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"Critique of the social contract," an important post-Republican era political article by Yan Fu, has attracted much attention from scholars. Most of the discussions, however, have failed to note that the article was a translation adapted from Thomas Huxley's "On the natural inequality of men." Huxley wrote the article to discourage nationalization of land in Britain. To serve his own political agenda, however, Yan devoted a good deal of effort to translating it. Therefore, by including Huxley in his review, the author of this paper examines Yan's work from a new perspective. Huxley's "On the natural inequality of men" actually represents a series of public debates he had had with Herbert Spencer in The Times and other media. His Evolution and Ethics (also translated by Yan) was another product of this debate. To better understand the position that Huxley held in Yan's mind, it is important to revisit the dialogue between Huxley and Spencer. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Among the ritual reforms during the Hongwu reign, in the name of "using Chinese ways to abolish barbarian customs" ..., or "restoring antiquity" ..., the reform of clothing played an important role. Faced with popular apparel deriving from Jin and Yuan dynasties, mixing clothing styles from different ethnicities, nations, and social hierarchies, the Ming government launched a costume reform that lasted more than thirty years and involved all the social hierarchies. During this far-reaching process, the so-called "Great Ming Clothing System" ... was gradually established. The newly born Ming government, in manipulating the identities of various groups through the formation of a sumptuary system, obtained its cultural orthodoxy by interacting with Confucian rites. This paper will explore the details of this reform and analyse its political motivation and effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the mid-Song, the Song court built a large number of forts along the northwest frontier as an important means of defense against the Xixia .... When the two sides competed to control the strategic Heng shan ... area, Jintang Fort became the critical focus of contention between the two nations. As far as the author can tell, little is known about Jintang Fort, except from the documents found in Heishui cheng ... that retain some information from the Huizong ... reign. This paper aims at exploring the fort's special geographical location, using the Heishui cheng documents as the main source material, together with other relevant information, and investigating, for the time of the late Northern Song dynasty, the institutional settings of the fort's military supplies, and its management and staffing responsibilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on eleven different kinds of romanized dialect records, this paper conducts a phonological study of the Chaoshan dialects in the nineteenth century. It compares the differences between the romanized records and the various dialects spoken in the Chaoshan area, analyses the phonological features and their notational representations, and concludes that the phonological system of the records was a system based on the dialect of the city of Chaozhou. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lithography was introduced to China from the West in the late Qing dynasty. As the new technique made it possible to produce large volume printing without compromising on quality, publishers made use of it to produce cheap and reduced-size editions of aids important for candidates preparing for official examinations. Included in such materials were commentaries on the Four Books and the Five Classics, selections from essays of successful candidates at civil service examination (weimo ...), anthologies of eightlegged essays, poems and political essays, encyclopedias, compilations of Western learning (Xixue ...), and writings on statecraft (Jingshi wenbian ...). This paper examines the production and circulation of lithographic-printed examination aids by publishers in Shanghai from 1880 to1905. It argues that, to meet the needs of candidates, publishers produced the aids in accordance with the curricular format prescribed for provincial and metropolitan examinations. It also notes that they took advantage of the new print media--in particular, newspapers (such as Shenbao ...)--to market their examination aids, and the modern transportation systems and postal services to expand their sales. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chen Weisong (1625-1682), a ci ... writer of the seventeenth century, was a major figure responsible for the promotion of ci poetry in the Qing dynasty (1639-1911). He was highly regarded by his contemporaries and, with the rise of the Changzhou school of ci poetics during Jiaqing (1796-1820) and Daoguang (1821-1850) reign periods, his status became even more prominent in the movement. There has been, however, a serious lack of in-depth study of his influence especially during Yongzheng (1722-1735) and Qianlong (1736-1796) periods. This paper seeks to fill this gap by carefully looking at how Chen was received during this time. With particular reference to the charismatic image he projected, the specific writing style and skills for which he was praised, the notion of ci and its history that he advocated, and the great efforts he devoted to compiling ci-anthologies, the study examines the various literary roles associated with Chen. It highlights the increasing importance he assumed in the promotion of poetics, and concludes that it was during the eighteenth century that Chen eventually acquired the status of a canonical master in Qing literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unlike his predecessors, Qu Dajun (1630-1696) considered li to be in charge of qi in prose writing. Such a view, however, has long been ignored by scholars of later generations. This paper attempts to revisit his theory on li and qi. Findings are as below. First, while Qu seems to have been influenced by Zhu Xi in his articulation of li, his conception was essentially based upon the Book of Changes. Second, Qu claimed that "the qi in prose is determined by li," and, following the practice of Wang Bai of the Song dynasty, he conducted a thorough examination of the prose tradition based upon the theoretical framework of li and qi. His efforts predated similar projects undertaken by scholars of the Tongcheng school of the Qing dynasty by a few decades. Third, with reference to Han Yu's claim that "words are appropriate if qi is vibrant," Qu gave it a new twist by pronouncing that "words are appropriate if li is vibrant." He expressed reservations, albeit indirectly, about Han Yu's notion of "prose by scholars," and argued that Confucian scholars were solid in wenqi while other scholars were weak. To him, "prose by scholars" referred to works composed by those who preferred qi to li and who dealt with topics related to Buddhism and Taoism. Fourth, the view that the best prose was based upon li rather than qi was indicative of Qu's expectations of good writing. The content should focus on Confucian canons and the style should avoid obvious traces of both li and qi. And, in accordance with the doctrines in the Changes, he asked for variations and changes. Fifth, Qu proposed that prose and poetry should be different is their cultivation of li and qi: li was more important to pursue in prose and qi was essential to poetry writing. He advocated a return to the original spirit in the Book of Poetry and