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Turkey's accession to the European Union has been the subject of much debate and controversy across regions. However, diverse governmental and non-governmental actors, interviewed by us in May 2010, emphasized the distinction between the EU accession process from actual membership and the profound impact that this process has already had on the country. This paper draws on interviews and meetings conducted with political officials and civil society actors at the national and local level and members to explore how the EU process affects democratization efforts in Turkey, particularly in the Kurdish region. The paper applies the two-level game to explore how domestic debates regarding identity issues, women's empowerment, the role of religion in politics and local development are all framed as essential to democratization in an effort to appeal to wider domestic and international audiences. While many different political and civil society actors coopt the term "democracy" in presenting their own demands, they are quick and forceful to downplay the democratic credentials of political opponents. We work to parse out the different stakeholders, their unique and shared perspectives on democracy, their individual investment in the EU process and commitment to actual accession. We focus on the following question: what is the impact of the EU accession process on democratization in Turkey? We present our argument using evidence from interviews conducted at the national and local level in Turkey, newspaper accounts, EU reports, and additional secondary sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To date, much of the literature in IR and communication, the parent disciplines of public diplomacy, have been dominated by the Western, and particularly the U.S. experience and perspective. As scholars have noted, this perspective privileges the autonomous individual or entity and focuses attention on the attributes and agency of the individual. For example, soft power resources appear as attributes of an individual entity, while public diplomacy presupposes a separation of �foreign� and �domestic� publics. Literature from other heritages tends to stress relations and holistic social structures. This paper introduces the concept of �relational spheres� that highlights the privileged position of domestic and diaspora publics and three analytical lens (assertive, associative, and harmonious) for viewing the subtle assumptions in the different conceptions and practices of global public. The paper draws on PD examples from Turkey, Iran, Colombia, Brazil, Uganda, South Africa, China, India, Korea, Indonesia and Japan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey's decision on its role in the Iraq war in 2003 illustrates the power -- and limits -- of parliaments as actors in foreign policy. Traditionally, national assemblies are not seen as important players in the foreign policies of parliamentary democracies. Instead, the cabinet is generally considered the locus of policymaking authority. Parliaments are seen as forums for debate, and if the government enjoys a parliamentary majority, legislatures are expected to support the cabinet, if they are brought into the process at all. In Turkey, the president and the military have also been considered more important actors than parliament. But the March 1, 2003 vote by the Turkish parliament to not allow the United States to use Turkey as a base challenges this conventional wisdom on parliamentary influence (in addition to interest-based explanations of foreign policy). This paper examines this decision in the context of the role of legislatures in the foreign policies of parliamentary democracies and explores the relationships between parliamentary influence, leadership, intraparty politics, and public opinion. This paper uses this case to offer ideas on when and how parliaments are influential in foreign policy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the major turning points for Turkish politics is the opening of its accession negotiations for European Union membership in 2005. The EU has significant leverage on countries aspiring for membership due to its political conditionality and through the applicant country's adaptation of its rules and laws to those of the EU. Thus, the process of membership negotiations impacts the applicant country's political process in a significant fashion. This paper proposes that as Turkey moves towards meeting the EU's standards in democracy as part and parcel of its accession requirements, the underlying anti-democratic tendencies and tensions in Turkish politics come to the fore front with the unexpected result that the process of democratization carries the danger of threatening the basis of individual rights and liberties in Turkey. This is because the democratization process that gained momentum in 2002 has led to a high degree of polarization in Turkish politics with the Islamists and secularists located at the opposite ends. This paper analyzes the main cleavages in Turkish politics; the Islamists versus the secularists and nationalists versus the globalists with respect to the issues of gender equality, the Kurdish problem and the role of the military in politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following a post-structuralist theorising of identity in international relations which argues that identity is relationally and discursively constructed through foreign policy, this paper attempts to analyse the way in which the European Commission - a central actor in EU enlargement policy - discursively constructs European identit(ies) in its relations with Turkey, a long-standing candidate country with overwhelming controversy on its 'Europeanness'. The paper argues that EU enlargement policy can be treated as a form of foreign policy tool that discursively constructs the 'insiders' and the 'outsiders' through varying relationships with them, mainly via constructing the tenets of 'Europeanness'.The paper utilises the methodological tools of critical discourse analysis (CDA)in analysing the speeches and field interviews conducted with European Commission officials, in analysing the way in which they construct 'Europe' in relation to Turkish accession. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What effects does regime transition have on the relationship between terrorist groups? Whereas some studies argue that terrorist groups are likely to outbid one another for power through escalation of violence, others have argued that these outbidding effects are shaped by regime type, with democratic states experiencing the highest degree of terrorist group competition. This paper explores whether terrorist group cooperation and competition vary under conditions of political transition. Using a variety of methods, the paper investigates these hypotheses about the effects of regime transitions on terrorist group interactions and incidents in Greece, Portugal, and Turkey. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

