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Studies on effective distribution practices specific to the paper industry are largely non-existent. Therefore, through our exploratory research, we first identify key elements of physical distribution in existing literature. Secondly, we empirically investigate the extent to which these elements influence non-cost-based (such as inventory turnover, order fulfillment etc.) measures of distribution performance in the paper industry. Using a sample of 95 National Paper Trade Association member firms, we create three performance groups (low, medium, and high). Then, we use analysis of variance (ANOVA) to test for any differences in the adoption of the physical distribution elements among these groups. Further, through partial least squares regression analysis, we attempt to identify those elements of physical distribution which may be most critical in explaining the differences in distribution performance. Our results provide general support for the importance of the key elements identified in this study.

The powerful reverberations of Mary Wilkins Freeman's "The Revolt of 'Mother'" lasted for decades. (1) The story, which connected issues of gender, control of finances on the farm, and the role of the home in keeping the family united, was read in city and rural homes, high school and college classrooms, and was performed in public readings and amateur theatricals. It furnished a starting point for early twentieth-century discussions of the lives of farm women and inspired other stories about farm women's control of finances and improving the lives of rural families. One such story was Nina Sutherland Purdy's "Mothering: The Story of a Revolt" (1916), reprinted here. Nina (pronounced Nine-uh) Sutherland Purdy was born in Delaware County in rural New York in 1889, the year before "The Revolt of 'Mother'" was published. Her stories and articles appeared intermittently from 1915 through the 1940s in venues ranging from the elite, like the children's magazine St. Nicholas, to the popular. Her writings included two children's books, a 1916 antiwar story entitled "The Safety-Pin," a series of "Mandy" stories published in Woman's World (discussed below), a group of biographical articles in the 1920s for Everybody's Magazine, and pieces for pulp magazines like Love Story and All-Story Cavalier Weekly. Purdy also worked on at least one radio serial. Despite her range of venues, however, she seems to have published sporadically. She married three times and lived in New York City as a writer. Making her own compromise between rural and city life, however, she spent part of each year at the family farm in Downsville, dying nearby in 1952. Purdy's own movement between rural and city life as an educated woman with a BS and an MA was representative of larger trends of the time. These biographical details and the publication circumstances of both "Mother" stories illuminate the relationship between Mary Wilkins Freeman's 1890 "Revolt of 'Mother'" and its 1916 partial namesake. WOMAN'S WORLD, FARM WOMEN'S DISCONTENT, AND CONSUMERISM Purdy's five stories for Woman's World in 1915 and 1916 are about the forward-looking Mandy, head of the Benson Hollow Women's Neighborhood Improvement Society and a central character in "Mothering: The Story of a Revolt." Mandy encourages women around her to be more sympathetic mothers and to enjoy themselves. (2) Unlike an earlier generation of regional writers who were attentive to the specifics of their localities, Purdy created characters who speak a kind of all-purpose country dialect, as though to give them a rural tone but not to exclude readers who lived in different parts of the country. Characters in Mandy's Benson Hollow, for example, speak roughly the same dialect as do characters in "Honeymoon Overdue," a later story set among nineteenth-century southern New Jersey lumbermen. Purdy's stories, then, represent a new offspring of regionalism: ruralism without region. Sinclair Lewis's Main Street exemplifies such work, suggesting that the small town locale is representative rather than specific: "The town is, in our tale, called 'Gopher Prairie, Minnesota.' But its Main Street is the continuation of Main Streets everywhere. The story would be the same in Ohio or Montana, in Kansas or Kentucky or Illinois, and not very differently would it he told Up York State or in the Carolina hills" (3). Although Purdy herself was from New York's Catskill Mountains, in "Mothering" and her other stories for Woman's World, Benson Hollow is located in indeterminate rural space, unanchored in specific landscape or history. Even its cows, hay, and strawberries could be raised nearly anywhere. Instead of regional specifics, the stories emphasize tension between the farm and the alluring city. This pull between rural and urban life was highly relevant in the 1910s, which saw the beginnings of a national discussion of farm life that focused on women. Theodore Roosevelt's 1908 Country Life Commission suggested that farm women be helped with their heavy workloads; a 1913 Department of Agriculture survey followed. …

