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The Aegean dispute between Turkey and Greece refers to a package of interrelated issues over sovereignty and related rights in the Aegean Sea. The dispute in the area has profoundly had impact on the relations between these two countries since the 1970s and throughout the 1980s. The issues cover the disputes on territorial waters, national airspace, continental shelf, flight information regions, demilitarized status of Greek islands. The tensions in the Aegean region have gradually been overcome since 1998 with a view to easing Turkey?s accession to the European Union. Although the dispute has not resolved yet, it has become ?Europeanized? in the sense that the tensions have ceased in the 2000s with the European impact on the dispute. ?Europeanization? is used as a process through which the parties of the dispute and the dispute itself have been converged to a European mainstream. In this study, after giving an in-depth explanation of the background of the Aegean dispute and a definition of the concept of ?Europeanization?, the subject will be analyzed at three levels: First, the Europeanization process at the European Union level; second, (in order to understand how the European Union?s policies and instruments reflect on the Turco-Greek relations in terms of their foreign policy orientation levels) Greek foreign policy and how it uses the EU?s instruments in the pursuit of its national goals and its reflections on the dispute; and the implications in Turkish foreign policy in tackling the problem. When analyzing the term ?Europeanization? which provides us a wide range of theoretical frameworks, in the Aegean dispute, I will apply the discursive/constructivist approach as a theoretical framework. It briefly displays that the national foreign policies are not given but socially constructed. Foreign policy discourse provides us a set of statements setting a particular understanding of national foreign policies, interests and connections between goals and means. In this paper, the Copenhagen concept of ?securitization? and ?desecuritization? as a ?speech act? will be referred in analyzing the Aegean issue whether it is presented as a threat or shifted into a normal processes of political sphere in different times. These constructivist arguments and the foreign policy discourse will be centrally applied to analyze the possible transformation and adjustment of foreign policy discourses in this issue. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why has the international community refrained from intervention in the Turkish-Kurdish conflict that has lasted for two decades? The conflict literature has not found an adequate answer to this question, mostly, I argue, due to the lack of domestic variables in intra-state conflict data sets. This paper builds on a new data set collected for all democracies from 1945 to 2004 that accounts for the rebels' participation in electoral politics and their recognition by the state. I show that domestic politics not only affect the severity and frequency of civil wars in the country, but also impinge on the decision of intervention of the international community. Following a brief formal representation of the preferences of the state, the rebels and the potential intervener, I use quantitative analysis to test the hypothesis that domestic variables such as regime type, political access of the rebels to the system and formal recognition of the rebels' identity by the state affect the decision-making of the intervener. Consequently, I discuss foreign policy implications of the findings with further support from my dissertation field work in Turkey, Syria and Iraq. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the establishment of the Turkish Republic in 1923, the Armenians left in the borders of the young Republic became Turkish citizens. But the Armenians and two other groups, the Jews and the Greeks were defined as a ?minority? with the treaty of Lausanne signed in 1923 between the Turkish government and the allies after the establishment of the Republic. Today Turkey?s Armenians are estimated at 60.000 and they are mostly living in Istanbul. Their Armenian identity is still very dominant relative to the national identity and many Armenian citizens of the Turkish Republic strongly consider themselves Armenians. The discriminative actions of the state and the ethnic emphasis on the national identity have prevented the adoption of the national identity over the Armenian sub-identity in Turkey. In this study we will try to explore the effect of speaking and/or reading Armenian language on the cultural existence of Armenian community in Turkey by using the findings derived from the field survey conducted in Istanbul from November 2004-May 2005 among this Armenian community. Questions related to Armenian knowledge such as studying in an Armenian school in any part of their education, using Armenian at home and outside home, reading an Armenian newspaper were asked to understand the level of language knowledge and frequency of using it in daily life.The legal status of Armenians designed by the Treaty of Lausanne gave them the opportunity to establish their own schools, religious and secular organizations, to teach younger generations the Armenian language, to publish books and newspapers in Armenian, to worship in their churches etc. These regulations helped them to live as a community, to maintain their cultural values, i.e. to prolong Armenian identity. These rights as intermediate variables seem to be factors facilitating the level of knowledge and frequency of usage of Armenian language among Turkey?s Armenians.The findings of the survey are based on face to face interviews conducted in eleven different neighborhoods of Istanbul with 228 Armenians with Turkish citizenships. The neighborhoods of the survey were selected because of the dense Armenian population relative to the other neighborhoods in the city they have. The interviews were performed in community organizations, homes, schools, coffee-houses, shops and offices. This study is based on a research encompassing both ?quantitative? and ?qualitative? methods. During the survey, that took about eight months while having face-to-face deep interviews with subjects, we also filled a questionnaire according to the answers of the interviewees. Both the interview and the questionnaire are in Turkish, and no problem was experienced during the interviews, related to knowledge of Turkish. The survey was limited to Istanbul, because today none of the Anatolian or Thrace cities of Turkey has a conscious Armenian community. The study, only one part of which is presented in this paper, consists of four parts. The first part including questions about birth-date, birth-place, marital status, educational level, income etc., and also questions about their perception of self-identity, is designed to picture a general social, cultural and economic profile of Turkey?s Armenians. The second part, including questions such as their knowledge of Armenian language, level of feeling themselves as a member of the community, frequency of visiting Armenian churches etc, aims to understand their social, cultural and religious ties with the Armenian community in Turkey. These two parts are conducted by Dr.Aysegul Komsuoglu and Dr.Birsen Ors... ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phenomenon of international migration escalated in recent years in line with globalization and has reached a point where individual efforts of states to tackle migration problems have proven to be insufficient. Particularly after 9/11 concerns about the growing migration flows increased considerably as the attacks demonstrated the link between migration and international terrorism. Since the mid 1990?s the European Union is engaged in creating cooperation in the field of immigration at the European level. A comprehensive ?European immigration policy? does not exist to date, due to the highly sensitive nature of immigration issues. While the EU is seeking to construct a model that would suit the expectations of all Member States, Turkey ? as a country where EU membership prospects shape law and policy - is also busy with creating its national legislation on immigration. Turkey is probably one of the most interesting countries to study when it comes to immigration. Situated on the South-East end of Europe in the middle of the world?s most unstable three regions (namely the Balkans, Caucasus and Middle East), Turkish immigration policies deserve special attention as once Turkey becomes an EU Member, it shall form the external border of the EU to countries such as Iraq, Iran and Syria which are considered to be the hubs of international terrorism. Thus a well-functioning, balanced Turkish immigration policy will contribute immensely to the security of Europe as well as the United States. Although Turkey is increasingly becoming a destination country in terms of international migration, its laws and practices are far from being sufficient to manage such an experience. This paper aims at illustrating the shortcomings of Turkish immigration laws and practices with special emphasis on the reasons of these shortcomings and comes up with a concrete set of proposals to get the Turkish immigration policies able to face current challenges. In doing this, the specific concerns of Turkey are taken into consideration and the emerging European Immigration Policy is taken as a point of reference, as Turkey will ultimately have to comply with all steps taken by the EU in this field as part of its harmonization process. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The notion of human rights pervades international politics today, but most research on it is limited to congratulating it as an ideal or dismissing it as a smokescreen. My study aims to redirect academic attention to the political effects of human rights promotion, and determine more closely how it alters the situations and relations of groups within a target society. Of the many kinds of campaigns based in human rights ideology, my work focuses on those intending to improve the situation of an ethnic minority group within a country. Drawing upon several current cases --including the situation of Vojvodina Hungarians in Serbia; Kurds in Turkey; and Uyghurs in China, foreign-sponsored efforts to promote interethnic harmony will come under close scrutiny. Two main questions guide the research. First, how do various external actors ? be they states, interstate bodies, advocacy groups, or journalists ? shape minority leaders? demands for certain levels of autonomy and the tactics they employ to realise these demands? Does their interest in minority rights allow the leaders to be more maximalist in their aspirations ? demanding greater autonomy, or even independence-- and does it encourage violent or non-violent resistance? Second, how does external support for minorities affect the wider society? More precisely, does it spark a backlash of defensive nationalism and exacerbate interethnic tensions, or does it build inclusiveness and conviviality?This presentation will begin to answer these broad questions by considering the specific signals that organisations send to minority group leaders, and how these leaders interpret these signals when assessing their political opportunities. Using qualitative interviews with the various actors involved and discourse analysis from several case studies, the paper aims to begin assembly of a general theory of how Western human rights-based projects shape minority leaders? political activity. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey and pakistan are both relatively secular Muslim states in the non-Arab periphery of the Middle East. turkey's secularism is enshrined in its constitution formulated by its first ruler Kemal Ataturk. In contrast, Pakistan's began as a secular republic, only to have Mohammad Zia "Islamicize" the system as a means to legitimize his military dictatorship (1977-1988). Under the current rule of General Pervez Musharraf this has been relaxed as he joined the U.S "war on terror". The question thus arises how do the respective military leaders in these two countries view their role for the security of the state itself. Are they the praetorian guard, anti-civilian revolutionaries or neutral non-political arbitors. This paper reviews the history of military takeovers in Turkey and Pakistan, then assesses the likelihood, and rationale, for similar action in the near future. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The unliateral unleashing of a global war on terrorism has been characterized by the return of state-centric reordering of world affairs, not only by establishing a linear causality between fight against terrorism and war, but also by codifying difference as a direct or an indirect threat to security. In this paper, I suggest that there is an alternative, democratic response which puts into practice a critical and cosmopolitan international relations theory as an effective philosophical and political basis not only for our global fight against terrorism, but for the possibility of global democratic governance. Secondly, I will focus on Turkey as a case study to demonstrate the historical experience of non-Western historical and cultural settings as alternative modernities is key to searching for a democratic global governance. Turkey constitutes an alternative modernity with the possibility of consolidating multi-cultural and multi-religious characteristics. Focusing on Turkey as a case study of the co-existence rather than the clash of differences help enlarge our thinking space of international relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much has been written about the electoral success of Turkey?s Justice and Development Party (JDP) and its non-confrontational policies in government. The party was founded from the ashes of the Virtue Party, successor of the Welfare Party (WP), departing from the traditional Turkish Islamist politics (milli gorus) and putting the emphasis on democratization and pluralism. Differing from the WP, the JDP has been willing to work with the International Monetary Fund, eager for Turkey?s European Union?s membership, and rejected the notion of an Islamic common market. The JDP?s unprecedented political learning, however, has been resilient to certain issues, including gender, ethnic and religious minorities. Based on party and government documents, reports by civil society organizations, and public debates as reflected in newspapers, this paper examines the JDP rhetoric and governmental policies towards women, the Kurdish question and non-Muslim minorities in Turkey. The significance of these limitations is acute as they shed light on the JDP case and at the same time provide a conceptual framework as to how and why Islamist parties display resilience to such issues. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses how discursive contexts shape expectations of actors. In particular, I examine how a developing state such as Turkey, acts in conflicting discursive environment that exhibits 'mixed signals' regarding economic interaction with the US. How are economic policies made meaningful in these environments and how do these 'mixed signals' constitute expectations that when unmet transform partnership-building opportunities into disappointment and distrust? The question is how is it possible to act in a particular discursive environment that insists that globalization is both a given fact for which countries must adapt and adjust, and something to be molded and shaped to benefit impoverished states in particular? What actions might be expected to be successful and how might these expectations reveal themselves and play out in trade talk between international actors? Moreover, how are identities strategically shifted in reaction to particular historical events? I attempt to unpack the discursive context made meaningful through a dominant discourse of globalization that I argue is a single logic of 'contingent inevitability' that overlaps with a post 9/11 shift in regards to 'Muslim Allies' and US foreign economic policy. Turkey, acting in the context of a post-9/11 context, represents the coalescence of expectations, identities and neoliberal discourse that constitutes possible action by developing countries attempting to 'adapt' and simultaneously 'shape' globalization so that it benefits poor as well as rich states. The 'missed signals' and 'missed expectations' for economic policy outcomes in this 'new context' reveal interpretations of seemingly insignificant economic policies that deeply impact the relationship between the US and Turkey and demonstrate how meanings are made and understood in and through the language of actors. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of civil society in the Middle East is rife with unstated assumptions about both the nature of regional regimes and the political capacity of citizens. Our paper, an offshoot of a larger, multi-participant project funded by the National Science Foundation and the Mershon Center at Ohio State University, uses event data, content analysis, and field observations as sources of data on repression and dissent in two very different Middle Eastern countries. Our aim is to determine whether repression and dissent are sometimes gendered, i.e., whether they are applied differently to or by women and men, and whether the masculinization or feminization of targets of either sex is an element in actor strategies and, if so, under what circumstances. We also will look for similarities and differences between these two case countries to draw preliminary conclusions regarding the contribution of religion and regime type to state-society relations. Normative concerns of this research include our desire to make sex discrimination transparent, our interest in the possible deployment of gendered patterns to repress minorities, and to see whether the images of Middle Eastern gender repression projected by Western foreign policy establishments are primarily empirical or ideological. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How can we explain foreign policy variation? Although there was a flurry of attention to this question in the late 1980s/early 1990s, little attention has been paid to it since. The answer relies on a study of the foreign policy decision-making process. The empirical puzzle examined here is the 2002 decision by Turkey?s Islamist government to actively seek membership in the European Union. Where previous Islamist parties had adamantly opposed membership on the grounds that it was harmful to Turkey?s interests and did not coincide with Turkey?s identity, and where the first Islamist government in 1996 actively ignored Europe in its foreign policy, the 2002 Islamist government has strongly advocated entry into the EU. Why would an Islamist government engage in a decision that contradicts the long-held Islamist agenda, and is markedly different from the foreign policy of the first Islamist government? This paper argues that the best way to understand this decision is by examining the specific individual decision makers in a position to make policy, and the specific decision-making institutions that either constrain or allow these individuals to translate their own ideas into policy. There are several implications of this model: First, it enhances our understanding of the foreign policy making process, by highlighting the relevant elements in this process. Second, by comparing foreign policy by the same state it allows for an understanding of variation in foreign policy over time, where many studies tend to examine broad patterns of continuity over time. Third, it contributes to our knowledge of Turkish foreign policy, while bringing Turkey (and thus the Middle East) into general IR theory. This is a critical venture since general foreign policy analysis and IR theory are overwhelmingly centered around studies of Western states, which calls into question our commitment as scholars to a broad understanding of state behavior and which states are worthy of consideration for theory development. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the challenges of environmental and fishing stock degradation in the waters surrounding Greece and Turkey. The EU?s efforts to implement a Common Fisheries Policy and related Environmental Protection Schemes are assessed and explained. Relevant public and commercial international law is examined, as are the determinants of national policy and negotiating postures in Greece and Turkey. The political economy of EU membership and candidacy is discussed, as well as the possibilities for other sorts of institution building and regional governance. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A widespread consensus among scholars on the Turkey-EU accession talks in recent years is their overall positive impact on the Turkish democracy. Can the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) have a similar effect on those neighboring Muslim countries it targets? This paper seeks to answer the question by overviewing some of the main democratization efforts in Turkey since 1990s. The following section then compares the Turkish experience with those Muslim countries (those with a Muslim-majority population) that are ENP partners by stressing the differences. The final section concludes by discussing the prospects of democratization in the latter based on these findings, and the potential roles that the ENP can play to further promote the ongoing process. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State and civil society approaches to the security of emigrants and immigrants are considered in a comparative framework. The aim is to shed light on local, regional and systemic patterns at the nexus of migration and security. Security is conceptualized in terms of human security, not primarily as the territorial security of the nation-state (although there are both direct and indirect connections between the two foci of security); but without neglecting the social, economic, political and general security of the nation-state. I seek to understand the reasons for differences in normative and legal standards and practices affecting people touched by migration (not only migrants) through the consideration of different cases, principally Mexico, Turkey, the Republic of South Africa and China. What are the normative, political and policy underpinnings of the different expectations of each country regarding the treatment of its nationals abroad and the treatment it accords to those who enter its jurisdiction? Security is conceptualized in this paper more in terms of human security -- economic, political, cultural and legal -- than the military security of the nation-state. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ergun Ozbudun in his book [Challenges to Democratic Consolidation in Turkey-2000] argued that Turkish democracy can be best described as a delegative democracy. As Ozbudun explains ?delegative democracies are not consolidated (i.e.,institutionalized) democracies but they may be enduring. In many cases, there is no sign either of any imminent threat of an authoritarian regression or of advances toward representative democracy.? Given the political conditions in 2000, many intellectuals would agree with Ozbudun?s analysis of Turkey as a ?delegative democoracy? and thus would conclude that there was a ?little reason to hope that democracy will soon become consolidated.? However; since 2001, successive governments in Turkey have embarked upon intensive and substantial legislative reforms in the interest of fulfilling the political portion of the Copenhagen criteria. Finally, on January 16, 2005 -based on the recommendations of the EU Commission?s 2004 Regular Report ? the European Council decided that Turkey had fulfilled the political criteria and agreed to start to accession negotiations with Turkey on October 3, 2005.Considering the immense legislative reforms done in recent years to fulfill the Copenhagen political criteria, and given the fact that Turkey did start accession negotiations with the European Union, one can no longer refer to Turkey as a case of delegative democracy. My conference paper will focus on the democratic consolidation process that has been going in Turkey during the last five years in order to asses whether or not Turkey can be considered as a consolidated democracy at present. If Turkey is a consolidated democracy, then how stable is the Turkish democracy? If not then what are the weaknesses of Turkish democracy that hinder it to achieve a fully consolidated democracy?Studying the fragile democracies of the Latin American countries in the 1970?s, scholars such as Juan Linz, Alfred Stepan and Guillermo O?Donnell have pioneered the concept of consolidated democracy which refers to a democratic regime that is ?likely to endure and to last well into the foreseeable future?. Especially, since the establishment of many infant democracies after the fall of the Soviet Union, the concept of democratic consolidation acquired much more importance and has become one of the most popular concepts in comparative politics. In assessing the democratic consolidation process in Turkey, I will adopt the three dimensional criteria (i.e., behavioral, attitudinal and constitutional) as a theoretical model for consolidated democracy that Juan J. Linz and Alfred Stepan have put forward in their magnum opus "Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation". For the theory of democratic consolidation, Turkey presents a valuable case study both for testing the propositions of democratic consolidation and for comparative studies as well. Moreover, by highlighting the strengths and shortcomings of the Turkish experience from these perspectives, the findings of this research can suggest optimal policy priorities of current and future Turkish governments to establish stable democracy in Turkey. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I examine the impact of contested national identity on Turkish and Japanese foreign policies. Applying a constructivist theoretical framework, I seek to explore the ways in which the national identities of Turkey and Japan are constructed, internalized and in turn externalized through their foreign policies. My principal research question is why Turkey and Japan remain ambivalent to any idea of regionalization in their non-Western neighborhood. The answer to this question lies in their historically shaped and domestically contested national identities, which imposes constraints and ambiguity for their current foreign policy choices. The lack of a national consensus in both countries as regards their sense of belonging to a geographic location has been caused by an incomplete shift of civilizational identity and ongoing debates over this shift at the domestic level. The shift was incomplete in two senses: (1) the Westernizing elites never internalized the West itself, while detaching themselves from a sense of belonging to the East; (2) such a shift of identity never became a national consensus, as rival claims to national identity remained dormant and occasionally rose to the level of power. This duality of national identities has paved the way for a contested foreign policy orientation, which continues to influence their European (Turkey) and Asian (Japan) regional integration processes today.Theoretically I further two claims. First, against realism and in line with constructivism, I argue that foreign policy decisions are informed by ideational factors such as identity and historical memory. History matters for a country?s foreign policy, both as a constraint and as an opportunity. It may limit or expand foreign policy options. Secondly, disputing the validity of structural constructivism that takes the notion of national identity as a monolithic entity formed through interaction of state actors, I argue that in both case national identity is fragmented and contested by various sub-national identities with distinct readings of national interests and security and distinct perceptions of Others of national identity. Foreign policy decisions emerge in the context of this contestation among opposing identities. Accordingly, my research demands a modification within constructivist paradigm to account for these divergent perceptions as domestic informants of foreign policy decision-making processes. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional Policy is the second biggest cost subject of the EU budget with a %25 share. One of the main concerne for the EU decision-makers concerning the Turkish accession is related with financial costs. Turkey, with a 75 millions people and 3500$GDP per capita, is structurally a different and difficult candidate for the EU. The Turkish-EU accession talks which began in 3 th of October 2005 will continue at least for 10 years. During these negotiations Turkey's inclusion to the EU's regional policy will be one of the hardest chapters of all. This paper aims to estimate the financial cost of Turkey on EU's Regional Policy budget. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1970s and 1980s, the U.S. Congress passed legislation that required the U.S. to consider a state?s human rights practices when allocating foreign assistance. This requirement can be waived in times of national security or when the president indicates that extraordinary circumstances warrant assistance. US foreign assistance to Turkey has long been tied to stabilizing the region with respect to Greece and the island of Cyprus. However, after 9/11, the United States dangled $6 billion in aid grants in exchange for their cooperation in the pending invasion of Iraq. Given Turkey?s relatively poor human rights records, the stabilization of the region and the war on terrorism must qualify as extraordinary circumstances. This paper examines the U.S.