US-Turkish relationship post-World War II has been based on mutual strategic interest and common security policies vis-à-vis Turkey’s environment. During the Cold War, the US looked to Turkey as a steadfast barrier against Soviet Communist influence in the Middle East. In recent times, particularly since 9/11, the US has increasingly begun to look at Turkey as more than simply a geographic barrier, affecting a shift in the nature of this relationship. Laying out the trends and patterns that have led to the current state of the US-Turkish alliance, this paper argues that the most formative years of the alliance and the parameters of the relationship were established within the context of the Cold War.Taken from a historical vantage point and largely based upon archival research in Turkey, this paper seeks to demonstrate how a periphery state such as Turkey and an external power like the US constructed and then oriented their foreign policies in relation to the Middle East. By exploring the competing interests and identities that shape the Middle East policies of Turkey during the Cold War, the direct impact of Turkey’s ‘strategic alliance’ with the US can be seen.There is still no consensus among historians on the relative weight of external and regional forces in shaping the modern Middle East during the period of the Cold War. Within this context, Turkey role, as both a European and Middle Eastern ally of the United States is central. The close strategic partnership of the Cold War between the US and Turkey has been too often portrayed through overly optimistic and simplistic lenses with little attention paid to some of the underlying tensions in the relationship. As a result, recent rifts over US foreign policy initiatives in Turkey’s neighbourhood have not been understood in their proper historical context. The ‘crisis’ in US-Turkish relations that popular media sources sensationalized in the aftermath of US-led military actions in Iraq seemed to ignore the changing factors in the US-Turkish relationship. In analyzing the diplomatic and military relations between the US and Turkey during the Cold War this paper highlights the foundation on which the current relationship is built, as well as Turkey’s foreign policy toward the Middle East. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to shed new light on the old question of whether the Islamic culture is compatible with neoliberal capitalism. The research focuses on how AKP, with the decline of the welfare state in Europe in the 1990s, and in Turkey's attempts to be a competitive player in world economy (and of course to join the EU), has successfully used its Islamic links to help disseminate in the society the neoliberal view of the state. Especially in the area of poverty alleviation, the AKP has been successful in deferring part of its role (as the majority government) in welfare functions to Islamic charity organizations, and at the same time, benefit from these organizations' activities via the linkages between those organizations and local governments. An important question here is how these organizations see themselves. Do they ascribe to such a position- as additions to the State's welfare system? What do they think about their role as actors in civil society? What type of a relation do they want to have with the state? Answers to these questions can improve our understanding of three issues. First, when the AKP is channeling the resources of small charity organizations to local municipalities, how does the common Islamic ideological orientation affect the polity? Second, how do Islamic NGOs see the civil society's role? Can they be actors in a democratic system, as some liberals presume? Lastly, what type of a future do they want for themselves? Do they envision a State where Islamic rules prevail, are the secularists' suspicions justified? The paper does not claim to find all the answers to these questions; rather it attempts to reveal the mechanisms and the thought process behind the Islamic NGOs, through a structured- focused comparative case study. The paper opens with a brief explanation of the relationship between globalization and neoliberal economic policies, and its affect on Turkish economy. Then it discusses how the role of civil society is deduced to an agent that serves the state. Taking a look at the civil society organizations in Turkey working in the area of development and poverty alleviation, the paper goes on to investigate two Islamic civil society organizations working to help the poor and needy. Both are small charity organizations, mainly focusing on poor widowed women and their children. Both of them are mostly active in their neighborhoods, in the district that their organization is founded. Through a structured focused comparative case study, the research reveals how the charity organizations as members of civil society contribute to poverty reducing strategies and help the government infuse in the society the view of the new neoliberal state. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper looks at the challenges of environmental and fishing stock degradation in the waters surrounding Greece and Turkey. National efforts to implement the EU’s Common Fisheries Policy are assessed in the light of domestic economic and employment imperatives. The political economy of Turkish EU membership and candidacy is discussed, as well as enforcement of other regional and global governance in this sector. This paper is a follow on to one done last year and is the product of field research in Greece and Turkey â€"May-June, 2007. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates European Union's Impact Assessment on Elimination of child labour in Turkey by using qualitative comparative analysis: How would I research the question of does the EU make a contribution to the reduction in child labour in Turkey? The paper argues that as Turkey being one of the candidate countries of the European Union, through its accession criteria and other instruments, the EU ought to be one of the main contributing factors to a reduction in child labour practices in Turkey. However, the progress in child labour issues in Turkey depends not only on the EU negotiations but also on National law and regulations, international agreements, education reforms, and reduction in poverty in the country. In this paper, it is argued that qualitative comparative analysis is the best way to test these hyptheses by offering a historical comparison of thirteen governments in Turkey between 1957 to 2007. The findings show that Qualitative Comparative Analysis is a convincing method to use in order to find out if the European Union is one of the most relevant conditions of child labour progress in Turkey. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the religious policies of two Muslim-majority republics usually described as 'secular,' and argues that they can best be understood within the twin traditions of Muslim nationalism and Jacobinism. Secularism here in no way implies separation of religion(s) and state, but conversely the promotion of a civic religion in Rousseau's sense, built around Sunni Islam. A reinterpretation of these projects in these terms suggests the need to reconsider ideas of the diffusion of 'secularism' from Europe to later-developing states and has implications for projects of forced socio-political transformation such as that underway in Iraq. Despite the radical breach represented by the transition from empire to republic, from Caliphate to 'laïc' state, the religious politics of the early Turkish Republic under Kemal (Ataturk) were significantly influenced by the Sunni Muslim nationalism of the later Ottoman Empire (see, for example, Kemal Karpat, The politicization of Islam: reconstructing identity, state, faith, and community in the late Ottoman state. Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2000, p. 409 et seq). At the same time the Kemalist project drew on the Jacobin tradition of revolutionary and Third Republic France in a project of centralizing control and constructed homogeneity, both ethnic and religious, through legal, bureaucratic, and ideological means. The project labeled itself ‘secular,’ but was more properly Erastian: the construction of a national, republican civil religion based on the existing religion of the majority, but reformed to be compatible with the requirements of the modernizing state, an application of the Jacobin interpretation of Rousseau's ideas. To what extent do these ‘secular’ republics reproduce the Jacobin model of bureaucratization, nationalization, and constructed homogenization of identity? This paper examines the religious policies of two post-Ottoman republics, Turkey and Tunisia. What evidence is there to support the idea that we should most usefully consider these examples of Muslim Erastian states? Is their 'secularism' constructed, like the laïcité of the French Third Republic (at least down to 1905) on the basis of a constructed civic religion? Evidence is derived from a careful comparative interpretation of 1) constitutional documents, 2) elite discourse, and 2) national education curricula, including official textbooks. The implications extend beyond the Islamic world, although it is most critical to understand the meaning and processes of political secularization in those countries where the 'clash of civilizations' is most starkly informing the interactions of the West and the rest. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers the link between the financialisation of a government bond market and a government's capacity to borrow on a sustainable basis, without following the policy preferences of lenders. Greater levels of financialisation increase the ability of investors to exit, therefore decreasing investor loyalty. The paper suggests a use of Hirschman's concept of voice, exit and loyalty that reduces the focus on voice, emphasises loyalty, and adds the idea of 'disloyalty' through short selling. The greater a government's capacity to borrow from loyal investors, it is argued, the higher is a government's policy autonomy. The paper suggests a framework for this link between financialisation and government policy autonomy in an 'autonomy curve', and thereby seeks to update Zysman's work on the importance of financial structure, and to provide an analysis of processes of change in that structure. The study focuses on the middle-income countries commonly called 'emerging markets', and on three case study countries with very different levels of financialisation of their government bond markets: Brazil, Lebanon and Turkey. It considers specific investor types, both domestic and international, in these markets. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to first, examine existing inequalities with respect to the access and use of information and communication technologies in Turkey, and second, evaluate how government policies addressed the issue. As has been widely discussed in both communication and political science literatures, the various dimensions of digital divide have serious political implications on the functioning of democracy, as well as the individuals' psychological, social, political and economic well-being. Thus, a comprehensive approach to diagnose the situation coupled with policy analysis is aimed to suggest future directions in dealing with the question. Within this framework, our paper will examine the case of Turkey which has a fast growing ICT sector and an equally speedy widening gap between those who are on the privileged and the disadvantaged sides of the digital divide. In the paper, we will particularly focus on the Information Society Project launched by the Turkish state in 2003 and examine to what extent global policy agendas influenced its overall framework and whether or not it has been able to develop concrete and achievable strategies targeting the particular needs present in the local context. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deals with the contentious issues of Turkey's accession to the EU. While it is clear that all candidate countries have to fulfill the formal criteria of joining the EU there seem to exist also informal criteria that in the case of Turkey cause some hesitation as regards Turkey's accession to the EU. The paper takes under review arguments that are most often voiced in connection with strong reluctance to Turkish membership in the EU: the Muslim faith, not being a European country, geopolitical risks, size of the country, democracy and human rights and the issue of Cyprus. Each argument is analyzed separately and shows how it may be viewed from a different perspective and how drawbacks may also be seen as advantages. The paper argues that Turkish accession to the EU would be an asset to the EU and that the EU bears a responsibility towards the world at large and especially towards its neighborhood. EU's enlargement is in the end a political decision and Europe's political elites bear the primary responsibility for European unification and peace and development in the region. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current Turkish party system is only a few decades old, and some parties are even younger. We should expect scant evidence of psychological ties of the voters and the political parties they support at the polls in Turkey. Indeed, earlier research on the Turkish parties and voting behavior, conducted by Hofferbert and Erguder (1985), Kalaycioglu (1994 and 1999), Ozbudun (2000), Sayari and Esmer (2002), Carkoglu (2004), and Carkoglu and Hinich (2005) indicated that Turkey tends to host a plenitude of political parties due to several cultural and ideological divides that separate the Turkish party systems in various blocs. The above-mentioned literature indicates that secular â€" Islamist divide is in part responsible in the socio-cultural cleavages that divide up the Turkish body politic. Moreover, data analysis seems to indicate that the management of macro economy and performance of the parties in government influence electoral choices, and the socio-cultural cleavages of the country play relatively large role in determining party preferences of the voters in Turkey. However, the earlier research has been inconclusive about the role played by such psychological factors as party identification in Turkey.In this paper first of all, the role that such socio-cultural cleavages as secularism versus Islamism in determining party identification play is examined. Secondly various determinants of party preferences are comparatively examined to evaluate the role played by such factors as ideology, identity, economic expectations and party identification of the voters in Turkish politics of the early 2000s. A causal model that assesses the relative influence that ideological, economic, and psychological (party identification) factors play in the determination of party preferences of the Turkish voters is developed and tested by the help of the data collected by means of a national survey in April â€" May 2006. In the final and the third part of the paper a comparative evaluation of factors that explain party preferences across secular and Islamist parties in Turkey are attempted, with the specific aim of ascertaining the role that reason versus dogma play in the party politics that operate in a Muslim society and secular democratic system. