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China has highlighted the "peaceful rise (heping jueqi)" in its projection of power, and the slogan will be retained during the second-term of Hu Jintao after the 17th National Party Congress. To corroborate the ideas, the country has been adopting various "soft power (ruan shili)" tools, and, in Asia at least, China's "charm offensive" has been working effectively, according to Joshua Kurlantzick.Recently, however, the ascendancy of China's soft power has been challenged in one of its neighboring countries, South Korea. The perception of South Koreans regarding China has been skewed to be negative for the past couple of years. On the other hand, in China, the "Korean Cultural Wave (hanliu)" has apparently started its ebb and has frequently faced "anti-hanliu" discourses, which are an extension of Chinese nationalism, practically employed by the communist party of China. Against this backdrop, my paper will try to 1) elaborate the current mutual perception between Korea and China; 2) address major factors affecting the mutual perception; and, 3) discuss what is the significance of the changing mutual perception to the current and future relations between Korea and China.For this paper, I will mainly rely on archive research and interview. For example, I will exam Chinese and Korean journal articles, reports, and empirical survey data. Also, I will visit China and Korea this summer to conduct interviews with Korean and Chinese professors and bureaucrats. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines South Korea?s threat perception toward the People?s Republic of China (PRC). First, it compares South Korea with East Asian countries including Japan and Southeast Asian states regarding the China threat discourse. It discovers reasons why the Republic of Korea (ROK) has been relatively reticent regarding the China threat, in contrast to other East Asian countries. Second, relying on the Walt?s Balance of Threat (BOT) theory, this paper studies how the BOT theory plays out in the South Korea?s view to the PRC. Lastly, it examines how the threat perception causes the cooperation between Seoul and Beijing. This paper provides two contributions to International Relations theory. First, it provides an opportunity to apply the Walt?s BOT theory to the East Asian case. It discovers why the BOT theory cannot exclusively account for the ROK-China case. Second, in contrast to previous studies that merely discover the balancing behavior in accordance to the levels of threat perception, this paper studies the linkage between threat perception and cooperation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Economic integration has been progressing rapidly in Northeast Asia, particularly among Japan, China, and South Korea, and a large volume of industrial and cultural products flow across the region. Despite high-level economic integration, the three countries have not developed an institutional arrangement to stabilize regional politics. To the contrary, Japan and the other two countries continue to dispute over issues related to Japan?s wartime past, including controversies over Yasukuni shrine and Japan?s history textbooks. Based on the constructivist approach, this paper explains why the three countries fight over these issues, focusing on state identity and politics of recognition. Japan developed its state identity mainly through interactions with the United States. Japanese leaders emphasize that Japan, as a liberal democratic country, has developed a pacifist stance after World War II. They want other countries to recognize that their actions, including the prime minister?s visit to the shrine, are consistent with the pacifist stance. In contrast, the memory of Japan?s past colonial rule plays an important part in China and South Korea?s state identity formation. State leaders in each country denounce the colonial rule as unjust invasion while praising past nationalist leaders? fight against it as patriotic. They demand Japan?s current leaders to recognize (acknowledge) wrongdoings of Japan?s colonial rule, opposing any actions that imply Japanese leaders? support for or tolerance of the colonial rule. Through the analysis of the current controversies between the three countries, this paper develops a theoretical discussion of identity and recognition in international relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The expansion of health biotechnology and research into new health biotechnologies raise important questions for international governance. Health biotechnologies, in particular the "engineering" of human tissue, raise new and difficult regulatory issues. This paper focuses on the issue of regulatory arbitrage in the field of embryonic stem cell research. The first part of the paper focuses on the phenomenon of regulatory arbitrage itself. What are the political and economic drivers behind the variance in national regulatory frameworks, variance that creates the incentives for regulatory arbitrage? What is the impact of international arbitrage on the regulation of research in health biotechnology? The second part of the paper evaluates potential governance options for managing regulatory arbitrage: it sets out a typology of forms of international governance and evaluates recent efforts to build or utilise existing international structures to provide elements of governance for embryonic stem cell research. Regulatory arbitrage occurs because researchers and investors are internationally mobile, able to move between countries to capture the benefits of different regulatory regimes. Regulatory regimes for embryonic stem cell research continues to diverge sharply, even amongst those countries where such research is permitted: the paper compares the regulatory regimes in China, South Korea, the UK and the US. These differences reflect tradeoffs