city, but by 1980 that fell to 27 percent. (12) Changes in living patterns transformed cities, creating distribution problems for newspapers. Increased delivery distances affected circulation efforts at the same time carriers proved more difficult to hire and retain. …

The concept of venture capital originated in the US in 1946. A number of new technologies which could be commercially exploited had come up after the Second World War and funds given for such ventures were called venture capital investment. Though the venture capital movement has been in existence for more than three decades in India, it has only recently gained momentum. New ventures found it difficult to get funding from the banks as they did not have any collateral to offer. Hence, venture capital industry was started in India to fund such enterprises. Gujarat Venture Finance Limited (GVFL) was set up by the World Bank in 1990. Till date, it has funded 56 companies from all over the country. GVFL supports only technology-oriented companies. Funding is provided in stages. The money given at the seed or early stage is called angel funding. This paper documents how GVFL funded and nurtured a venture called Permionics which was involved in manufacturing an innovative water filter and helped it to grow into a commercially viable enterprise. This was not smooth sailing and the venture did not take off initially as the project required a lot of product innovation and market research for its feasibility. However, the venture capitalist persisted with the efforts in making the venture successful as he had faith in the product. Thus, he went beyond hand-holding and helped in the company's promotional effort, getting expert advice, solving internal disputes, coordinating strategic tie-ups, etc. After some trial and error, the product was finally relaunched and was a great success. The main conclusions emerging from this paper are: A venture capitalist's contribution is not just funding an enterprise but also seeing to its proper functioning. A venture capitalist provides necessary linkages to the entrepreneur for the growth of the enterprise. A venture capitalist not only provides moral support but also helps in forming the company. He is more of a partner than an outsider. A good venture capitalist sees the enterprise through its ups and downs until it becomes a commercially successful venture.

Poland was invaded by Nazi Germany on 1 September 1939 and World War II began on 3 September. Polish nurses have their place in this difficult history. In the first months of occupation, nurses focused on caring for wounded soldiers. In order to protect them from prisoner-of-war camps and execution, nurses sought safe havens for the wounded in private homes and transported them there. After their regular jobs, the nurses visited them, changed their dressings and provided them with civilian clothes so that soldiers could eventually escape. This paper describes the work of two of these nurses, Wanda Ossowska and Stanisława Leszczyńska. The first three authors (BD, SH, AJS) were nurses in Poland at that time and they present some of the information in this paper as primary source data.

This research note deals with the role of the media in assigning legitimacy to Germany's first participation in military action since the end of the Second World War. A content analysis of the war discourse in the editorials of the five leading German newspapers investigates the range of evaluations of the Kosovo war. Employing the concept of framing, a variety of competing diagnostic, prognostic and identity-related interpretations were identified. Controversial debate emerged around the procedural aspects of warfare. While the conservative papers emphasized the military options, the liberal papers directed attention to humanitarian and diplomatic efforts. Yet, the legitimacy of the war was hardly contested in any of the national prestige papers. These findings support the basic assumptions of the indexing thesis since the high degree of consent in the media system reflects the lack of substantial conflict in the German party system.

British cinema has traditionally looked to Europe for heroines who are sexually freer than their British counterparts while British politics is marked by a deep ambivalence about what it means to be European. This paper looks at the crossover between sexuality and politics by examining three British films made when the boundaries of the Cold War were being literally and symbolically drawn. It suggests that the power of the European woman depends on the way she combines sexual experience with a tragic knowledge of the Second World War, a knowledge which enables her to understand emotionally the post-war realities which escape the Anglo-Saxon protagonist. The paper argues that, while much film theory focuses on the repression of sexuality, in these films it is politics which is repressed while sexual relations are brought to the fore. British/European political relations are thus figured in sexual encounters but remain unresolved and Britain's ambivalent position on the fringes of Europe is confirmed. The question of Europe is a troubling one in British politics. It cuts through the attempted hegemonies which political parties try to build around nationality, the economy and class, as politicians call for a united British position on Europe and yet fail to achieve it. Although the questions are often posed as economic (should economic unity extend to a common currency? is Britain a net loser or gainer in financial terms?), the answers are framed in the context of a political and cultural history which shapes the terms which can be used to conceive of Britain's relationship with Europe. The question of Britain's complex cultural interaction with America has been the subject of debate in British cultural studies since its inception in the 1950s when Richard Hoggart (1958) in particular sought to define British working-class culture in order to assert its difference