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research in different stages of conflict suggests that civil society plays a wide range of peacebuilding roles. It also suggests that the failure of certain functions at these stages prevents conflict resolution and transformation. These studies also point out for the increasing role played by different actors as well as the need for coordination among them. This paper aims to study the issues that come into play in every stage of the Kurdish conflict and analyzes the changing role of civil society in the peacebuilding processes on the basis of a joint analytical framework and a number of research hypotheses developed by Paffenholz and Spurk. The paper will first identify the country and conflict context, discuss the status of civil society actors working on the issue, and lastly analyze the role of the civil society actors in the peace processes. The data for the paper are drawn from the author’s fieldwork in the southeastern Anatolia where the armed conflict take place as well as in Istanbul and Ankara where most civil society actors function. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the run-up to the European Union's "big-bang" enlargement of 2004, there was significant debate about the cultural unity of Europe. Popular and scholarly observers routinely suggested that a cultural chasm separated cosmopolitan and post-religious western Europeans from provincial and devout eastern Europeans. The east-west cultural divide portended a dark future for the EU. On this view, westerners and easterners in an enlarged EU would have a hard time understanding each other (literally and figuratively) and east Europeans would have a hard time availing themselves of the perquisites (e.g., free movement, increased educational opportunity) of membership.David Laitin (2002) framed an ambitious empirical analysis of culture and politics in the enlarging EU against the backdrop of this debate. His findings cut against the prevailing wisdom: both westerners and easterners, he found, participated in an emerging pan-European cosmopolitan culture. Rather than precluding mobility and political consensus after 2004, he suggested, culture might encourage east European mobility and promote compromise between incumbent member states and new member states.The purpose of the current paper is to utilize Laitin's conceptual framework to test more contemporary assertions of cultural difference in Europe. Today, assertions of Turkish otherness are even more common than assertions of eastern otherness were before 2004. This common view suggests that Turks are from Venus, while Europeans are from Mars. But might empirical comparison of Turkish and incumbent culture undercut this conventional wisdom, just as Laitin's analysis undercut the east-west conventional wisdom? And what are the political implications of cultural (non)overlaps between Turks and citizens of the EU-27? The paper analyzes updated data on language use, religion, and popular culture in EU member-states and Turkey to address these questions. It suggests that Laitin's pan-European cosmopolitan culture is deepening within the EU-27 but that most Turkish citizens remain outside of this culture. This time around, the conventional wisdom is generally supported rather than challenged. The paper's findings raise concerns about the prospects for cooperation in an EU that includes Turkey and questions the extent to which Turkish Eurocitizens would be able to take advantage of the opportunities opened by EU membership. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

ISA Paper 2008The Political Economy of Central Banking Reform in TurkeyIn 2001, the Turkish government reformed the Central Bank of Turkey Act, joining the cross-national trend towards increased legal independence, transparency and accountability. This paper is about the timing and content of this reform. It argues that 2001 financial crisis opened a window of opportunity for policy entrepreneurship and mediation which coupled problems and policies with political processes successfully. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Europeanization, the study of the impact of the European Union (EU) on the political systems of nation-states, has been a significant area of research in the recent years. This literature focuses on the mechanisms behind the Member States’ or candidate countries’ adoption of EU rules. However, it does not bring together the two sets of countries in a single comparative framework. This paper seeks to achieve this by investigating the pattern of rule adoption in the Member States versus candidate countries in a given issue area. Focusing on the institutionalization of rules concerning minority rights, it argues that the existence of political criteria for admission into the Union coupled with non-harmonisation of language policy leads to a dual pattern of minority governance in Europe. First in the candidate countries the EU triggers a top-down change in their policies on minority languages through conditionality. Alternatively, in the Member States it provides the space for a bottom-up change in such policies through boomerang pattern, as the European institutions fund nonstate actors and serve as a ‘coral reef’ by promoting the formation of such groups and bringing them into proximity with others to form coalitions resulting in exertion of pressure on Member States. Therefore, the paper demonstrates that Europeanization is not a uniform process across these countries and that it can take different forms depending on the political/legal character of the issue area. This paper employs case studies; Latvia and Turkey for the first pattern, Northern Ireland and Sweden for the second pattern. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the diplomatic and political interactions, debates and doctrinal assertions surrounding the question of Turkish accession into the European Union. Based on contemporary primary source materials in French, German and Turkish, as well as in English, it reveals the hidden as well as the manifest political, strategic, economic, social and cultural concerns that this issue provokes. The specter of a predominantly Islamic nation may be said to stalk the EU. It divides major political parties in France, Germany, Italy and other West European states. Ostensibly, the central fear is over employment and the ability of European labor markets to absorb massive Turkish labor migration. But the paper suggests that something more is involved. Perhaps an insidious anxiety lurks beneath such rationalizations, namely, that the EU would no longer be able to hold onto its cultural integrity were Turkey to become an integral component. To assess the view that Turkish accession generates an anxiety over cultural integrity, this paper applies the concept of organized hypocrisy to analyze successive attempts by the EU to extend indefinitely negotiations with the Turkish government over its accession into Europe-but without appearing to do so. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a critical review of an interdisciplinary body of research on Islam and democracy and develops theory in order to explain the emergence of Turkey?s ruling AKP (Justice and Development Party) and to interpret to what extent this contributes to Turkey?s liberal-democratic consolidation. The paper shows that the AKP has so far featured a significantly more liberal-democratic and pro-West discourse and program than its predecessors have. It identifies the political-economic and institutional conditions that appear to have facilitated the AKP?s emergence, and places special emphasis on the EU as an external anchor and on the intended and unintended consequences of past secularist pressures. Political and theoretical implications of the case of Turkey are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The peaceful resolution of border conflicts is an important component of the hegemonic order that the EU seeks to construct in its near abroad. This paper draws on newspaper reviews and preliminary elite interviews to analyze how the various forms of EU influence directed at the Turkish elite have influenced their decision-making with respect to Turkey?s relations with Greece. I am specifically interested in how coercive, inductive, and persuasive forms of EU influence have interacted in shaping elite decision-making in Turkey. This paper also uses the specific case of EU influence on Greek/Turkish relations to further our understanding of the microprocesses of hegemonic influence at a more general level. While the literature routinely underlines that material and ideational/normative hegemonic influences mutually reinforce one another, there are not detailed analyses of how various hegemonic influences are perceived, acted upon, and manipulated by different elites, and how, through these micro-processes, make an impact in the target states/societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Israel and Turkey have more in common than their recent military and economic cooperation and their secular and democratic credentials. In both states there was a crisis of national identity in the 1990s as the previously dominant conceptions of the national identity were challenged and unsettled. The crises of national identity in Israel and Turkey share some important features. They also have a potentially broader relevance since such crises are now becoming increasingly common. By examining these identity crises and comparing them, this paper attempts to offer a theoretically grounded and empirically informed understanding of national identity crises and their causes. A crisis of national identity occurs when the prevailing conception of the national identity is undermined and loses its ‘taken-for-granted’ nature making it subject to extensive contestation and debate. No objective criteria, however, can be specified for precisely when this point is reached. On the basis of a comparison of the crises of national identity in Israel and Turkey, this paper argues that a change in state-society relations is behind the identity crises in both countries. The gradual loss of the state’s monopoly in defining the national identity resulted in growing societal discord over the definition of the national identity, with the persistence and intensity of this discord being widely interpreted as indicative of a crisis of national identity. Thus, this paper contends that a crisis of national identity occurs when a national identity was imposed largely from above by the state, and when the states loses this ability?as it invariably does, especially as a result of globalization?opening the way for a variety of different social groups to advance different conceptions of the national identity and compete with each other to make their conception of the national identity hegemonic. When no societal consensus is reached over the proper definition of the national identity and there are multiple definitions of the national identity in competition, this situation is perceived by many as indicative of a crisis of national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In February 2002, the American President George Bush called upon the United States to a monumental struggle of good versus evil, specifying where security challenges in the new millennium will come from. The definition of what constitutes a security risk has changed in the post-Cold war era as illustrated by the September 11 2001 attacks to the USA. These new threats to security opened a road towards a dividing the world along new demarcation lines in the 21st century. In this highly turbulent security environment, Turkey is faced with the task of redefining its place in the international balance of power system and reformulating its foreign policy in response to both changes in the international institutions and threats to global security. This paper first identifies the new security challenges to Turkey’s foreign policy making in line with the reformulation of security risks and institutions; while doing so it points out to the diverging preferences of Turkey’s foreign policy partners-namely NATO’s European members and the USA. A major reference point for the reformulation of the international system is with regards to Turkey’s relations with the USA especially in the aftermath of the Iraqi war in 2003. The War in Iraq in 2003 also signalled some transformation at the international system and a crisis erupted between Turkey and the USA over the implications of the Iraqi War. This paper will analyze these implications and evaluate the changing nature of Turkish-USA relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many recent events seem to indicate a change in Turkey's foreign policy orientation: Turkey's reactions to the occupation of Iraq by the United States, the notable deceleration in Turkey's adoption of the EU acquis, rapprochement with countries in the Middle East, especially with Syria and Iran, and a much stronger criticism of Israel's foreign policy, which led to repetitive crises with Israel. All these have engendered doubts regarding Turkey's long-cherished association with the West. This paper argues that Turkey's Middle Eastern-centered foreign policy does not mark a departure from Western orientation that has been pursued since the wake of the Cold War. Turkey's location in the Middle East has long been used as a bargaining chip in Turkey's relations with the West. The marketing of Turkey's location, identity, and status in the region is one of the continuous elements of Turkish foreign policy. While Turkey hoped to obtain a place within the West by playing on its geopolitical location and links with the countries outside West's reach, what has driven Turkey towards these measures has been Turkey's uneasy identification with the West/Europe as well as the difficulties Turkey has faced in reconciling domestic and international challenges. During the last decade, Turkey has reconfigured its alignment within its Westernist axis by orienting its foreign policy towards the goal of EU membership rather than giving an unconditional support to the U.S. policies. On the other hand, Turkey's new configuration seems to have its own limits so long as Turkey continues to rely on its traditional tactics to enhance its geostrategic importance at the expense of domestic reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will examine the future of Transatlantic relations from a Turkish perspective ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will discuss the following questions: Why does the Justice and Development Party (JDP) attach importance to European politics? and Which kinds of factor direct the JDP towards EU? The JDP, which for the first time came into the power in 2002 an ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper plans to explore the alternative courses of action towards Iraq latent in Turkish discourse. It will employ discourse analysis to popular culture sources, to shed light on what possibilities loom on the fringes of formal Turkish politics. More ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers international bond investor reaction to Turkey's possible EU accession. We demonstrate that investors react positively to even this far-distant and uncertain event, suggesting that investors could react much further in advance of political events and institutional change than suggested by existing analysis of the impact of politics on financial market actors. We show that one of the main changes brought about by the accession process is the emergence of new investors, able to invest only because of that accession process. This both highlights the importance of disaggregating financial markets, and suggests that market reaction to institutional change is likely to be especially important when that institutional change results not only in reactions by existing investors, but also changes in the types of investors active in a particular market. We make some brief comparisons between the EU accession process and IMF programmes. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Kurds in Turkey posed a strong challenge to the Turkish state in the 1990s by attempting to assert their right to their own nation-state. While the Turkish states initially appeared to be losing control to the rebels, it experienced a dramatic change in the course of events as the conflict progressed. How was the state and its military apparatus able to shift the tide in its favor? Which factors was crucial to the militaries' increased local capacity, and, concomitantly, to the rebels' more vulnerable position? To address these questions, my paper will examine state strategies used to contain the conflict to specific regions and localize it by dividing the opposition in the zone of conflict. I argue that local collaboration enabled the governments to employ selective violence, increased the government's access to information about rebel identities and enhanced its ability to respond quickly and effectively. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of supply and demand for religious goods and services as a means of molding domestic and foreign policy is a somewhat new suggestion. This paper endeavors to construct a micro and macro-economic framework by expanding upon the existing New Paradigm rational actor ideas for religious goods and services.The outcome of this study suggests that governments can take advantage of, and or limit the positive and negative externalities associated with changing levels of religious participation, by increasing or decreasing the levels of supply and or demand for religious goods and services, both domestically and abroad. The study suggests that the United States and its ally Turkey or any other modern state can, in the long term, permanently diffuse religious extremism and the associated negative externalities, by increasing the number of religious suppliers and consumers in countries that currently pose high levels of religious extremism. The policy responses can be overt and or covert, domestic and or international. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Privatizations have often been chastised for their pernicious effects on social development and democratization. The main reasons for the negative reputation of privatizations have been downsizing and increased unemployment in the post-privatizations period and lack of transparency and increased corruption during their implementation. This paper looks at the impact of privatizations on democratization by carrying out a comparative study of the transformation of labor unions in the post-privatizations period in Turkey and Argentina. It concludes that labor unions in these two utterly distinct countries and cultures have changed their structure, internal workings and external relations with other governance actors towards more democratic stands. Based on in-depth interviews with over fifty labor union leaders at different levels of union hierarchy, the study concludes that privatizations can democratize institutions by rendering them more active, more collaborative and more competitive in social, political and economic terms. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalists frequently argue that Turkey is “too Muslim” to be part of “Europe.” They assert that religious differences undercut attempts to bring Turkey into the EU.This paper tests these assertions by analyzing constitutions, press debates, and publi ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we look at state-ethnic group interaction in multi-ethnic states. Building on the previous work by Barbara Walter on territorial disputes, we compare two dominant hypotheses in the field regarding adversaries’ conflict behavior, namely the ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1915, some 8000 Australian soldiers ('diggers') lost their lives in a military campaign that began with an attempt to capture a peninsula on the Black Sea in Turkey. In the years following, their 'sacrifice' came to be commemorated on April 25th ('Anzac Day') in dawn services across the country and at the site of the landing itself: ANZAC Cove. Since the mid-1990s, increasing numbers of Australians have attended dawn services, with young Australians undertaking what they themselves term as 'pilgrimages' to Anzac Cove in record numbers. Simultaneously, Prime Minister John Howard emphasized both the centrality of the Anazc myth to Australian national identity and invoked the memory of diggers' sacrifice to justify military intervention in the post-2001 'war on terror'. This paper explores how the Anzac myth and memory of sacrifice has been invoked politically; how this relates to practices of memorialisation and broader conceptions of national identity; and what implications this has for the way we understand the relationship between collective memory and the practices of international politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the perspective of conflict analysis and resolution and of peace studies, this paper will examine the changing bilateral relations between Greece and Turkey. The study will treat Greek-Turkish relations as an illustrative case of conflict transformat ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the 'mainstreaming' of constructivism in IR, the 'social turn' overlooks a crucial component of social life - the ordinary interactions that form the frequent and most common opportunity for dialogue among international actors. In this paper, I argue that ordinary interactions, like the creation of an Economic Partnership Commission to enhance and deepen US-Turkish partnership shortly after 9/11, are at the core of social processes. These interactions matter because they demonstrate how actors make their relations meaningful through a common language; one that relies on a re-engagement with the relevant past events familiar to participants. The 'trade talk' between the US and Turkey in 2002 relied on re-telling the past in order to make the economic negotiations meaningful. Events are not static 'things' in need of explanation or prediction, but rather elements of meaning-making and common knowledge. Ironically, then, events are extremely significant elements of the ordinary. By emphasizing how events are used as elements of story, I demonstrate the socially productive possibilities of the everyday. This requires close attention to narratives and I develop a methodology loosely based on David Campbell's work to examine how the articulated past events that appear in the narratives told to me in my personal interviews with US and Turkish elites in 2003 are formative of common knowledge and sense-making in international relations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Both Argentina and Turkey had a devastating financial crisis in 2001 but the IMF’s reaction to these crises differed considerably. The purpose of this paper is to make a comparison of these two cases in terms of the role that the IMF played in tackling fi ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the