-Turkey relationship in light of our foreign assistance program. Specifically, we seek to understand how all of this aid impacts human rights and whether any foreign assistance to Turkey improves the quality of life of its citizens. Or, is foreign assistance simply another blunt instrument aimed at shoring up U.S. national security? ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the critical problems that face new democracies is that of credible commitment: how could citizens and the losers of elections trust that the winners will honor the constitution and will not abolish political and civil rights once they gain control of state resources? The problem is even more pronounced if one or more of the groups competing for power present ideological platforms with ambiguous commitments to continued democracy. This is the common cooperation problem?there is no external enforcement mechanism and securing political power (particularly in a majoritarian system) essentially means gaining monopoly over the use of force. What is more, players in a young democracy lack the experience of repeated interactions and the advantage of established reputations. Although Turkey?as a not yet perfectly consolidated democracy?is often criticized for its history of military interventions, the military establishment has in fact been that enforcement mechanism and has kept civil administrations within the boundaries of the constitution. This has been traditionally interpreted as the failure of the Turkish democracy, given that military officers are not elected, and hence are not accountable to the people. Yet, the very independence of institutions responsible for ensuring that elected officials remain within constitutional boundaries?high courts?is one of the conditions commonly used to judge the democratic nature of polities. Furthermore, respectable polls in Turkey continue to show the military as the most respected state institution; all interventions had popular mandates and the military was quick to relinquish power as soon as they accomplished what they claimed to be their goal.In addition to presenting a formal model of the military?s role in the Turkish political system, this paper will demonstrate empirically that tense relations between the military and civil governments in Turkey correlate well with periods of intense public upheaval against the governments. The environments surrounding the military?s ?soft coup? against an Islamic party in 1997 and the lack of such an intervention against that party?s successor?the current administration of the Justice and Development Party (AKP)?in 2002 and later will provide additional support for this argument. I will be using machine-coded event data (using KEDS/TABARI) that span the period between 1995 and now. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A question that should be of interest to both IR theorists and policymakers concerns the impact of the international system on the foreign policies of smaller powers. Will small powers, particularly those located in strategically vital regions be pressured to subordinate their policy interests to serve Washington's agenda? During the Cold War, the bipolar system offered weak power the gambit of playing the two superpowers against each other in order to fend off pressure or in seeking greater rewards (i.e., military and economic aid). With the emergence of the unipolar system in the 1990s this "balancing" or "counterbalancing" strategy option apparently vanished. One might now expect that states, especialy those who have been dependent upon maintaining the goodwill of the United States, will feel pressured to bandwagon and support Washington's unipolar agenda in the war on international terrorism. In the case of the Middle East that has meant support for the invasion and occupation of Iraq and the isolation of the regimes in Syria and Iran. One country located in the strategically vital Middle Easr region and a long-time ally and U.S. aid recipient has opposed U.S. policy on these issues--the Republic of Turkey. On March 1, 2003 the Turkish National Assembly (parliament) voted overwhelmingly to reject the Bush administration's request to allow U.S. forces to cross Turkish territory in order to open a second front in northern Iraq and use Turkish military bases to provide logistical support and conduct air strikes. Furthermore, since the March 2003 invasion of Iraq, Ankara has moved to improve relations with Syria and Iran, who also share an interest with Turkey as to how the "Kurdish question" plays out in Iraq.Through a close examination of the Turkish and international press as well as public policy statements by U.S. and Turkish officials, this paper will explore the reasons why Turkey has opposed U.S. policies and successfully resisted U.S. pressures to toe Washington's foreign policy line in the region. The author will argue that Turkish behavior and the Bush administration's, heretofore, refusal to undertake any punitive actions against Turkey, except for some angry public tongue-lashings by U.S. officials and the "neocon" community is he result of the interplay of global, regional, and domestic forces that mitigated the 'bandwagon pull' of a small state living in a unipolar world. First, the European Community (EU) offers Turkey a political and economic alternative to the United States in an international political-economic order that is multipolar in nature. Second, the invasion of Iraq unleashed a force (Kurdish nationalism) Anakara fears, more than Washington, will destablize Turkey and the region. Third, the Bush administration's claim to be spreading democracy to the Middle East would be exposed as a fraud and an act of blatant hypocrisy by punishing a government for adopting a foreign policy decided through a legitimate democratic process and reflected the will of the Turkish people. Thus, Turkey's resistance to the 'bandwagon pull' of the unipolar world stems from three overlapping issues: 1) Turkey's anticipated accession to the EU; 2) domestic and regional security concerns raised by the "opening" of the Kurdish question in Iraq; and 3) The on-going process of political and economic reforms in Turkey that have diminished the influence of the powerful, and generally pro-U.S., Turkish military establishment. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relations between Turkey and the EU entered a new phrase on October 3, 2005 when the EU opened accession negotiations with Turkey. TurkeyÂ’s accession will be dramatically different than the previous waves of enlargement due to TurkeyÂ’s size, perceived cultural differences and the European publicÂ’s resistance to TurkeyÂ’s accession. How the European public perceives TurkeyÂ’s membership and its impact on Europe will determine whether Turkey will accede to the EU. This paper proposes that the legitimacy crisis that the EU and European governments currently face will deepen over the issue of TurkeyÂ’s membership, and that the European publicÂ’s resistance to Turkey and the EUÂ’s legitimacy crisis will carry a greater weight in determining TurkeyÂ’s accession than TurkeyÂ’s ability in meeting the EUÂ’s acquis. In this manner, TurkeyÂ’s membership does not only deserve scholarly attention for its value in terms of enlarging the EU, but also in terms of developing a new approach to policy making in the EU. This is theoretically significant in explaining European integration. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the current political debates and discursive strategies provoked by the question of Turkish accession into the European Union. The specter of Turkey, a predominantly Islamic nation, becoming a member of the European Union (EU) divides European Parliamentary (EP) political parties. Our analysis indicates that recent EP debates reveal a sense of political anxiety over the nature and future of the EU if Turkey were to join. Turkish admission cuts to the core issue as to whether and how the EU would hold onto its political legitimacy in a post-accession era as a confederated democratic polity. This legitimacy that anchors the EU is perceived in nationalist terms across the spectrum of EP political parties, although how this legitimacy is articulated differs according to political persuasion. The debate over Turkey thus devolves into a debate over the Europe of the EU, its structures, politics and character as a political system and culture. But the question of a post-national Europe hardly arises as such within the debates regarding Turkish admission. In this, reside the manifestations of organized hypocrisy: what is said is delinked from what is done during the course of EU-Turkish negotiations, and, more recently, what is stated by EP Members of Parliament (MEP) with respect to what the Turks must do to satisfy accession criteria. The EP debates thus omit what Europeans must do to reconstitute the EU as a viable (at least) or effective (at most) political structure at the supranational level. This defines the discursive strategies shaping EP debates: how to avoid confronting the political task of creating a truly supranational polity that is at once political but tolerant, multiperspectival but unified, while emphasizing the presumed threats posed by Turkish accession to the EU as a whole but grounded in traditional notions of national interest. We find that debates over Turkish EU accession demonstrate a pervasive pattern of denial regarding the political fragility of state legitimacy within the EU. This discursive pattern ignores the central issue of the hegemonic status of the EU as constituted by a “community of sovereign states ” and the need to develop a “popular” form of supranational politics, one that would engage European citizens in a manner appropriate to a singular political formation. To demonstrate this, we review the history of negotiations leading to conferral of candidacy status on Turkey and critically examine the discursive or rhetorical templates clustering around the major EP political parties, particularly during the EP debates over the Eurling Report recommending a positive vote on behalf of Turkish candidacy. Finally, we examine the dynamics of Turkish accession in reverse images by analyzing how and in what ways the EU and Turkish membership is represented by Turkish political parties in order to assess congruence between discursive strategies, political persuasion and popular will. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey?s fallout with Washington in the wake of the 1 March 2003 National Assembly vote has yet to heal. Ankara remains concerned about the future of Iraqi Kurdistan, and frustrated with US ?inaction? in the face of an enhanced PKK threat to Turkey. Washington is suspicious of Turkey?s burgeoning regional friendships, notably with Syria, and the undercurrent of anti-Americanism in Turkey. Simultaneously, the commencement of EU accession talks simultaneously offers Turkey an alternative to over-reliance on the US, yet highlights the difficulties in Turkey?s European relationships and the obstacles to its bid. Turkey?s present government, nationalistic yet more comfortable with Turkey?s Islamic and Middle Eastern dimensions than its Kemalist predecessors, is showing signs of frustration with its western allies. This paper seeks to trace and assess the relative weight of these competing undercurrents in Turkish foreign and security policy thinking. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper displays the short history of the Turkish economy, the financial sector, and its regulation in the last three decades. We argued that domestic actors could benefit from the support of external actors on their behalf. Politicians and bureaucrats always complain about the structural obstacles before their way to perform necessary and useful reforms. We argued that domestic players might think about the support of those external actors who could keep stubborn anti-reform front under control at home. This opportunity may not appear so often. However, if someone sees such an opportunity, he/she should not waste it; and use it to the end. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poliheuristic Theory (PH) is an innovative attempt to conceptualize decision-making in a way that recognizes patterns deriving from both cognitive and rational schools of thought about how foreign policy is made. Crisis decision-making, a setting in which the political aspects emphasized by PH can be expected to operate, is the subject of this paper. The study focuses on Turkey and China, two important states that frequently are characterized as sui generis and possibly unsuited to comparative analysis in the context of any overarching theory. As will become apparent, PH is capable of explaining crisis decision-making for China and Turkey and what follows is perhaps only the tip of the iceberg when it comes to cross-national application of the theory within the crisis domain. This study unfolds in six further sections. The next sections consist of an abbreviated account of PH. Case selection follows. Since our previous program of research has covered the literature on Chinese crisis decision-making, the next section emphasizes the Turkish experience. After that we convey data and measurement. The two most basic hypotheses from PH are tested in the following section and a brief conclusion follows. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with the issue of trade interaction between Turkic ex-Soviet republics and more developed economic powers, with the assumption that trade relations often evoke cultural influence from the ?wealthier? source towards the ?humbler? target. It is based on previous research on the importance of ? Lingua Franca? for the strenghtening of the role of the Ottoman Empire as an intermediary of Western Culture in North Africa, Asia Minor and The Balkans. With the further evolution of this role Turkish itself became a significant means of ?trade-culture? interaction of the region with the ?Western World?. In more recent times the economic status of Turkey, along with her secularity faces a new set of challenges:1.The developing influence of the Turkish language on the Turkic states of Inner Asia has to ?compete? with Russian as the traditional ?means of international communication? having thus to deal with the relics of the rigid planned economy of the Soviet Era;vs. the cultural implications of Turkey?s traditional ?open-market?economy2.In both Turkey and the republics of Inner Asia, the mutually comprehensible means of language communication in the domain of ?trade-culture? functions as a homogeneous unit at the crossroad between Western and Russian socio-cultural influence 3.The increasing influential role of English contributes to the diversity of the picture that is by all means an example of a socio-cultural convergence with a rich past and promising future. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there is substantial research on the democratizing effects of intergovernmental organizations on member states, there is limited work on the direct interaction between domestic civil society actors of non-member states and the IGOs. This research examines the institutional linkages between Turkish civil society organizations and European Union institutions, and whether and how these linkages influence the Turkish state?s approach to civil society organizations. Based on primary data and structured-focused interviews with state and CSO officials, the paper finds that Turkish CSOs skillfully use the EU as a tool to alter the preferences of the Turkish state. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey’s first attempt to access European Community, which is predecessor of EU, goes back to 1959. Despite of intensive Turkish efforts, European side had persistently denied Turkey’s access until recently. In this long journey, Turkey was never turned down directly. EU has maintained that Turkey has to carry out massive political and economic reforms before entry could even be considered. Finally, thanks to astonishing reforms performed by Turkish governments since 2001, EU, at December 17, 2004, announced that it will start official negotiations with Turkey within one year. In order to get this date the Turkish government has had to make many changes in its institutions and legislations. Between 2002 and 2004, there were nine EU engaged “Harmonization Packages”, which included several alterations in a number of institutions, that adopted by the Turkish Parliament. In this paper, our main concern is whether these rapid harmonization reforms have been digested by the Turkish public. We will try to answer this question within the social science metaphor of the universalism-ethnocentrism continuum. And finally, we will conclude on the major policy implications for particularly the Turkish-EU access process; and the vigorous construction of the European integration course and institutionalization. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Governments react to global and domestic changes. Literature on foreign policy change emphasizes different factors affecting governments? decisions to redirect their foreign policy intentions and actions. Changes in international system, developments in domestic politics, and the changing nature of bureaucratic politics are often cited general categories in explaining change and continuity of state?s external relations. The main assumption of this study is that there has been a substantial change in Turkish foreign policy specifically in the traditionally ?sensitive? plicy areas such as the Cyprus problem, Turkish- Greek relations and the relations with the European Union. Therefore, the aim of this study is to analyze dynamics of foreign policy restructuring in the contemporary Turkish foreign policy. For this purpose, foreign policy actions of the ruling AKP government and its predecessor, the DSP coalition government, will be compared and contrasted in order to illustrate the fine nuances of the policy changes that have occurred. The paper also aims to contribute to theoretical literature on foreign policy restructuring by applying the existing frameworks into a regional power context. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey had followed a very conservative and narrowly defined foreign policy during the Cold War in accordance with the Cold War discipline. The end of the Cold War enlarged the space for maneuver for Turkish foreign policy. However, Turkey failed to successfully transform its foreign policy in accordance with the post-Cold War conjecture in the 1990s. This was due to both domestic problems and the failure to correctly read the international trends in the 1990s. The December 1999 European Union summit where Turkey was announced as a candidate country for full membership was an important milestone after which Turkish foreign policy started to show dramatic changes. The relations with the EU in general, with Greece in particular and Turkey?s Cyprus policy have undergone dramatic changes towards better. In addition, Turkey?s relations with the US have shifted to a healthier ground.In this paper, I attempt to describe the main contours of Turkish foreign policy during the Cold War and how they have been transformed in the 21st century from a conservative, narrowly defined uni-focal stand to a multi-focal, dynamic and pro-active character. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey has experienced consecutive financial crises in November 2000 and February 2001. The crisis of 2001 was particularly far-reaching in terms of its impact resulting in a major collapse of output and employment. It was also quite distinct in terms of its income distributional consequences from the previous economic crises that Turkey has experienced in the sense that not only the wage earners, but all sections of society at varying degrees encountered the negative consequences of the crisis. What is also striking is that the crisis provided an avenue for a new wave of neo-liberal restructuring with a major emphasis on regulatory reforms, particularly in the realm of the banking and the financial sector.The objective of the paper is to examine the transformation of Turkey?s political economy in the post-2001 era focusing on four key inter-related elements: the impact of the World Bank and the IMF; the restructuring of the state?s relationship with the domestic financial sector especially through regulatory reforms; the opening up of Turkey to foreign direct investment; and the adoption of a wide range of reforms modeled on the European Union, in line with the goal of entry into the EU. Indeed, the regional context involving the conditionality associated with the eventual membership of the EU has provided the political focus of the process as a whole. A central question to be addressed involves the extent to which the Turkish economy has become immune to possible financial crises in the future in the light of the kinds of transformation experienced during the central era. A key hypothesis in this context is that Turkey continues to be vulnerable in spite of the fact that the banking sector is much more tightly regulated in line with the international norms during the post-crisis era. ..PAT.