endorsed the views of the Ming masters engaged in movements to restore the ancient literary tradition. In short, in all his endeavours, Qu was eager to voice the concerns of a true Confucian scholar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through comparing five sections that tell the story of Guan Yu, from surrender to departure, the second part of this paper reconstructs the evolution of the Romance of the Three Kingdoms, which may be summed up in the following five points: (1) The many editions of the Romance of the Three Kingdoms may be divided into two categories: the 24-chapter edition, the 12-chapter editions, and the 120-chapter editions belong to the first category; the 20-chapter editions and the 6-chapter edition are members of the second category. Each category has its own archetypal edition, and both are derived from the archetypal edition of the Romance of the Three Kingdoms. (2) There are two sub-groups under the first category: the Jiajing renwu .. edition and its archetypal edition are of the first sub-group; the Zhou Yuexiao .. edition, the Xia Zhenyu .. edition, and their archetypal edition are of the second sub-group. (3) The Li Zhuowu commentary edition (...) is derived from the Zhou Yuexiao edition and the Xia Zhenyu edition. The Zhong Bojing commentary edition (...), the Mao commentary edition (...), and the Li Liweng commentary edition (...) are derived from the Li Zhuowu commentary edition. (4) The editions in the second category may be divided into two sub-groups: the Shuangfeng tang ... edition, the Pinglin ... edition, the Lianhui tang ... edition, the Yang Minzhai ... edition, the Qiaoshan tang ... edition, the Tang Binyi ... edition, and the Yingxiongpu ... edition belong to first sub-group; the Chengde tang ... edition, the Zhu Dingchen ... edition, the Zhongzheng tang ... edition, the Feishou zhai ... edition, the Huang Zhengfu ... edition, the Liguang tang ... edition, the Eryou tang ... edition, and their archetypal edition are members of the second sub-group. The Shuangfeng tang edition and the Pinglin edition are the archetypal editions of the various editions in the first sub-group. (5) The Yingxiongpu edition, the Tang Binyi edition, the Lianhui tang edition, the Yang Minzhai edition, and the Qiaoshan tang edition belong to two different groups in the first sub-group of the second category. The archetypal edition of the Liguang tang edition and the Eryou tang edition are quite likely derivations from the Huang Zhengfu edition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Xiyi luelun (1857) and Fuying xinshuo (1858), both of them translated from an assortment of Western medical works, jointly by Benjamin Hobson (1816-1873), a British medical missionary, and his literati assistant Guan Sifu, ranked amongst the most read and most influential works of "Western Learning" in nineteenth-century China. Their original drafts, hand-written in Chinese ink and cinnabar, containing the authors' editorial emendations and notes, fortuitously still exist, now deposited in the Australian National Library. This paper is the first scholarly account of their present physical state, their contents, and what they can reveal of "collaborative translating" in Late Qing China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Written in the form of citations, the Gōdanshō (GDS) is a classical work that records the speeches of the Japanese author, Ōe no Masafusa. While many of the legendary tales about Japanese celebrities could trace their beginnings to GDS, it has been in turn deemed as a work that imitates the format of writing in Chinese miscellanies (biji) of the Song dynasty. The imitation is especially obvious in the story of Miyako no Yoshika. Masafusa chose to base his narrative practice on the Chinese anecdotal tradition, and expanded the legend of Yoshika with details he incorporated from the tales of Li Bo and Luo Binwang of the Tang dynasty. This paper discusses the techniques and materials that Masafusa employed in his depiction of the literati in Heian Japan; in addition, it attempts to compare the Yoshika legend with Chinese sources and argues for the influence that Tang-Song literature cast on Heian compositions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the quotations that Yan Shigu ... cited from the Shijing ... in his commentaries on the Hanshu … . Ban Gu ..., the historian who compiled the Hanshu, was a scholar of the Han dynasty steeped in the classical studies. Yan Shigu, a scholar of the Tang dynasty, followed Ban's practice of citing the Classics... in his writing. Yan's quotations fall into two general categories: (1) his interpretation of Hanshu's quotations from the Classics, and (2) his own quotations from the Classics to explain texts in the Hanshu. As there were two major commentaries on the Shijing, namely the Mao Commentary ... and the annotations by Zheng Xuan ..., this paper will examine the choice that Yan made between the two. In addition, it will also look at Zhu Xi's ... (of the Song dynasty) use of Yan's comments in his annotations of the Shijing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As promptly noted by both Mencius and Han Fei in their respective writings, the Mohists, were an important school of philosophy during the Warring States period in ancient China. Most scholars who work on Mohism focus on its notions of jian'ai (universal love), feigong (condemnation of offensive war), feiming (anti-fatalism), and jiezang (moderation in funerals). It should be noted, however, that Mohists were also adept at the art of defence in war. While there have been occasional discussions of and anecdotal references to military issues in Mohism, very little attention has been devoted to its war philosophy and strategies. This paper argues that the chapters after "Bei chengmen" in the Mozi are replete with military materials, betraying an umambivalent tendency towards violence and brutality. Upon close examination, however, such qualities can be construed as derived from the Mohist thoughts on jian'ai and feigong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous studies of Chen Yinke's Lun Zaishengyuan focus mainly on how to reconstruct Chen Yinke's own secluded frame of mind when he was composing the work in his late years. However, the author of this paper thinks that, as a major piece of literary criticism in the study of tanci throughout the twentieth century, Lun Zaishengyuan deserves a close examination particularly with regard to the literary approach that Chen took in his investigation. Chen Yinke was the first scholar ever to make an intensive probing into the lyrical rather than narrative skills in tanci compositions. And, by doing so, he pla the genre in the grand tradition of classical and 61ite literature. Chen Yinke's perspective on Zaishengyuan goes beyond that of a feminist approach; it calls for a rethinking of the aesthetic quality of the tanci as well as a re-evaluation of the overall development o Chinese literary criticism and the direction it has taken since the early twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the establishment of the Southern Song dynasty, Song Gaozong (r. 1127-1162) was confronted with a great many challenges that required him to assemble adequate military forces to cope with the situation. Many scholars consider the practices in the Southern Song dynasty to be essentially a continuation of the political and military traditions of the Northern Song dynasty. They have, however, paid little attention to the role that the Office of Grand Marshal of Hebei played in the military manoeuvres during this transitional period. This paper focuses on the Grand Marshal Office and examines, in five parts, the efforts that the southern government took to re-establish its military power. The first part surveys the history of different military and political institutions in ancient China; the second part discusses the establishment of the Grand Marshal Office in Hebei; the third part traces the whereabouts of the emperor in Hebei in this period; the fourth part describes the process through which the Office was formed; and the fifth part highlights the characteristic features of the Office, with information that brings us to a better understanding of the military campaigns that Gaozong launched during his reign. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The spirit halls of imperial temples in the Yuan dynasty were almost all located in the capital area. The Great Tianyuan Yansheng Temple was one of them. An important temple of the middle and late periods of the Yuan dynasty, it set up spirit halls for emperors Xianzong and Mingzong and their empresses. Records pertinent to the temple are sketchy and often contradictory, making it difficult to confirm its exact location. This paper consults a wide variety of historical materials and research findings, and argues that the Great Tianyuan Yansheng Temple and the Great Tianyuan Yanshou Temple were two different temples, both located in the capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article re-examines from the perspective of "urban narrative" the philandering writing of the Ming-Qing period and the significance it bears on the development of modern Chinese literature especially during the late Qing period. By re-presenting the spatialtemporal context in which the narratives were composed, the paper investigates how the genre, when imported into Japan, cast its influence on modern Japanese literature and Kanbun novels. Yu Huai's Banqiao Miscellany, highly acclaimed in the Shanghai literary circle, was particularly noteworthy for the way in which Yu recounted the transformation of brothel-houses on the Qinhuai riverside in Nanjing. Among many of its imitations, Wang Tao's Sea-corner Philandering Record was widely acknowledged as an exceptional work. Wang depicted the change of Shanghai brothels in a language that also evoked great sentiments for his native country as well as his own life. Banqiao Miscellany was very well received in Japan. It is believed to have a considerable bearing on Narushima Ryūhoku's RyūkyŎ Shinshi, an account in which Narushima also reported the transformation of Yūri, a Japanese brothel area in Yoshihara during the Edo era. RyūkyŎ Shinshi gives the reader an opportunity to observe how Kanbungaku was transmitted or transformed during the late eighteenth century when Westernization was taking place. It also allows us to appreciate how controversial and accommodating, both at the same time, modernity found its way into Japanese culture. In short, works by Wang Tao and Narushima reveal the deep reflection that engaged the intellectuals at the turn of the twentieth century when they were faced with the quick and menacing approach of Western civilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A voluminous compilation on ancient oriental poetics, the Guijian shihua by Nan Hee Chae of the eighteenth century, is a major piece of scholarship in the study of oriental poetry. This paper studies the dating and the compilation format of the work, examines its characteristic features in editing, and discusses the issue that it raises, namely, the inability of Koreans to understand the ci poetry. We believe that, in view of the materials and commentaries that it contains, the Guijian shihua should be reintroduced to the academic world with a new and revised edition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Weng Fanggang points out that shifa (the method of creating poetry) is not just simply a type of skills. It also involves a poet's cultivation, his style as well as the themes he has chosen for his work. The principle of creating shi (poetry) should not be limited to a sentence level; it should also include heritage and developmental elements. Scholars of the Ming dynasty generally belittled the Song dynasty shi. It was not until the Qing dynasty that the attitude changed and the study of Song shi came to the fore. By using shifa lun (poetry theory), Weng Fanggang examines the value and status of Huang Tingjian's poetry in the historical development of shi. All in all, he appraises Huang's shi from three different aspects: (1) Huang displays a blend of the strengths of Song shi: he is the founder of Song shi and his compositions, being precise and meticulous in style, represent the characteristic qualities of Song shi; (2) "Yi guren wei shi, yi zhihou wei ben" (i.e. to regard ancestors as teachers; to regard moral and ethics as principles to live by); Huang emphasizes that knowledge, morality and integrity of a poet form the basis of his works, which should in turn reveal his spontaneous virtuous mind; (3) Huang uses nibi, and he opines that the method of putting the words of ancient classical texts or contents into one's own poetry is not just a skill, it contains theories and has a controlling effect in producing a work of deep significance or meaning. This paper maintains that Weng Fanggang, through his own poetic theory, truly grasps the essence of Huang's shi. From a broader view, he also ably points out the links between Huang and Du Fu, providing explanations for the development of shi with an historical perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Translator is a key factor for intercultural communication. The progress of civilization would have been much retarded without the aid of translator/interpreter. Seen in this light, the contribution of a translator should be well addressed. But in most of the historical accounts, the significance of a translator is often forgotten. In order to rescue from oblivion an important translator in early British Hong Kong history whose name was Samuel Turner Fearon (1819-1854), this paper, by investigating a large number of archival materials from various sources, will discuss the different positions that Fearon occupied in the Government, including public notary, coroner, magistrate officer, and even Registrar General. It will also demonstrate that the translator, by means of his fluency in the local tongue, assumed various roles at the same time, similar to a double agent in society. On the one hand, the translator could aid the colonizer to collect local information so as to watch over the colonized society and help minimizing the risk of their being overthrown by local activists. On the other hand, the translator could provide intercultural advice so as to reduce the chance of a cultural conflict between the ruler and the ruled [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Residents in Qin-Han rural society had close relationship with their land, kinship, and neighbourhood. Leaving home was regarded as full of uncertainty and fear due to the difficulty and danger of transportation. Thus, residents were not easily intended to depart from their home or take a long distance journey. Their mobility was limited and their movement was confined to a small area and maintained at the xiangli level. The concept of antu zhongqian (contenting with the land and cautious about migration) is treated as one of the characteristics of Qin-Han rural society in modern scholarship. Concerning the occurrence of the movement of population , modern scholarship