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The 1920s witness the beginning of an age in which the Chinese leftist writers were deeply influenced by the Japanese leftist movement and extensively translated the Russian- Soviet literature and literary theories from Japanese. On the other hand, from the European intellectuals, the Chinese modernists gained an understanding of the development of both the Russian and international leftist cultural movement after the October Revolution. In 1934, the prominent Chinese modernist poet, Dai Wangshu, translated into Chinese Les Poètes dans la révolution russe, a literary piece written by Benjamin Goriély (1898-1986), translator and critic of Russian literature, born to a Russian Jewish family in Warsaw, who studied in Germany and Belgium, and eventually immigrated to France in 1930. Between 1934 and 1941, the Chinese translation of Les Poètes dans la révolution russe was published in various forms in five stages, and the publication went through the period of the development of Chinese proletarian literature led by the League of Left-wing Writers (1930-1936) and the period of the Second Sino-Japanese War (1937-1945). From a transcultural perspective, this paper aims at investigating the discussion on Russian-Soviet literature during the revolutionary period in Les Poètes dans la révolution russe by putting emphasis on the development of leftist cultural movements in Russia, France, Belgium, and China.This paper will firstly examine the French and Belgian leftist intellectuals' different viewpoints on proletarian literature by focusing on Francophone leftist newspapers and literary journals as well as recently published letters between French leftist intellectuals and the Russian communist party. Secondly, this paper will investigate how Dai Wangshu introduced the Russian-Soviet literature and literary theories to China from the Francophone leftist intellectuals' point of view, and how he examined both the personal and historical situation of Chinese modernist writers in China. Finally, this paper will examine the Chinese translation of Les Poètes dans la révolution russe published between 1934 and 1941 in the historical context of the Second Sino-Japanese War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A leader of the Doubting Antiquity Movement of the 1920s, Gu Jiegang (1893-1980) was well known for his cultural iconoclasm. But in the 1930s, he experienced a drastic change in his intellectual life. Partly in response to Japanese expansion in Manchuria and northern China, Gu no longer practised “learning for the sake of learning.” Instead, he used his academic writings to mobilize his fellow countrymen to defend their nation. As a result, he changed both the purpose and the content of his academic writings. Unlike his previous works which challenged the Confucian orthodoxy, he affirmed the Chinese tradition. Rather than exposing the hypocrisy of national memory, he participated in creating a collective memory for national resistance. In this paper, the author examines these changes in Gu’s thoughts and links them to the broader context of the Sino-Japanese War (1937- 1945). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After reviewing the source materials, this paper, a discussion of various topics such as the ancesters and circle of friends and the works by Gao Kegong, the renowned painter in the Yuan dynasty, will shed light on the following points. The Gao clan, originally from the land of Huihe or Huihu (Uighur) in western Asia, moved eastwards to Fangshan county, Yan prefecture, before the Yuan. Gao Kegong's father, Gao Heng or Gao Jiafu, lived in the home of his wife's father Mr Li after becoming his son-in-law. Li was a shangshu of the "ambulatory" Six Boards of Shanxi province. Later, Kegong moved to Yanjing (Dadu), and became a Confucian scholar under the tutelage of his teacher Hao Jing. Besides inheriting the family's scholarly tradition, Gao Kegong dabbled in poetry and painting. Even before he was appointed a local official in the Jiangnan region, a circle of friends made up of literary scholars from Yanjing was already formed. They include connoisseurs of cultural relics such as Xianyu Shu, Li Kan, Li You, Liang Ceng, Yao Sui, Chang Shiwen, and others. After his arrival in Hangzhou, during the five and eight months when he was out of government service, he endeavoured to refine his painting skill and reaffirm his own style. Because of his extraordinary artistic achievement, people at that time attributed his success to exposure to the "beautiful scenery of Hangzhou" and also to the "outstanding personages and sumptuous environ in Dadu." As a result, his work became a fine model of painting for emulation by admirers in later generations. It is not appropriate to call Gao Kegong a "Huihui painter" or to take him as a Muslim. The scorn of him reported in the works of Zhou Mi, one of his closest friends, makes the readers suspect that he might not be a member of the Islamic community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Creating ci (song lyric) from shi (lyric poetry) by employing the content, subject-matter, style, mood, and rhetorical techniques of the shi was one of the major characteristics of the ci of the mid-Northern Song dynasty. The first discussions on this style may be found in Huang Tingjian's (1045-1105) preface to Yan Jidao's (1038-1110) Xiaoshan ci (Lyrics of the Little Mountain). Huang pointed out that Yan composed his ci by using the method of composition of a shi poet. There have been, however, few studies addressing the issues of "creating ci from shi" or "song lyric composed through the methods of a shi poet." Based on Huang's theories of poetry, this paper examines the shi poet's method of composition, and analyzes the method as adapted in the Xiaoshan ci. We explore how shi are transformed into ci. First, we review the techniques for "creating ci from shi" from the poetic works from the early to the middle period of the Song dynasty in order to understand how ci before Yan's time had been influenced by shi. Then, we take examples from the Xiaoshan ci to show how the shi poet employed his method of composition and how Yan transformed shi into ci. In conclusion, we shall address the significance of Yan Jidao's creating ci from shi in the history of Chinese poetry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how Chinese intellectuals obtained knowledge of political parties during the period from 1856 to 1895. The author presents a discursive history of the "political party" in late Qing, focusing on the construction and resources of this concept. It appears that Chinese intellectuals' knowledge of the "political party" was ambiguous, framed partly in the traditional mode of thinking and differing according to each individual's intellectual capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]