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This article introduces the special issue on policy work at the sub-national government level and non-governmental sector in three countries: Australia, Canada, and the Czech Republic. It consists of three parts. First, new public governance theory is presented as a general theoretical perspective that captures some of the important macro factors influencing the nature of current policy work. Second, an overview of empirical findings on policy work of subnational governments and NGOs is provided. This review discusses different possible interpretations of these findings. Third, main findings from each paper presented in this special issue are summarized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Under Australia's federal system subnational governments fund the delivery of a wide range of public services. In particular, state and territory governments have increasingly looked to the non-profit sector to deliver human services under contract. Over time, the contracting regimes employed by public sector commissioners have taken on more 'relational' characteristics, accompanied by a gradual softening of public sector resistance to non-profit sector input into policy development. Nevertheless, the Australian non-profit sector is fragmented and, although policy capacity within the sector has undoubtedly matured, it is also unevenly distributed. Almost two decades of contracting has left its mark on organisational culture. There are fears within the non-profit sector that it is organisations with the largest 'market share' that gain a seat at the policy table. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Middle power theory is enjoying a modest renaissance. For all its possible limitations, middle power theory offers a potentially useful framework for thinking about the behavior of, and options open, to key states in the Asia-Pacific such as South Korea, Japan and Australia, states that are secondary rather than primary players. We argue that middle powers have the potential to successfully implement ‘games of skill’, especially at moments of international transition. Frequently, however, middle powers choose not to exercise their potential influence because of extant alliance commitments and the priority accorded to security questions. We substantiate these claims through an examination of the Australian case. Australian policymakers have made much of the potential role middle powers might play, but they have frequently failed to develop an independent foreign policy position because of pre-existing alliance commitments. We suggest that if the ‘middle power moment’ is to amount to more than rhetoric, opportunities must be acted upon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Federalism is associated with a range of political values, but their institutionalization in practice varies significantly. This article uses a new empirical approach to measuring “federal political culture” through the Australian Constitutional Values Survey, to explore the gap between theory and reality. It presents analysis by gender to demonstrate the approach, highlighting the importance of resolving the mix of theory and practice needed to understand contemporary preferences in institutional design. Overall, Australians were shown to be predominantly federalist in their values. However, women were on average somewhat stronger federalists than men, being stronger supporters of decentralism and legal diversity, while also being somewhat less likely than men to consider that Australia’s present system delivers adequately on these values. The findings contribute to federal reform debates. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article evaluates the success of the Australian Democrats, a minor party that gained parliamentary representation in federal politics from 1977 until 2008. The party's contribution to Australian democracy is analysed in three areas: electoral, organisational and parliamentary, according to a broader notion of success that incorporates a party's longer term impact on the processes and culture of politics. Somewhat ironically, factors that contributed to the Democrat's success also brought about its downfall: the party's organisation, its electoral performance, parliamentary focus and the balance of power position the party held in the Senate that allowed it to negotiate with the major players. Nevertheless, the Democrats' activities mobilised other minor parties and created a lasting expectation in the minds of Australians that the Senate is an important forum for legislative scrutiny—more than a mere ‘rubber stamp’. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Extraterritorial processing schemes are designed to prevent and deter access to statutory and judicial safeguards in the country responsible for the interception and transfer of asylum seekers to a third country. In line with this objective, they incorporate interdiction, transfer and processing practices and standards that are deliberately isolated from the national legal and institutional protections within either the intercepting state or the third country where processing occurs. Australia's recent disbandment of its extraterritorial processing centres in third countries highlights the fact that extraterritorial processing schemes have proven unworkable as a matter of international law, as they negate the national safeguards fundamental to the satisfaction of a state's protection obligations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political leaders matter again. The study of political leaders, particularly prime ministers, has been an under-researched area, yet the leadership discourse is back on the agenda. This article puts prime ministerial predominance into this context using comparative analysis to examine prime ministerial leadership in Australia and the UK and evidence from the tenures of Tony Blair and John Howard. The article contends that similar centralising tendencies, personal projection and autonomy from established structures were evident in the tenures of these two prime ministers. Ultimately, this created dislocation (of varying degrees) between the leaders, followers and the wider electorate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Australian Government takes the position that it does not owe protection obligations to an asylum seeker who could have sought protection elsewhere. In taking this position it is purporting to invoke the so-called ‘safe third country’ principle which has developed out of international practice. This article examines Australia's purported applications of the ‘safe third country’ principle and concludes that in some instances they represent an attempt to extend that principle beyond what the international community presently considers acceptable or ever should consider acceptable. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses indigenous rights in Australia and the human rights monitoring treaty bodies of the United Nations (UN) as of January 2002, focusing on an analysis of the reported confrontations between the Australian government and groups such as the UN Human Rights Committee. The Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission statutory body in Australia is addressed, along with the nation's Native Title Act 1993 and the self-determination of the indigenous peoples in Australia.

Compares the welfare state system and personal social services in Great Britain and Australia. Degree of convergence between welfare states as a result of global economic forces; Framework to describe changes in the countries' social welfare since the 1970s.