latent and manifest content analysis of over 90 political party programs and 61 government programs issued since the 1920s, this paper examines the changes in the political elite discourse on gender and women’s rights in Turkey. The data ind ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Islam has been on the rise as a source of political tension since the AKP came to power in 2002 and then reclaimed its victory in 2007 in Turkey. The secular establishment fear that the political changes under the AKP government will transform Turkey into 'a second Iran' or 'another Malaysia' within the next ten years. Based on the methodology of comparative historical analysis, this article aims to answer one of the key questions, which is relevant to the future development of secular democracy in the Muslim context: is the AKP government transforming Turkey from a secular (laic) back to a theocratic state that will embody the experimental model of 'moderate Islam' in the Middle East? This paper ontologically explores the rise of Islamism in Turkey by engaging with social and historical analysis of secularisation and democratisation and, thus, challenges three myths that do not systematically explain 'contextualised comparisons' in international relations. Nevertheless, at issue for the post-9/11 West is the complex of interrelationships between Islam, secularism, and liberal democracy: Can Turkey make the transition to being a 'Muslim democracy' - with all its significance for the future of the Middle East and the West in the 21st Century? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey had followed a very conservative and narrowly defined foreign policy during the Cold War in accordance with the Cold War discipline. The end of the Cold War enlarged the space for maneuver for Turkish foreign policy. However, Turkey failed to successfully transform its foreign policy in accordance with the post-Cold War conjecture in the 1990s. After the 2002 general elections, AKP (Justice and Development Party) came to power where Prime Minister Tayyip Erdogan Turkey started to follow new principles of foreign policy making. According to, Prof. Ahmet Davutoglu, the chief adviser of foreign policy to the Prime Minister, the new Turkish foreign policy is designed on 5 fundamental principles: 1. Balance between freedom and security.2. Zero problems with the neighbors. 3. Multi-dimensional and multi-track policies.4. A new diplomatic discourse. 5. Rhythmic diplomacy.In this paper, I attempt to describe these fundamental principles of foreign policy making and evaluate them as to how much they have been implemented and become entrenched in the current Turkish foreign policy making. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transnational spaces are intensively employed by feminist movements (Moghadam, 2000), environmental activists (Wapner, 1995) and human rights advocates (Sikkink, 1993). This paper focuses on transnational networks and their impact on local social movements, government policy and stateâ€"society relations in Turkey. Three cases will be examined in order to outline the emergence, development and the extensity, intensity, pattern and impact of the ties between the different nodes of advocacy networks. The first case is that of Bergama which entails a struggle to prevent an Australian gold-mining company from using the cyanide leaching method for gold recovery. The anti-cyanide network around the Bergama movement was active for over a decade. Second case is the anti-nuclear network, which was formed against the plans to build a nuclear power plant in Turkey. The third case is that of the controversy around the construction of the Ilisu Dam in the southeast of Turkey and the transnational advocacy network that was formed in order to pressure international and national actors. The main argument is that environmentalism supported by transnational networks has provided a significant push for generating public debate and challenging the heavy-handed and centralized decision-making of the state.Moghadam, V. M. (2000), ‘Transnational Feminist Networks: Collective Action in an Era of Globalisation’, in Saïd Amir Arjomad (ed.) International Sociology, Vol. 15(1), pp. 57-85. Sikkink, K. (1993), ‘Human Rights, Principled Issue-Networks and Sovereignty in Latin America’ International Organization.Wapner, P. (1995), ‘Politics Beyond the State. Environmental Activism and World Civic Politics’ World Politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will consider the role of the Turkish military in the evolution and conduct of Turkish politics. It will address a/ the Kemalist rationale behind the military’s involvement in Turkish politics, b/ the historical record of military intervention in the political process in Turkey, c/ the military’s alignment with the secular and nationalist strains within Turkish society, d/ the impact of the EU and US on the Turkish political system, and the implications for Turkey’s relationships with the West, and e/ the implications for our understanding, and the future development , of Turkish democratization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the April 2007 ‘crisis’ in Turkey and its ‘democratic resolution’ from the perspective of a postcolonial critique. The April 2007 crisis came to be articulated primarily along three dimensions: the stability, legitimacy and trajectory of the state. First, the military command’s unsettling warning to the ruling party’s ‘Islamist’ presidential nomination and the initial rejection of the nomination by the Constitutional Court resulted in an institutional stalemate. Second, despite considerable internal diversity of opinion amongst the millions of Turks who took to the streets, the ‘movement’ seemed to reflect a choice between ‘anti-military and anti-fundamentalism’. This popular demand, however, was met with an institutional setting in which the military were the ‘anti-fundamentalists’ and the ‘fundamentalists’ were the anti-military. Finally, for some European Union members, this crisis cast new doubts about the desirability of Turkey’s eventual membership: Was the choice for the EU between a Turkey whose ‘secularism’ was backed up by military force or a Turkey ruled by the force of Islam? In response to the stalemate, the AKP (Justice and Development Party) set early elections for July 2007. On the one hand, this appears as the quintessential democratic resolution of a vexing problem. Yet, the supposed crisis assured in under the rubric of secularism vs. Islam is, we argue, merely symptomatic of a more general problem that traverses both Turkey’s domestic and international relations: the failure at varying levels to articulate a democratic imaginaire that resists the presumed unity and singularity of Turkish identity in state-civil relations ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to understand how domestic security threats shape state institutions and regime structures. More specifically, it discusses the impact of insurgency movements on the nature of civil-military relations and democratic openings in a country. This is an important theoretical question with great policy relevance. For centuries, civilian leaders have struggled with the problem of subordinating militaries to their authority. The lack of civilian control has become a major factor that blocked the consolidation of democracies in numerous countries. Political science literature has, so far, failed to provide a well-developed answer to this research question. Although the majority of the scholars believe that domestic security threats inevitably lead to an increase in the political involvement of the armed forces (Huntington, 1962; Stepan, 1976; O’Donnell, 1979; Hunter, 1997; Desch, 1999; etc), similar levels and types of internal security threats have, in fact, divergent effects on civil-military relations and broader regime-related questions. To understand the causes of this variation, I conduct a comparative case study by focusing on two countries, namely Turkey and Peru, which have fought against Kurdistan Workers’ Party and Shining Path insurgents, respectively, from the 1980s onwards. With this study, I intend to show that the presence of an internal threat is not a sufficient condition to account for changes in civil-military relations and regime structures. Instead, I discuss the importance of strategic interests and calculations of civilian governments and their armed forces, as well as the silent bargaining process between these actors in explaining this research question. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The greater Middle East region has become an important focus in the post-Cold War politics of energy pipelines coupled with unsettled territorial disputes between the peoples of the regional countries. The emergence of new independent Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia, coupled with internal unrest in at least two of these countries, presents new challenges and opportunities for the United States, Russia and the two regional powers Iran and Turkey. Politics of energy pipelines further intensified regional rivalries and present serious challenges for U.S. foreign policy in coming years. In this paper, we apply a power transition analysis to assess the probability of cooperation or conflict between the region's (Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Iran, Israel, Russia, and Turkey) as our first step in identifying potentially dangerous dyadic relationships. We then assess the impact of Turkey's EU membership on regional stability. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of either informal empire or colonialism is dependent on the development or breakdown of the institutions regulating interaction between expansionist actors and the periphery. How relationships between these actors evolve in a given institutional context determines subsequent interactions and societal development, as certain actors are privileged in terms of authority and resources. In this paper, I will argue that an understanding of European imperialism that appreciates expansion in terms of institutional linkage and adaptation allows better specification of the advantages and disadvantages that explain the type of imperialism established as well as its institutional persistence. I will demonstrate the usefulness of such an approach by comparing the cases of China and the Ottoman Empire during the 19th century; arguing the ability of European actors to link with existing practices and understandings in these cases allowed the achievement of imperial goals. The key point to be made is that different understandings of territoriality, the international, and legal personality in China and the Ottoman Empire led to the establishment of different institutional complexes that constituted European imperialism in these areas. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The difficulties encountered with negotiating and sharing a common resource, like water, are well known. A conflict over water exists when an actor feels constrained in the realization of its national goals and objectives through the unilateral use of the resource by another actor. The author addresses water conflicts from the perspective of negotiation theories, by revealing the direct and indirect issues at stake and the coalition dynamics at work. In line with major theoretical debates in the field, the study aims to shed a new light on the ongoing debate on water, security and conflict, as well as power and negotiation. In order to evaluate past and prospective negotiations, a conceptual framework is developed, which identifies the actors' main (bargaining) variables (e.g., power asymmetries, coalition dynamics, strategies) and interests (water security, territorial claims, economic development, environmental concerns) and suggests some of their inter-relations. The framework draws on negotiation analysis to show how it is that actors will tend to employ power strategies to improve short-term gains, rather than engage in cooperation toward long-term solutions, when a comprehensive settlement is not realized. Counter-strategies on the part of weaker States can prove to be effective when issue-linkage is applied in the negotiation process. In order to understand the power puzzle, the framework is applied to the Euphrates and Tigris Basins. What is the weight of water-sharing in the power dynamics of the three key actors - Syria, Turkey and Iraq? What were the negotiation strategies of Syria and Iraq, downstream riparians on the Tigris and Euphrates Rivers, towards their powerful upstream neighbor, Turkey. Despite its geographic, political and economic predominance, why has Turkey agreed to a minimal water allocation to Syria? Linkages between water, power and security variables are thus disentangled and the paper concludes that asymmetries of power can paradoxically favor cooperative dynamics over water between upstream and downstream riparian States. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU's common foreign and security role is tied to the EU's normative role and this has been one of the critical aspects of the debate concerning Turkey's accession. Turkey's membership negotiations are critical in terms of the future of the European integration process, specifically with respect to the EU's role as a global actor. How Turkey perceives the EU's CFSP is critical in assessing Turkey's potential role in the larger integration process, as well as the future development of the EU's international role. The article investigates whether there are wide differences among the Turkish public vis-a-vis the EU's CFSP and to what extent these differences are visible in Turkey's negotiation talks with the EU. The paper explores the extent to which European norms in foreign policy has diffused into Turkey and how this diffusion might have impacted the process of foreign policy making in Turkey. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political parties have been the most important institutions in modern politics. In all regimes, including one-party rules, they fulfill numerous functions. Even when they do not govern and remain in opposition, parties can influence the political agenda and discourse of the country in which they operate. Cross-national studies find that left-wing parties have been more supportive of women’s representation in politics, but there has been little attention on the changes in political parties’ gender discourse over time. Focusing on the case of Turkey â€" the politics of which have been defined as “party politics” â€" this paper explores the factors and events, both domestic and international, that shape political parties’ gender discourse and approach to women’s rights. The assessment is based on the latent and manifest content analysis of over 90 political party programs issued since the 1920s. Preliminary findings indicate that while the party ideology makes a difference, references to women, gender equality and women’s rights mark an increase in practically all party programs during the last two decades. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]