Search

This paper reconsiders liberal nationalism in light of the current autocratic nationalist threat. I argue that liberal nationalism cannot redress the social ailments which acclimatize people to the sorts of no-holds-barred political contestation favoured by autocratic nationalists – excessive polarization. I then argue that liberal nationalists do not recognize the degree to which 'in-group' racial solidarity motivates members of the racial/ethnic majority to preserve their status, and that the liberal nationalist approach to defending minorities' rights therefore risks either emboldening the majority to embrace autocracy or consolidating social hierarchies between the majority and minorities. On these bases, I show that democrats must seek to not only detach race/ethnicity from nationality but also redress those problematic racial/ethnic hierarchies. This suggests the need to develop liberal nationalism into multiculturalist nationalism. Multiculturalist nationalism, however, promises a sort of bounded solidarity that does not include all citizens: it makes use of targeted political antagonism against anti-democrats like White supremacists and Identitarians to help diffuse any social antagonism that might exist among minorities, inclusive members of the majority, and cultural conservatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author responds to reviews on his book "Governing Social Risks in Post-Crisis Europe." He says that the book is an attempt to practice the methodologies he commended in the earlier book. According to him, the problems that all the reviewers see with the book explain why so many authors adopt the simple typology approach.

This article focuses on the nationalist constructions that have influenced American identity and attempts to discern the resonances that these modes might produce in literary creation. To engage this topic, the inquiry first examines the multilateral influences on the formation of collective identity through attention to governmental and political social engineering; and, second, the article explores the progression of the historiographic imaging and imagining of cultural proprietorship of the America continent as it has been projected through cultural media. The aim is to characterize the structures that place a contrived primordialism in the image of specific population demographics and to explore the attendant literary and cultural expressions of this phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the interpretation of nationalists on the blood donation activity in India. It examines how Indians read integrative messages into the practical procedures in which blood were distributed and donated by culture. It highlights how the Nehruvian ideology of national integration possesses a compelling presence in the Indian blood donation milieu. In addition, the difference traversing gift that demonstrates the important roles of enumeration, anonymity and an array of technical and imaginative is also given.

The article examines the unmaking of French nationalism after the Dreyfus Affair citing the role of Catholic women. The nationalists' women's group in Rouen, France, the Dames Queteuses decided to devote its efforts and funds to the mounting political fight to save church orders from government-mandated dissolution. The decision caused a serious problem for the Ligue de la Patrie Francaise because Dames had raised significant funds that supported the nationalist committee.

During the Spanish Civil War of 1936-39, an estimated 50,000 executions took place in the Republican zone. Of these, around 9000 were killed in the Spanish capital. Explanations of Republican violence still tend to assume that it was the work of ‘uncontrollables’ and frequently cite Agapito García Atadell as an example. Atadell led a brigade of 48 men that spread terror in Madrid during the summer of 1936 before he attempted to escape for Cuba that October. However, he was captured in the Nationalist-held Canaries and executed in July 1937. This article considers whether Atadell was really an ‘uncontrollable’. It shows not only that Atadell was a significant figure in Madrid's Socialist movement before the Civil War but also that his brigade was the result of an initiative by the Socialist Party bureaucracy in early August 1936 to reinforce the police with loyal Republicans. This does not imply the existence of a Republican ‘programme of terror‘. It suggests that the brigade operated autonomously in its pursuit of dangerous ‘internal enemies’. It also argues that the brigade was widely perceived to be efficiently defending the Republic against the ‘Fifth Column’ and that Atadell's departure did not harm the career prospects of many of his subordinates in the reorganized Republican police after 1936. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]