RA mong the papers of the Campbell family, earls of Loudoun, at the Huntington Library are a large number of letters and notes relating to the Jacobite rebellion of 1715 and its aftermath-material that appears to have been overlooked in the numerous works on Jacobitism that have appeared in recent years.1 Composed by prominent correspondents, including the countess of Loudoun; the second earl of Stair, Lord Glenorchy; and the third earl of Balcarres, Colin Lindsay, these letters provide perceptive observations on current affairs, home and foreign, during the turbulent period 1715-17. Specifically, the material illuminates the military aspects of the rebellion and its suppression. The aim of this note is to draw attention to this material and to provide a list, with brief summaries, of the more important letters in the collection. The manuscripts indicate that while Argyll felt confident of dealing with the rebel threat from the north, he declined to advance in that direction partly because his cavalry would be hampered in the Highlands and partly because he feared the prospect of being attacked by the rebels from the south. What ultimately proved decisive was Jacobite military blundering-well chronicled in the Loudoun papers-and the superior military leadership that the royal army enjoyed. The letters also show that the rising of 1715, although perhaps triggered by private ambitions-the earl of Mar's in particular-was given impetus and sustained by more general discontent with the workings of the Union. It also seems clear from the documents that what dealt a decisive blow to the Jacobite cause was the death of Louis XIV in September 1715, an event that, as Bolingbroke

Philosophical Troubles is the first volume of Saul Kripke’s collected papers. It was originally to be called Bandersnatches in Dubuque, and Other Philosophical Troubles, after the observation, of which more later, that “whatever bandersnatches may be, certainly there are none in Dubuque.” The contents are nontechnical, with the partial exception of “Outline of a Theory of Truth” (1975). There are four canonical papers that most of us will have read; three lesser-known recent publications, on Russell, Frege, and presupposition; and six papers, almost half the volume, that appear only here.

Aspects of the draft white paper on education and training may have a negative impact on gender disparities. Desiree Daniels critiques the document from a gender perspective and offers suggestions to ensure gender equity in restructuring education and training

The Remarks on the Craftsman's Vindication, published in the first few days of June 1731, was an attack on William Pulteney and Henry St. John, Viscount Bolingbroke, de facto leaders of the opposition to George II's first minister Sir Robert Walpole and cofounders of the weekly Craftsman. The pamphlet was inspired by the high-handed apology for himself and Pulteney with which Bolingbroke had concluded his Remarks on the History of England, an enormously popular exercise in partisan historiography published in the Craftsman from 13 June 1730 (No. 206) to 22 May 1731 (No. 255). The pamphlet went through eight London editions and one Dublin edition as well as a second impression of the first edition, an unnumbered edition that appended Bolingbroke's "vindication" from Craftsman 255, and a pirate of this omnibus edition. The Remarks on the Craftsman's Vindication was the subject of at least thirteen other pamphlets and several newspaper-leaders published during the summer of 1731. Much of the discussion concerned the pamphlet's authorship. Because Walpole himself was rumored to have had a hand in the pamphlet's composition, the debate, if inconclusive, was often passionate.1 Examining the charges, dodges, and denials that characterized the discussion of authorship allows us to speculate meaningfully about relations between the government and the progovernment press at a time

The review and analysis presented here indicate that it is both economically desirable and technically feasible for the pulp and paper industry to use the best known and available controls and treatments to safeguard the nation's waters. Government environmental authorities have overestimated the negative economic impact of mills adopting the technologies necessary to control effluents; they have overestimated the degree to which Canadians benefit from what are intended as temporary concessions on discharge controls to protect employment and income. Perhaps even more important, environmental authorities have failed to take into account adequately the enormous costs they may be imposing on present and future generations of Canadians as a result of concessions to pulp and paper manufacturers.