often places emphasis on the role of the government and the effect of civil war and natural disaster, all of which can be considered as passive factors, pushing people to leave their land reluctantly. This paper examines the active factor which could encourage the movement of population in Qin-Han rural society. Here the author wishes to argue the importance of the hired activities which is underrated by modern scholars. Hiring labours was widely adopted and treated as one of the most important trading methods in Qin-Han labour market. Hired activities appeared when there was high demand for labourers and low qualification requirements for acceptance, hence creating many job opportunities. Residents departing from their homes or travelling a long distance could earn their living by filling such job vacancies. The anxieties and fear of leaving home were thereby relieved. It would give rise to the movement of population. However, the government's objective was to keep the residents staying on their land and devoting to agriculture. The appearance of liuyong (migrant labourers) often frustrated the ruler and was an important issue in local administration, but the government was not intended to eradicate the hired activities completely. This author suggests two ways to comprehend the government's attitude. First, the government was the biggest employer and demander in the hired labour market. Second, the hired activities had charity function which can alleviate the social crisis during the hard times of civil war and natural disaster. From the ruler's point of view, an ideal measure to handle the hired activities was to monitor and keep the labourers in check to the extent that they could benefit the rule of the empire, not disturbing the order of the society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the autumn of 1924, Mo Heming … and Cai Zhefu … (1879-1941) organized the Beishan shishe … (Northern Mountain Poetry Society) by incorporating members of the Qian she … (Abstruse Society), the Zhulin shishe … (Bamboo Forest Poetry Society), the Nan she … (Southern Society), and other local poetry societies. Those who responded to the call for submission of poems ran over a hundred, making the Northern Mountain the largest poetry society of the time. Using the Hua zi ribao … (Chinese Mail) as a writing platform to encourage versification, they met weekly at Li yuan shan … (Lee Gardens) to compose poems depicting the fine gatherings and scenery there. Mandarin garnets, intertwined banyans, tea, moon, plays, and chrysanthemums are all common objects they composed on; embedded in the poems are their aspiration to bring out the best of the Chinese culture, their feelings towards homeland, and their concern for China's future. Their poetic style is elegant and proper, resembling that of the Song dynasty. They also advocated the writing of response lyrics. In composition they emulated the ornate style and profound feelings expressed typically by Wu Wenying … and Shi Dazu …. In the summer of 1925, the society was forced to disband as widespread labour strike broke out in Guangzhou and Hong Kong. Since the society lasted for less than a year, not much of its literature survives. Using the poems and lyrics published in the Chinese Mail and the Nan she Xiang ji … (Gathering of the Southern Society in Hunan province) as basic sources, this paper examines the development of the society and the features of its versification to shed light on the vicissitudes of Hong Kong literature during that time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early twelfth century, Emperor Song Huizong … (r. 1101-1125) was eager to recover the Sixteen Prefectures … ceded to Liao during the Later Jin … dynasty. He advocated a new diplomatic policy: "alliance with Jin to destroy Liao" …. However, the Song armies were defeated by Liao's defense troops from the southern capital Yanjing …. Song then asked Jin to support them to occupy the city. The incident exposed the weakness and incompetence of the Song army. In 1125, Jin launched an attack on Song. The result is that Song and Jin concluded and signed a peace treaty, and the crisis came to an end. Later, Jin accused Song of violating the peace treaty and resumed offensive. Having failed to resist the Jurchen armies, Kaifeng fell and the two Song emperors became captives. How do historians evaluate the incident? Some studies emphasize the incident's impact on Song's political situation. Other studies focus on the battle of Kaifeng to apprehend the development of armament in the early twelfth century. However, historians seldom pay close attention to a pivotal question: What happened in Kaifeng under Jurchen siege? This paper aims to explore the people's life in Kaifeng between 1126 and 1127. It is divided in three parts: the first part elaborates the battle of Kaifeng, the second part discusses Song officials?f reaction to the fall of Kaifeng and the termination of Song rule, and the third part is focused on the people's life in Kaifeng. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between Mongolian and Han Chinese culture in the Yuan dynasty has been studied by many scholars. However, few have examined the cultural proclivities of the Mongolian royal women at the Yuan court. Dagi (?-1322), mother of the Yuan emperor Wuzong (r. 1307-1311) and Renzong (r. 1311-1320), played an important role in mid-Yuan politics. In the past, scholars had considered that Dagi, embedded with strong nomadic consciousness, was a representative of the Mongolian conservative nobility and promoter of their interests. This evaluation needs deliberation. The present paper reexamines Dagi's attitude towards Han Chinese culture; the study shows that Dagi had a few accomplishments in Chinese culture, and she was definitely not an outsider. She was friendly to the Han literati, was fond of Chinese paintings, and showed some familiarity with Chinese ancient books. Dagi's political role in the mid-Yuan period needs further research, but it is certain we cannot partially generalize on the basis of Mongolian-Han Chinese ideological and cultural differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper summarizes different categories of the present-day pronunciation of Zhi, Zhuang, Zhang, and Jing consonant series by synchronic comparison in Gan dialects. Further comparisons with other major Chinese dialects and investigations in studies of diachronic phonology as reflected in historical texts are to be conducted, so as to analyze the historical strata of different categories of modern pronunciation. The temporal and spatial factors in history as implied by the modern pronunciation of the four Middle Chinese consonants series will be brought to light. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to depict the characteristics of the scholarly works on the Three Schools of Poetry in the Qing dynasty by reviewing the dates when the forty-eight books or manuscripts were written and the geographical locations of the sixty-five authors. The endeavours at collecting and compiling the lost texts played an important role in the study of the Three Schools in the Qing dynasty. It is not only because compilation is the preliminary work of reassessing the Three Schools, the significant contributions made by a large number of scholars from Jiangsu and Zhejiang provinces where evidential research was earnestly promoted should also be taken into account. As a result, the pioneering work made by Wang Yinglin's Shi kao drew enormous attentions among the scholars, and they continued and corrected Wang's research and its textual variants. On the other hand, thanks to the number of lost writings of Han School still widely preserved in the ancient texts, its collection and study made flourishing advancement in the Qianlong and Jiaqing periods. The expansion of the methods of collecting and compiling lost writings in the Jiaqing and Daoguang periods leads to a substantial increase in the amount of collected materials. By examining these materials in which different characters were especially focused, scholars gradually recognized the value of the Three Schools and opined that they were much superior to the Mao School. In the mid Daoguang period, Wei Yuan, who sought to undercut the Mao School from monopolizing the interpretation of the Book of Poetry, accentuated the superiority of the Three Schools in his Shi gu wei. In the Guangxu period, Wang Xianqian started his work of Shi sanjia yi jishu. Wang's inheritance of the achievements of the scholarly works on the Three Schools in the Qing dynasty enabled him to finish a complete and annotated edition of the Three Schools. Wang succeeded in making significant contributions to restoring the long-lost commentaries of the Three Schools and thus provided the Three Schools an equal footing to compete with the Mao School. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper scrutinizes the different political choices of three eminent Confucian scholars, Zhao Pang, Zhu Sheng, and Tang Guifang, in Huizhou prefecture in the Yuan-Ming transition period. Zhao Pang, whose family lay in the network of local gentries whose power originated from their corporation with the Mongol rulers in the late thirteenth century, kept his loyalty to the Yuan dynasty and refused the invitation to serve the new court. An erudite scholar with a high civil service examination degree, Zhu Sheng was disappointed that he had no chance to ascend a higher official position in late Yuan times because of his humble family background and so he joined Zhu Yuanzhang's government to be one of his meritorious officials. Tang Guifang, coming from a poet-literati family, paid more attention to literary writing and had the more plastic attitude of political loyalty whatever to the Yuan or Ming's rulers. The present essay proposes that the Confucian scholars' social milieu in the Yuan-Ming transition period shaped strongly their identities and made eventually their political choices divergent even though they had similar intellectual surroundings of Neo-Confucianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most recent researches on Xu Can's ci are focusing on her nostalgia of the fallen Ming dynasty, which was rarely found in women's writings during the Ming-Qing transition. Apart from this, the love affairs between Xu Can and her husband Chen Zhilin was one of the important themes among her writings, but unfortunately it has not received enough attention from scholars even though it is worth researching. In fact, Xu Can not only used poetry as a means of communication with her husband, but also expressed her feelings inspired by him through writings. Therefore, these works could show how she thought and felt about the marriage and reflected their love affairs. This paper attempts to investigate the subject comprehensively by analysing Xu Can's works and examining Chen Zhilin's writings and other relevant historical documents. In addition, a reinterpretation of Xu Can's ci to the tune Yi Qin E ... (Chun gan ci Su'an yun ...) is offered and concrete evidence of Chen Zhilin taking concubines is presented. As the records of Xu Can's life are very rare, it is hoped that this article can provide a deeper understanding of her marriage and works. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Robert Morrison and Joshua Marshman, two of the earliest Christian missionaries to China and India, were also pioneers of English Sinology. They published, in 1812 and 1814 respectively, two of the earliest English translations of the Dwcue. In this paper we analyse these two versions in terms of the translation strategies adopted, the sinological standards demonstrated, and the responses they each incurred. This is followed by our reflections on the role of translation in constructing the images of Confucianism and China in the, colonial era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Emperor Hailing founded the heir apparent palace system of the Jin dynasty. It was aimed at consolidating the paternal succession system in the political system of the dynasty. However, Hailing altered the structure and official titles of the heir apparent palace systems of the Tang and Song instead of following them intact. Thus, through this simplified heir apparent palace system, Emperor Hailing could fully control the crown prince and those heir apparent palace officials. In restructuring the heir apparent palace system, Hailing's original intention was to train his son Wanyan Guangying to be the future emperor of the dynasty, and keep the imperial power in his house. He streamlined the structure of the heir apparent palace system by taking the Tang model and absorbing Northern Song's reform in the system. It was vividly a reflection of Emperor Hailing's absolute imperial power. Jin's heir apparent palace system was inherited by the Mongol- Yuan dynasty, and it indirectly influenced the development in both the Ming and Qing dynasties. Both the Jin historical works Da Jin guozhi and Jinshi systematically recorded the heir apparent palace system; the former was published forty years earlier than the later, near the fall of the dynasty. However, although the heir apparent palace system founded by Emperor Hailing had not been modified by later Jin emperors, the historical sources of this system recorded by the Da Jin guozhi were unverified. It is doubtful whether this work truly revealed the original nature of Jin's heir apparent palace system. The historical sources of the system recorded by the Jinshi could also not be ascertained. This paper attempts to scrutinize Jin's heir apparent palace system as described in these two works by consulting historical documents of the Jin and Yuan, as well as works of the Tang and Song dynasties. It will also discuss the structure, features of Jin's heir apparent palace system, the criteria of choosing heir apparent palace officials in Emperor Hailing's reign, and the development of the heir apparent palace system during the middle period of the dynasty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Xia Jingguan published six volumes of selected annotations of Tang, Song and Jin poems in 1940, one of which being The Poetry of Mei Yaochen. Mei Yaocheng's poems were highly acclaimed in the Song dynasty, but not in the Yuan and Ming dynasties. In late Qing they became popular again thanks to the Tong Guang School, in which Xia was the one who most strongly recommended Mei. We can examine the significance of Xia's annotations of The Poetry of Mei Yaochen in three aspects: first, the emphasis on the spirit of scholars hailed from a humble social origin and the gentleman's ideals in his poetics; second, the expression of aesthetic notions that synthesize Tang and Song poetics and develop infinite poetic realm; and third, Xia's recognition of Mei's fengya ... heritage and the impact of Xia's promotion of Mei's poems on the history of poems in modern studies of Mei's poems. The paper concludes by underscoring the values of Xia's annotations in regard to modern studies of Mei's poems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the "bare-handed combat" style (...) to compose poems describing