-Conference Proceeding [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Multiparty cabinets in parliamentary political systems create a unique context in which foreign policy decisions are made. Under certain (and frequent) conditions, the senior political party must negotiate any differences with its junior partner(s) or risk the collapse of the governing coalition. This context occurs in many important states in international politics, including Israel, Japan, Germany, Turkey, and India. The result may be a government unable to resolve differences and make meaningful policy decisions or a government that is hijacked by narrow political interests and pushed to extremes. This paper will compare the foreign policy behaviors and processes of multiparty governments to those of single party governments using events and crisis behavior datasets. Building on previous research, specific theoretical propositions will be tested across a number of states in order to provide a general understanding of the effects of, and conditions under which, coalition politics may influence the foreign policies of key players in global politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The externally oriented and military-focused conception of ‘national security’ does not fare well when accounting for the insecurities Turkey has shared with other developing countries. Yet, throughout the Cold War era, there was limited discussion in Turkey’s International Relations literature on the (ir)relevance of such ‘standard’ concepts and theories of International Relations when accounting for Turkey’s insecurities. This could partly be explained with studies on foreign policy analysis and area studies overshadowing theory-informed research (as with other settings in the developing world). During this period, concepts and theories were imported without reflecting upon their relevance for the Turkish context. Another part of the explanation is rooted in the historical context and Turkey’s foreign policy orientation. Throughout the Cold War era Turkey’s security was analysed as an aspect of ‘Western security’. Representations of Turkey as a ‘junior partner’ of the United States in the fight against communism not only helped to (re)produce its ‘Western’ identity but also underlay the production of International Relations literature in Turkey. The paper falls into three parts. Part I discusses the issue of misfit between International Relations concepts and theories and ‘realities’ of the developing world and emphasises the significance of historical context for understanding why and how theories and concepts travel between worlds. Part II looks at how the issue of the (ir)relevance of ‘standard’ concepts and theories was treated in Turkey’s International Relations literature during the Cold War. Part III looks at the 1990s debates on Turkey’s conception of ‘national security’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

‘Securitising’ a project shuts off debates on alternatives, overturns political rights and provides a blank cheque on the base of an urgent survival interest. The contribution zooms in the protest over nationally ‘securitised’ river intervention projects ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

we aim to show that a productive conversation is possible between those who study state identity and the decision making folks. We believe that this conversation is mutually beneficial because both research programs focus on a number of concepts and issu ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there has been a plethora of studies analyzing the institutional reforms initiated by successive Turkish government since Helsinki Council’s recognition of Turkey as a candidate in 1999, the affect of EU on state-society relations in Turkey through ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey is home to some 20 to 25 million people of Kurdish origin, or roughly a quarter of its 70 million citizens. The numbers are hotly disputed, as is the question of how "Kurdish" they are. Although the Kurds were present at the nation's founding about ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey is no exception to the world-wide dominance of the realist thinking on security. The substantial role of the military in politics and the ‘strong state tradition’ in the political culture has produced a remarkably statist and militarist security cu ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey has been playing proactive and constructive foreign policy roles in the Middle East Region for the last few years of the AKP Government. Turkey’s active involvement in the stability efforts after 33 days war in Lebanon and constructive role in over ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkish Armed Forces (TAF) is an influential actor in the making and the implementation of Turkey’s foreign policy. Following the reforms that have been realized to meet the membership criteria of the European Union, the political power of the military hi ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey’s future in the European Union (EU) is a subject of intense debate both in Europe and in Turkey today. Although Turkey has applied to the EU 45 years ago, it is the only country which has not managed to become a full member of the Union so far. Aft ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is a first to provide a systematic analysis of whether determinants of public support for European Union membership are different in the post-communist Central and Eastern European countries than in Turkey. Since no previous study examines this ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a tendency in the literature on the military to analyze/understand the armed forces within the context of ‘militarism’ or ‘militarization’ without directly confronting the question of the ‘raison d'être’ and the temporal/spatial aspect of the ins ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is enough evidence in the recent years to suggest that NATO’s role in the Black Sea region is changing and, perhaps, increasing. To a long-time member-state of Turkey the countries of Bulgaria and Romania have been added. Various NATO exercises cont ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The work on setting up a legal framework for agro-biotechnology in Turkey is largely based on using the international regulations as a benchmark, with the Cartagena Biosafety Protocol and the European Union legislation being the two main influences. The b ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The unquestioned Cold War alliance of Turkey with the United States lent itself to a strategic partnership at the end of the bipolar confrontation. To the observers of the US-Turkish relations, divergence of policies with respect to the Middle East was no ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The forces of globalization and particularly the neoliberal approach to economic governance continue to put a heavy pressure on national techno-economic governance regimes. Although the marriage between expert rule and economic decision-making goes back f ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fall of the Soviet Union has transformed the economic and social landscape in Istanbul. As the so called suitcase traders flooded the northern Black Sea coasts and later Istanbul, as post-Soviet women began to enjoy their new-found freedom of travel a ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The collapse of Turkish economy in 2001 economic crisis has raised question marks on the structural weakness of the Turkish economy and its financial liberalization since the 1980s. Neo-liberal reforms have been in progress over a period of two decades in ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU’s 1999 Helsinki Summit decision to endorse Turkey’s efforts to obtain membership was a major turning point in the evolution of Turkey’s domestic and foreign affairs. Especially in the post-September 11 context, a predominantly Muslim nation underta ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]