made at the level of the state, compromises between the drive to maintain global competitiveness via investment in the "knowledge-economy", of which biotechnology is a key component, and the complex cultural politics that determine the status of the human embryo in different societies. Societies with relatively permissive regulation may try to leverage their advantage by encouraging regulatory arbitrage, as illustrated by the example of the World Stem Cell Hub. Inaugurated by the Koreans in 2005, the Hub was intended to provide an institutional framework for the international exchange of research materials: scientists from the US and Europe would send human tissue to be processed for research purposes, tissue that had been harvested in jurisdictions where such work would be illegal. However, the fate of the ill-starred Hub underscores the need for regulatory frameworks to manage globalized research: it was effectively destroyed shortly after its inauguration, brought down by revelations about unethical research (and faked results) in the Hwang group, the world-famous South Korean research group at the centre of the Hub. Despite these problems, international initiatives in stem cell research continue: for example, there is widespread interest in "outsourcing" research to China, attracted by its relatively permissive regulatory regime and pool of low-cost skilled research staff. There is, however, increased awareness of the importance of good governance to underpin international cooperative efforts and manage regulatory arbitrage. The second half of the paper focuses on international governance options, outlining a typology of potential governance structures, characterised in terms of geographic scope (global, transnational, regional) as well as organisational remit (how far does it range beyond health biotechnology) and organisational type (formal or informal, centralised or network, public or private). This typology provides the framework for an analysis of efforts to create international governance regimes for embryonic stem cell research... ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main goal of this paper is to examine how the Korean government has corresponded to a sudden increase of international marriages. International marriages begun to increase sharply since the mid 1990s, and in 2005 international marriages reached 13.6 percent of total marriage cases. Such trend mostly results from marriages between Korean men and foreign women from China and South Asia. Most of foreign wives have settled in Korea. As a result, international marriages entail the matters of citizenship, national identity and social integration of foreign wives and their families. Therefore, international marriages are no longer a private issue, but a public concern in which the state needs to intervene. To cope with these challenges, the Korean government decided to move toward multi-cultural society despite it could have stuck to a tradition of single race and homogeneous society. The government revised the patrilineal Nationality Law, and began to give the right to vote in local election to permanent residents. Finally in 2006 the government announced the comprehensive policies for multicultural society including language support for foreign wives, support for children of international marriages in school, and provision of social welfare to foreign wives. In order to explain the incremental shifts from controlling policy to integration one, I would like to focus on the domestic political structures in terms of state-society relations, especially the dynamic process among the state and pro-migrant NGOs. I will argue that growth of Korean NGOS, the strong ties between the government and these civic groups as a consequence of democratization are the key factors to explain the changes of the policies ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In East Asia, international politics is so intense based on the political division among nations. Korea is divided to North and South, China is politically divided, and Mongolian people live in part of China as inner Mongolia and outer Mongolia itself. The divided East Asia had long been categorized as non-democratic region, but after World War II, the U.S. occupation democratized Japan, and it became a fortress of democratization in the region in the following years in spite of the development of Cold War in East Asia. In this paper, various democratic indices are discussed first to evaluate the historical background and social entities on developing democratic society in East Asia: the indices are from Freedom House, Polity IV Project, and Arthur Banks. Although these Indices could not tell every democratic aspect of each society, but they are at least considered as a guidepost to take a close look at democratic transformation of East Asia. Secondly, the logit model on religious diversity is tested with socio-economic indices and democracy index. The result shows that Buddhism is not related with democracy significantly negatively nor positively. This indicates that democratization in East Asia holds East Asian religious culture would not directly confront the development of democratic politics and society. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Korea?s international position is a complex mix of pressures. Focused overwhelmingly on the last vestige of the Cold War ? its unresolved division of the peninsula into North and South ? South Korea must also manage its alliance with the United States, devise a modus vivendi with a massive and dynamic China, and resolve its relationship with Japan. To that end, over the past decade, a fairly clear South Korean grand strategy has emerged, one that emphasizes economic over military issues, accommodation rather than confrontation of China, and a slowly evolving alliance with the United States. The centerpiece of this grand strategy has been a strategy of engaging North Korea economically while downplaying the nuclear issue. This paper will make three main points. First, in terms of overall national security strategy, South Korea has committed itself to a strategy of interdependence and engagement with North Korea. As a result, South Korea?s engagement strategy will continue to have consequences for regional policy toward North Korea, for the U.S. role in the region, and for China?s influence. Second, South Korea?s development has depended on being deeply engaged in the regional and global economy, and this orientation has actually increased in the wake of the Asian financial crisis a decade ago. Indeed, South Korea ? as with many East Asian states ? has increasingly begun to look regionally for its economic partners, especially to China, and away from the United States. Third, South Korea firmly desires to continue its close relationship with the United States. However, South Korea?s national priorities are regional, and differ from Washington?s global priorities. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Information technology (IT) is frequently presumed to be a mobilizing force behind democratization. However, some studies (Kalathil and Boas, 2003) have shown that IT can also be used by governments to consolidate control over their citizens. This research compares the impact of information technology on civil society in China and South Korea. IT has empowered individuals and groups in both countries by providing opportunities to access various information and perspectives. However, there are major differences between these two countries: first, regarding the issues people raise in online communities; and second, regarding the way online and offline communities interact. In China, it is prohibited to raise or debate any political issues online. Chinese leaders attempt to control every facet of the Internet through two main strategies; filtering material and promoting self-censorship through regulation, policing and punitive action. Consequently, most of the online communities that deal with anti-government, democracy, and individual rights have not been connected to offline rallies or gatherings. In contrast, in South Korea, people have no restrictions on raising issues, such as criticizing government policies, laws, and political leaders, even the president, online. During the past five years, South Korea has experienced the power of netizens in general and presidential elections and even support of the Korean team in the 2002World Cup. Most of these activities have been organized in two ways: (1) From Online to Offline; and (2) From Offline to Online. The contrast between the two countries provides an opportunity to demonstrate that while information technology can foster the decentralization of power over information from government to non-governmental actors, it can also facilitate the development of networks that can enhance government surveillance and insert new control mechanisms, by virtue of how they are constructed. This research is constructed around concrete cases showing various online activities in China and South Korea. In order to understand the process and context by which events and actions take place in both countries, the analysis of these cases is based on a combination of in-country interviews, primary and secondary literature, and an examination of online materials such as diverse online forums and organizations. In doing so, this paper attempts to answer four questions: Have IT helped citizens to gather more information and to have more opportunity to participate in policy making or government affairs?; Have the government (regulation) policies of each countryinfluenced the way people use IT?; Are the effects different between China and South Korea? If they are different, where have the differences come from? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why is it that China and South Korea, which had fought each other and ignored forty seven years and whose counter-alliance makes each other security competitors, suddenly recognized one another, established formal relationship in 1992, and become cooperative politically and economically? A conventional wisdom purports that a recent development of the Sino-South Korean relationship comes from the economic interests and cultural ties. This paper, however, argues that the relationship of China and South Korea comes from the success of small power politics. South Korea, as small power, hedges against the threat from the rising China by maintaining the alliance with America, while she leads China to become a benign power in the Asian region. With Chinese benign and defensive intention, China and South Korea immerse themselves in economic and political cooperation. On the other hand, China is wary of the attachment of South Korea and maintains a distance from South Korea, due to US-South Korea alliance. In order for China not to drift apart, South Korean government uses proactive policy by courting China with economic engagement. The attachment and estrangement in the relationship between China and South Korea, therefore, depends on South Korea?s efforts to reduce the discrepancy that both China and South Korea face. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The structure of the traditional East Asian system has been regarded as hierarchic by a number of scholars. Based on a case study of Sino-Korean relations during the early Ming dynasty (1368-1424), I argue that this is a dubious interpration. In fact, China failed to create authority over Korea. Korea adopted various strategies to deal with a preponderant China. The structure is best characterized as an attenuated anarchy. I also offer an interpretation of the Sino-Korean tribute system. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Northeast Asia is often regarded as having an uneasy atmosphere, with tensions between the countries making the region sometimes look unpeaceful. North Korean arms tests and other aggressive gestures also contribute to this view, as well as tensions between Taiwan and the People's Republic of China. My study tries to look closer at the development of the relations between the most important states in the region, China, Japan and South Korea, assuming that the above-mentioned conflicts are not dominating the relations between the three countries. The study tries to assess changes in the triadic and dyadic relations which don not get as much attention as the conflicts, but will also have an impact on the future relations in the region.These changes are studied by using the concept of Security Community that has been first developed by Karl W. Deutsch and later been elaborated by Emanuel Adler and Michael Barnett. The larger goal of my study is to examine the long term stability of the peace between the three countries. A pluralistic Security Community is defined as a community of states having "dependable expectations of peaceful change". Whilst Deutsch developed the concept of the Security Community with reference to the North Atlantic region, Adler and Barnett and Amitav Acharya expanded the scope of the concept to other regions in the world. They also based it on constructivist ideas, giving it more theoretical rigidity, and added the idea of a development pattern with different stages in building a Security Community from nascent to mature. This now allows to study Security Communities that have not fully developed yet, such as in Northeast Asia. Following this concept, the key factors in the development of a Security Community are transactions, norms and institutions. In my work I study the changing relations of the three countries by looking at changes in these factors in different issue areas, with special focus on the development in the maritime domain, which seems to display a case of change towards closer co-operation. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Northeast Asian countries, which consist of a former socialist (China) and two capitalist (South Korea and Japan) countries with large populations, have become the fast－growing economies. They have shown relatively high levels of corruption situation in comparison with their economic influences in world economy. Specially, China is facing a serious corruption problem which prevents politico－economic development and social consensus in the long run.Recently, the hypothesis that a market－oriented democracy is the best model for economic development is accepted among many scholars. It suggests that the strategies for economic growth should be based on market principles and political democratization in the long term. From the perception that market－oriented democracy is the best solution for economic development, people in Northeast Asian countries recognize that state intervention, which undermines a self－regulating market, should be minimized in the economic sectors, and bureaucratic corruption that hinders socio－cultural progress should be eliminated in every sphere of society.Market－democracy advocates argue that the fundamental causes of Northeast Asian countries corruption originate from the immaturity of political democratization. They propose the formation of Northeast Asian anti－corruption regime as a desirable instrument of improving their corruption levels. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on a study that attempts to understand American military posture in East Asia within the context of a U.S.-Japan-China-South Korea-Taiwan pyramid, where the U.S. plays the role of benign leader at the apex. It explores some military arrangements contemplated by the U.S. It examines five official documents made to the public since the inauguration of U.S. President George W. Bush including the "Quadrennial Defense Review Report."

Since the inauguration of the Koizumi administration in 2001, China and Korea (ROK) have repeatedly protested against the visits by Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi to Yasukuni Shrine. After he stepped down as Prime Minister last September, new Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's first official visits to China and Korea helped to reduce, to some extent, the anti-Japanese sentiment in both countries. Although he promised to construct a new relationship of 'strategic reciprocity' with China during his subsequent visit to Beijing in October, his public statement concerning the so-called 'comfort women' issue before the Diet session had revealed his conservative stance on 'statist' nationalism in Japan. After the end of World War II, the Japanese government established and pursued the fundamental national doctrine of maintaining the Japan-US security alliance and gaining economic prosperity under the peace constitution. In other words, Japan adopted and pursued the so-called 'Yoshida Doctrine' as the political symbol of "Small Japan." However, the doctrine has undergone some changes under strong pressure from the conservative leaders like Former Prime Ministers, Nobusuke Kishi, Yasuhiro Nakasone, and Junichiro Koizumi. Currently, Prime Minister Abe clearly shows his political will to change the gear in a step-by-step manner from 'Small Japan' to another stance, even if not of "Greater Japan." Even if Mr. Abe maintains "strategic ambiguity" vis-a-vis the neighboring countries, his assertively conservative agenda to change basic political values in Japan, as illustrated in his catch phrase "Beautiful Japan" might cause the neighbors to become more concerned about Japan's future. Their cyclical cautiousness toward Tokyo may very well have a negative impact on the ongoing attempt to build an East Asian community encompassing Japan, China, South Korea, and other countries. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]