snow was frequently mentioned in works on Song dynasty poetics and it was well received as a creative theory in poetic composition. The gist of this theory is to forbid describing the poems in direct language (...). What was labelled as the "bare-handed combat" style rejected stereotyped expressions, classical precedents, eschewed the current model, differed from the establishment, and stressed creation of outstanding vocabulary: ingenious, innovative and even bizarre. We may call such attempts as "creative destruction" or "revolutionary construction." In the words of the commentators, although these works may have "discarded all the familiar things," or "not allowed to hang on something concrete like an inch of iron," they could still "crisscross the boundaries of the poetic world" and appear "outstanding and glamorous in painstaking poetic construction" and served as antidote to plagiarism. In many ways these efforts revealed the trend of emulating antiquity but making innovative changes of the tradition in Song poetry. This paper will first discuss poems of describing objects close to the real features before the Song dynasty, then examine the change to the practice of "forbidding using words depicting the subject directly" in light of the development in Song poetry. I have chosen from the Complete Song Poetry (...) samples of poem describing snow by using the "bare-handed combat" style, and analyse them accordingly. I have identified four characteristics of this style: avoiding errors and showing correctness, detaching from existing model, emphasizing functional role, and describing features to evoke the spirit. They all conformed to the criteria of "forbidding using words depicting the subject directly." In Song times, in literary gatherings and poetry society meetings scholars customarily exchanged poems; and they often challenged the difficult huddle in writing poetry as pastime. The poet therefore sought to be a winner in innovative ways. In this context, their aspiration was aided by the rise of printing and expanded circulation of books. In their attempt to emulate antiquity but renovate the old ways the Song poets sought to change the methodological approach and the writing style and emphasize on creating new ideas and new vocabulary as their distinctive accomplishment. The "bare- handed combat" style stressed the euphemism of the "twists and turns on the truth" just like the practice of the Caodong school of Chan Buddhism (...), which admonished disciples "not to describe directly about the positive nature" (...). These are illustrative examples of the innovative achievements of the Song writers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ye Xiaoluan, the author of literary collection Fansheng xiang (Revival after Death), was a well-known female writer in the late Ming dynasty. She died six days before her wedding day and her death was said to be the result of her studying Buddhism. This paper investigates the cause of Ye Xiaoluan's death by analyzing her history of adoption and the essays written by her family members. Besides using the traditional technique of textual analysis, a psychological explanation on her mental health will also be considered. The conclusion is that Ye Xiaoluan may have died of depression and long term anorexia nervosa because of her rejection to her marriage to Zhang Liping. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Toward the end of the Eastern Han dynasty, Emperor Xian considered the Hanshu too voluminous and ordered Xun Yue to copy and edit it. Xun Yue summarized Hanshu's contents in the annalistic structure. He started his writing in the third year of Jian'an (198) and finished it in the fifth year of Jian'an (200). Since Xun Yue adapted the Hanshu for his Hanji, which is the first book to set up the intact compilation system of dynastic history presented in a chronological form, attempts have been made to probe the relationship between the Hanshu and the Hanji. Hanji initiated the new annalistic form of chronological Chinese historical classics. Nevertheless, very few scholars have devoted the effort to the study of the relationship among the Shiji, the Hanshu and the Hanji. The present paper aims at examining the above relationship with a view to gain a more comprehensive understanding of the Hanji and to analyse the reference sources of the Hanji through the parallel readings of the Shiji and the Hanji. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After reviewing the source materials, this paper, a discussion of various topics such as the ancesters and circle of friends and the works by Gao Kegong, the renowned painter in the Yuan dynasty, will shed light on the following points. The Gao clan, originally from the land of Huihe or Huihu (Uighur) in western Asia, moved eastwards to Fangshan county, Yan prefecture, before the Yuan. Gao Kegong's father, Gao Heng or Gao Jiafu, lived in the home of his wife's father Mr Li after becoming his son-in-law. Li was a shangshu of the "ambulatory" Six Boards of Shanxi province. Later, Kegong moved to Yanjing (Dadu), and became a Confucian scholar under the tutelage of his teacher Hao Jing. Besides inheriting the family's scholarly tradition, Gao Kegong dabbled in poetry and painting. Even before he was appointed a local official in the Jiangnan region, a circle of friends made up of literary scholars from Yanjing was already formed. They include connoisseurs of cultural relics such as Xianyu Shu, Li Kan, Li You, Liang Ceng, Yao Sui, Chang Shiwen, and others. After his arrival in Hangzhou, during the five and eight months when he was out of government service, he endeavoured to refine his painting skill and reaffirm his own style. Because of his extraordinary artistic achievement, people at that time attributed his success to exposure to the "beautiful scenery of Hangzhou" and also to the "outstanding personages and sumptuous environ in Dadu." As a result, his work became a fine model of painting for emulation by admirers in later generations. It is not appropriate to call Gao Kegong a "Huihui painter" or to take him as a Muslim. The scorn of him reported in the works of Zhou Mi, one of his closest friends, makes the readers suspect that he might not be a member of the Islamic community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Creating ci (song lyric) from shi (lyric poetry) by employing the content, subject-matter, style, mood, and rhetorical techniques of the shi was one of the major characteristics of the ci of the mid-Northern Song dynasty. The first discussions on this style may be found in Huang Tingjian's (1045-1105) preface to Yan Jidao's (1038-1110) Xiaoshan ci (Lyrics of the Little Mountain). Huang pointed out that Yan composed his ci by using the method of composition of a shi poet. There have been, however, few studies addressing the issues of "creating ci from shi" or "song lyric composed through the methods of a shi poet." Based on Huang's theories of poetry, this paper examines the shi poet's method of composition, and analyzes the method as adapted in the Xiaoshan ci. We explore how shi are transformed into ci. First, we review the techniques for "creating ci from shi" from the poetic works from the early to the middle period of the Song dynasty in order to understand how ci before Yan's time had been influenced by shi. Then, we take examples from the Xiaoshan ci to show how the shi poet employed his method of composition and how Yan transformed shi into ci. In conclusion, we shall address the significance of Yan Jidao's creating ci from shi in the history of Chinese