Despite the vast academic and popular interest in the Dieppe raid of 19 August 1942, there remains a curious oversight of the German side of the story. This contribution interrogates German sources in order to explore the Dieppe air battle and its consequences from the perspective of the German armed forces. The paper ultimately demonstrates that the Germans learnt much about the role of air power in coastal defence from their experiences at Dieppe, but that the implementation of those lessons was lacking.

Postwar Greek foreign policy has attracted little attention, as scholars have tended to focus on the troubled 1940s, when the country became involved in the second world war, suffered a triple occupation and then went through a vicious civil conflict, which was one of the first incidents and a major chapter of the cold war.1 Unlike the 1940s, the period from the accession of Greece and Turkey to NATO until the Cuban missile crisis saw Greece able to embark upon reconstruction: the country was run by strong conservative governments, under Field-Marshal Alexandros Papagos (1952-5) and Constantinos Karamanlis (1955-63); its economy experienced a spectacular take-off; and except for the 1955-9 Cyprus crisis, Greece did not hit the international headlines. Compared to the previous decade, the south of the Balkans seemed quiet. Yet, several aspects of Greek foreign and defence policy in the 1950s are worth studying. This paper aims to analyse the system of alliances through which Athens hoped to achieve security in the early cold war period. It will be argued that Greece's military position was extremely difficult, and that apart from participation in NATO, Athens also tried to forge a series of bilateral relationships, with the aim of either strengthening the country's defences or denying other neighbouring powers to the Soviets. To use P. Kennedy's expression, the 'realities behind diplomacy' that Greece had to face, turned its search for security into a complicated political, economic, or even military exercise. The paper will also attempt to trace the role that Greek policy-makers attributed to the EEC with regard to security. As early as the 1950s, Greece stepped forward as one of the most ardent exponents of political as well as economic European co-operation, and became the first country to be associated with the Community in July 1961.

This paper analyzes the discourse of personnel psychology through reference to the work of Michel Foucault. It particularly focuses on the personnel psy chology discursive practices known as assessment centres, since they represent one of the most advanced technologies of personnel psychology and form part of 'best practice' prescription, both for efficient personnel management, and as a means of protecting equal opportunities. The discursive development of assessment centres is examined through a detailed analysis of their develop ment and deployment as War Office Selection Boards (or 'WOSBs') during the Second World War. The paper argues that the deployment of WOSBs deviated from prescribed practice and from the logic and discipline of person nel psychology discourse. In consequence, they could not remain a reliable guarantor of efficient personnel management, or protect equal opportunity. This deviation is discussed in relation to limitations of applying Foucauldian analysis to the study of discourse and human agency.

While contertrporary Australian industrial relations studies are focusing increasingly on the workplace, our understanding of the historical development of workplace industrial relations remains hazy. Nowhere is this more apparent than in the area of workplace labour management, and the role of the personnel manager. This paper seeks to rectify this neglect by analyzing the origins and development of the personnel function in manufacturing industry since the Second World War. Personnel initiatives in the areas of employment, selection and training are examined. The paper concludes that, while a tight post-war labour market provided a general impetus for the more widespread use of specialist personnel work, the nature of personnel practice varied widely between firms.