poetry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how Chinese intellectuals obtained knowledge of political parties during the period from 1856 to 1895. The author presents a discursive history of the "political party" in late Qing, focusing on the construction and resources of this concept. It appears that Chinese intellectuals' knowledge of the "political party" was ambiguous, framed partly in the traditional mode of thinking and differing according to each individual's intellectual capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Wenxian tongkao by Ma Duanlin of the Yuan dynasty is a monumental work of scholarship in Chinese historiography. It has invited many discussions among scholars in academic circles. The topics of discussion include Ma Duanlin's historical thought, the composition principles of his opus, its value as a source of history, or the merit of the monograph on Bibliography (Jingji kao); but few attention has been given to the monograph on Historical Comments (Shilun). This paper is focused on the latter topic. In a breakdown of nine sections, it will examine its principle of composition, amendment of historical sources, the perimeter of his historical comments, to be followed by comments on the Bibliography monograph. It will conclude with an assessment of the shortcomings and limitations of this work, and also a discussion of the significance of this work in college teaching in modern times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the connection between the preponderance of the Ming eunuchs under Emperor Yongle and Emperor Xuande and the dispatch of the "treasure ships" in seven epochal maritime expeditions to the Western oceans under the command of admiral Zheng He and his associate Wang Jinghong during the early fifteenth century. Despite a profusion of scholarly literature, Chinese and Western, on diverse aspects of these spectacular voyages, almost none investigate the role played by the eunuchs of the inner court familiar with seafaring. This oversight was evidently due to the fact that since Zheng He and his associates were mostly eunuchs, it was assumed that their activities had already bespoken the eunuch contributions. Moreover, there are few sources that expose the working of the eunuchs in the initiation and management of the expeditions. In several interrelated issues, the author seeks to demonstrate how the court eunuchs, having won their master's confidence and acquired unchecked power, planned and managed the expeditions to fulfil the ambition and desire of the emperor without the knowledge of outsiders. The secrecy of their missions, that they masterminded the operation in the emperor's name and communicated the outcomes only to the emperor and not to the governmental bureaucracies, accounted for many gaps of information on the vicissitudes of the voyages, including the dates of departure and return, the objectives and results of the voyages in the official records. Seen in this light, the contention reported in late Ming works such as Yang Zongjian's Shuyue zhouzhilu or Gu Qiyuan's Kezuo zuiyu that the dearth of official records on these missions was caused by destruction of the archives by later scholar-officials who had decried the extravagant costs of the maritime expeditions and their futility to the national cause could not be valid. The deliberate lowkey reporting of these episodes in the Taizong shilu, the reign records of the Yongle emperor, by official compilers under Xuanzong who sought to deflect criticisms that these treasure seeking maritime adventures and bellicose attitude toward the foreign states to enforce the tributary system violated the ancestral injunctions laid down by the dynastic founder Taizu further obscured their real intentions. The last part of the essay re-evaluates the historical and recently available archaeological evidence for a reconstruction of the life and career of both Zheng He and Wang Jinghong, in particular on how they became eunuch and rose to pre-eminence by serving in the military guards of the future Yongle emperor and campaigning on his behalf in the usurpation of the throne. In the case of Zheng He, attention is focused on his Muslim nobility ancestry in Yunnan since the Mongol era, the origin of his surname Zheng, dates of birth and death, whether or not his remains were brought home for burial after his death in Calicut, and the controversies over the sites of his grave in different locales in Nanjing. In the case of Wang Jingzhong, it introduces solid evidence that his original name was Wang Kuitong, the name "Jingzhong" was invested by Emperor Renzong and was used in the Taizu shilu and subsequent official records; it also examines his seafaring background in Fujian and his career as chief eunuch and commander of the maritime voyages together with Zheng He. It is argued that he was not subordinate to Zheng He but was in fact a co-commander of the armada by contributing his knowledge and experience in navigation. It is significant that he was given a higher profile than Zheng He in the seventeenth-century novel of the maritime voyages Sanbao taijian Xiyangji tongsu yanyi by Luo Maodeng who wrote this work to showcase the might of Chinese sea power in the waning days of the Ming dynasty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why did the Han government allow the southern Xiongnu to immigrate into the prefectures on the fringe of the Han border? In this paper we discuss only the financial reasons of the Han empire's policy on this issue. The nomad economy of the Xiongnu was not self-sufficient. They depended on the supply of the agricultural society of the Han empire in several ways. First, the Xiongnu raided the Han border prefectures and took the ration and other goods. Second, the Han emperor offered consorts to the Xiongnu chieftains when the latter surrendered and were recognized as the subject of the former. Third, the Han emperor made payment of cash and goods to the Xiongnu when the latter was strong and the former wanted peace. The Han government had to pay the Xiongnu whatever they asked to maintain peaceful relations. The only way the Han government avoided payment to the Xiongnu was to wage war, defeat the Xiongnu and chase them far away from the border. But the cost of war deemed too expensive. In the beginning of the Eastern Han, the southern Xiongnu surrendered to the Han emperor. The Han government settled them in the regions inside the border, and kept them under surveillance. The government considered that this was the best way to handle the matter financially, though the emperor still gave a large sum of valuable gifts annually to the Chief of the southern Xiongnu, and provided the tribesmen with economic assistance in their difficult times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kuang Zhouyi, one of the most outstanding lyric poets and critics of the Qing dyansty, has aroused heated discussions in recent years. Like most traditional Chinese critiques, Kuang's comments generally take the form of short remarks, approximating the expression of momentary feelings. As a result, even though much effort has been put on explaining Kuang's core concepts: zhong ..., zhuo ..., and da ..., they still incur doubts among modem readers. This paper aims at clarifying the nature and meanings of the three concepts by tracing their origins, studying Kuang's original text and examining opinions of various scholars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Of Lu You's 241 du shu shi (poems written after reading books) anthologized in the Quan Song shi (Complete Song