The Seminar of "Population and the Economy: From Hunger to Modern Economic Growth," held in Toyonaka, Japan, January 7-10, 1997, was cosponsored by IUSSP's Historical Demography Committee and the International Association of Economic History. The seminar objective was to provide a forum for the presentation and discussion of findings concerning the relationship between population and economic change in pre-industrial Europe and in non-European regions, both in the past and more contempo? rary times. Seminar organizers hoped to generate research that would bring us closer to filling existing gaps in our knowledge concerning Malthusian demographiceconomic dynamics. Although the role of migration as both a short and longterm adjustment mechanism to population pressures and economic stress has recently been emphasized in the literature, we still have limited knowledge concerning this mechanism. In the first paper presented at the Session on "Migration in Demographic Contexts," Massimo Livi-Bacci posited the hypothesis that nineteenth centu? ry European emigration served as an escape route from Mathusian population pressures. As background, he cited the fact that approximately 50 million Europeans left the continent between the mid-nineteenth century and World War II. Between 1860 and 1930, in Italy alone, the number of departures amounted to 25 million, with a net loss of 8 million individuals. He noted that if this emigration had not taken place Italy's population today would be larger by 25 million. Equally significant was that this escape route was cho? sen by some countries but not others. For example, while Italy exhibited a propensity for large-scale emigration, France did not. He proposed then that the task for demographers is to unearth the factors behind this phenomenon and the reasons that explain why they played themselves out in some settings but not others. Possible starting points include investigations concerning the ability of native manufacturing sectors to absorb surplus rural labor, factors leading to increases in rural populations, and the role played by American demand for labor. In his paper "Migration, Marriage, and Population in the Netherlands, 1500-1900" Jan de Vries considers the role of migration in the patterns of

Newspaperman: Inside the News Business at The Wall Street Journal. Warren H. Phillips. New York, NY: McGraw-Hill, 2011. 306 pp. $30.00 hbk.The Wall Street Journal is the largest circulation daily newspaper in the United States, and its circulation has risen in the past decade when most other newspapers have reported a decline. Journalism students and academics interested in how the paper got where it is today should read Warren Phillips's account of more than forty years at the paper, starting as a lowly copy editor and rising to CEO of its parent company, Dow Jones & Co.While Newspaperman: Inside the News Business at The Wall Street Journal is part autobiography, Phillips also takes the reader behind the scenes of many of the important decisions at the Journal and Dow Jones, such as its diversification efforts in the 1970s and 1980s. Phillips was at the helm for a good chunk of that growth. Between 1975, when Phillips was named CEO, until his retirement in 1991, Dow Jones saw its revenue grow from $200 million to $1.7 billion, and its profits increase by a similar rate.Phillips graduated from high school at the too-young age of fourteen, and by the age of twenty-three he was the Journal's London bureau chief; by thirty, he was managing editor. His management style was guided by his mentors, including Barney Kilgore, who took over the company in the 1940s and is credited for much of the Journal's growth after World War II. While Phillips spent much of his early career focusing on producing quality content for the paper, he also saw business opportunities, such as when he was dispatched to Chicago to oversee the Journal's new Midwest edition and discovered the paper had yet to tap a number of potential readers across the country. The book also discusses many of the failures of the Journal and Dow Jones, such as the insider trading scandal of the mid-1980s, when reporter J. Foster Winans tipped a stockbroker offto positive and negative mentions in an investing column, and the disastrous Telerate acquisition, which failed, according to Phillips, because of the departure of several key managers who knew the business best.The strength of his writing, however, is in retelling the trials and tribulations of being a European correspondent in the years after World War II, from finding sources willing to talk to transmitting the stories back to the States. For any student who wants to be a foreign reporter, these parts of the book are well worth reading. Although his entry into management is also interesting, Phillips fails in many respects in retelling this story because he does not provide enough detail. …

Families with children born to Danish mothers and German soldiers during WWII often resorted to secrecy to ward off discrimination and harm. Not knowing their origins, though, could have long-term consequences for the identity formation of these children born of war (CBOW). Based on a qualitative analysis of personal testimonies and interviews, this paper shows that the secret burdened, protected, and implicated the CBOW in the case studies in different ways at different points in their lives. This article approaches secrecy not only as a root cause of CBOW identity crisis, but also as a potential resource for resilience through memory work.

The paper analyses the West-Berlin pathway to the “car-friendly city” in the context of the Cold War. It starts by retracing some long term continuities since the 1920s and gives special attention to the institutional settings and power struggles within the municipal authorities. The prospective character of the planning for the “Stadtautobahn” since 1945 which was far ahead of the real motorisation of the time is explained by the strong political and ideological intention to demonstrate the superiority of the Western life style. The Berlin case is reflected in the context of projects for ring-roads in other European cities.