Poetry) 101 are du shi shi (poems written after reading poems). This paper uses these 101 poems as the basis for an analytic text, and attempts to examine Lu's response to the study of poems composed by Tao Yuanming, Li Bai, Du Fu, Cen Sen, Wang Wei, Bai Juyi, Yuan Jie, Xu Hun, Han Wo, Mei Yaochen, Lin Bu, Wei Ye, Fan Zhongyan, Huang Tingjian, Lu Benzhong, and Su Guo. The writing strategies used Lu's du shi shi basically consist, firstly, of moods aroused from contacts with the living world, and secondly, of emotions expressed allegorically. The writing style of Lu consists mainly of chanting feelings and expressing aspirations, tilting toward the "bi (trope) xing (symbol)" metaphoric style popular during the Tang dynasty. This style is characterized by (1) selecting certain phrases from books the poet has read to reflect the poet's mood; (2) privately remembering one's predecessors and pursuing a transcendental life; (3) chanting Nature and deciding whether to secure an official position or remain a recluse; (4) encouraging people's will and spirit; and (5) lamenting vicissitudes and expecting renaissance. In short, the "bi xing" metaphor in the du shi shi enables the poet to express feelings and emotions, thus lending profundity to the poem. As for Lu's veneration of this paradigm as the criterion for expounding the tradition, it is identical to the du shi shi in the Northern Song. Other genres of du shi shi include responses to poems and critiques of poems--rarely if any. Compositions like the summary of poems and the repetition of the narration of the text are collected sporadically in the prefaces, epilogues, and notes in the Wei Nan wenji. Lu, as a bibliographer and intellectual 61ite, proposes that poetry be concerned with the ordinary world, or being-in-the-world, instead of only with mechanical book knowledge, and that poetry reflect multiple layers of literature and strive for perfection. In other words, Lu's poetic theory recommends that literary works be regarded as having the catalytic potential of "bi xing," and as being the media for expressing both grief and indignation of which discourses like fafen ... and yanzhi ... are examples, and for the venting of lamentations for the turmoil in society and of pity for oneself. Therefore, Lu's shi shi is slightly different from other works of the Song period in that he believes that books or knowledge ought to be a stepping stone for composing poetry rather than being a stumbling block. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Xue Xuan (1389-1464) was the first Ming Neo-Confucian to be enshrined in the Temple to Confucius during the Ming. It took his supporters more than a century to achieve that, and this paper divides the process into three different stages. Initial failures during the first stage forced supporters to compromise with a specialised local shrine for Xue. The second stage saw members from the rival Wang Yangming School sharing the goal of enshrining Xue with Xue's supporters. Wang's students joined the effort with an unspoken agenda: to pave the way for Wang's inclusion. Furthermore, the short-lived alliance and consensus between Xue's supporters and Wang's disciples in the discussion of 1540 was crucial in changing the paradigm for evaluating Confucians as worthy of enshrinement. Without this change in paradigm, Ming Confucians would have had rhetorical difficulty awarding the honour to one of their own during the dynasty. In the end, with intense competition between the Cheng-Zhu adherents (including Xue's supporters) and Wang's school, politics played an important role in the final stage. The alliance at this last stage was complex, not only were political allies involved; people also rallied behind the cause because of common philosophical inclination, regional pride, and family histories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The outbreak of the Sino-Japanese war put China in great financial difficulties, pressing China into asking for military and monetary assistance from the international communities. But without enough foreign currencies for repayment, the Chinese government resorted to barter trade (...), an ancient mode of commodity exchange, which came into full swing as time went by. First with U.S.S.R. and later with the U.S. and U.K., this mode of trading provided loan and assistance to China during the war. In particular, the barter trade with the Soviet Union at the early stage of the war had played a crucial role in the Chinese government's effort in seeking foreign aid to fight against the enemy. This paper focuses on how China supplied goods to U.S.S.R. through barter trade in accordance with the agreement. It examines the produce (such as Chinese wood oil, tea leaves, bristles, raw silk, and wool) that were purchased and distributed as a whole by the Fu Hua Trading Co. (...), China National Tea Co. (...) and the Foo Shing Trading Co. (...) under the purview of the Foreign Trade Commission (...). Drawing on original documents of the aforementioned companies, public archives, and reviewing previous literature, the author discusses in detail the negotiation process and contents between China and U.S.S.R., organization and evolution of the trade committee, the quantity, price, means and routes of transportation of the traded produce. They are followed by an in-depth analysis of the effects and problems of the barter trade between China and U.S.S.R. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the history of Zhiben Hall in Dafan village in Huizhou prefecture in the Yuan-Ming transition period and describes the trend of Confucian transformation of local cults in this area. The Zhiben Hall built by Wang Tong and his brother Wang Rui, two famous local 61ites in Wuyuan sub-prefecture, based on an old temple of a local god of war named Duan Gong. In Zhiben Hall the god Duan Gong was pictured as a Confucianized figure, Wang Pen, who can be located in the lineage of the Wang's in Dafan village and whose story can be traced in Xin'an zhi, the first official annals of this area. The transformation of Duan Gong from a god to an ancestor marked the initiation of lineage building in this area and reflected the remodification of social ideal borne by those local 61ites such as the Wang's brothers. This new tendency, furthermore, was accompanied with the wide spread of Neo-Confucianism in Huizhou prefecture from the late Yuan to early Ming times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Traditionally, the Chinese viewed all foreigners as inferior and uncivilized barbarians, concept that was formulated almost two thousand years ago. The Manchu, who established the Qing dynasty, likewise looked at the Westerners in the same manner when they first encountered them. This caused a lot of diplomatic issues. It was not until the second defeat on the Chinese side by the British in 1860 that the Qing rulers agreed to write into the peace treaty that they would not use the term "barbarians" to refer to the Westerners. However, it took several decades more before the average Chinese fully recognized that there were things to learn from the West. One question they often raised with their teeth gnashing was: "Why should we learn from the barbarians?" The present paper takes up cases of several officials and thinkers in their attempts to urge the introduction of Western ideas through translation in the 1840s-1860s. It demonstrates how the traditional Chinese view towards the foreigners has been a determining factor in the translation of Western works. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]