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Since 2001 the United States Border Patrol's Detroit Sector has grown from 38 agents to 411–the fastest rate of growth of any Border Patrol jurisdiction in the United States (CBP, 2016). Through ethnographic observation, semi-structured interviews and the examination of a growing archive of internal US Border Patrol data obtained via the US Freedom of Information Act, this paper examines the everyday discourses of ‘threat’ and ‘suspicion’ that inform routine enforcement practices by Detroit Sector personnel as they police the US/Canada frontier. It finds that both ‘threat’ and ‘suspicion’ are narrated expressly according to geographic factors of origin, location and direction of travel, scrutinizing bodies and persons that, as an outcome, are said to appear “out of place.” At the same time, according to the Border Patrol's daily apprehension logs, enforcement activity disproportionately concentrates on Latinx residents across divisions of citizenship and immigration status, affecting peoples' everyday ability to circulate through urban and suburban space free from scrutiny, surveillance and the possibility of state violence. To theorize the site and stakes of these outcomes, the paper borrows Stuesse and Coleman’s (2014) concept of “automobility” and develops this as an explicitly racial and racializing concept, one that affords an intersectional reading of state violence based on its distributional impacts on peoples' autonomy and control over their conditions of everyday social reproduction. This, then, suggests a need for greater dialogue between literature on immigration enforcement and those concerned expressly with geographies of racial confinement, policing, dispossession and control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focuses on the structural development of institution-based interest in genetics in Anglo-North American medicine after 1930 concomitantly with an analysis of the changes through which ideas about heredity and the hereditary transmission of diseases in families have passed. It maintains that the unfolding relationship between medicine and genetics can best be understood against the background of the shift in emphasis in conceptualisations of recurring patterns of disease in families from ‘biological relatedness’ to ‘related to chromosomes and genes’. The paper begins with brief considerations of the historical confluences of, first, heredity and medicine and, second, genetics and medicine which, in a third section, leads to a discussion about a uniquely ‘genetics-based approach’ to medicine in the second half of the twentieth century. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Abstract: This paper analyzes the evolution of African American entrepreneurship by comparing the patterns of development of African American entrepreneurship and immigrant entrepreneurship. Whereas most literature focuses on African American culture as the reason for limited entrepreneurial success compared to certain immigrant groups, this paper examines how social, economic, and political forces have adversely influenced the development of Black entrepreneurship compared to various immigrant groups. Using 90 years of census data, we also find empirical support consistent with our assertion that many immigrants have resources (not available to native non-Whites) that facilitate entrepreneurship. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This paper examines the kinds of politics that are enabled by the Internet with respect to immigrants to the United States; its primary concern is whether the political spaces created through the Internet can foster incorporation of immigrants in the political community or whether the political activity on the Internet seems likely to lead to a more fractionalized political community in which the position of immigrants remains marginal. This exploration is based first on a random sample of web-sites about immigration and second on a more targeted sample of sites aimed specifically at two immigrant groups. The analysis of web-sites indicates that there is a great deal of information about immigrants on the Internet, and that most of it seems to be directed to service providers, policy makers, and researchers. There is relatively little discussion by or about immigrants, and beyond a few notable sites, there is almost no sign of mobilization. To the extent that the Internet is used to create new political spaces, it may not be spaces for deliberation and discussion. Rather, the political spaces seem to be informational spaces in which the politics are not easily or directly read.A-Awda, The Palestine Right to return Coalition, is a broad-based, non-partisan, global, democratic association of grassroots activists and organizational representatives. Our objective is to educate the international community to fulfill its legal and moral obligations vis-a`-vis the Palestinian people. Al-Awda develops, coordinates, supports and guides, as needed, global and local grassroots initiatives for action related to Palestinian rights. Al-Awda, http://www.al-awda.org as visited 11 July 2002.“Why I won’t serve Sharon.”“Maaad Abu-Ghazalah, Arab-American Candidate for US Congress, San Francisco.”“A Statement on the ‘War on Terror’ from Prominent Americans.”“What Bush Doesn’t Know about Palestine.”“Memorial to 418 Palestinian Villages Which Were Destroyed.”Headlines on Cafe´ Arabica, http://www.cafearabica.com as visited 11 July, 2002.The Internet is widely heralded as opening spaces for a wide variety of politics and political voices. But as it is praised for its inclusiveness, it is also pilloried for enabling the fragmentation of political opinion without providing a forum in which common political ground can be identified or consensus achieved. In the former view, the Internet fosters greater inclusion in democratic debate and political community. In the latter view, it contributes to a weakening of the bonds that are necessary for a political community to reach consensus and to provide guidance for democratic governance.Consider the examples in the epigraph to the paper. Al-Awda is a political movement devoted to securing the right of return for Palestinian refugees and their families. It organizes marches and demonstrations in cities across the US and Western Europe. One reason for the apparent mismatch between the locations of the “problem” and of the “action” is that many – though by no means all – of the participants in the marches are immigrants from the Middle East or they are of Arab descent. While the organization is based in Massachusetts, most of the mobilization through it occurs on-line, and it is not clear that there is either a permanent staff or regular meetings, other than the marches. Cafe´ Arabica provides a venue for discussion of a wide range of topics related to Arab culture and politics. Much like the romanticized cafe´ society, discussion can be lively and seems to include a wide range of participants and viewpoints. Cafe´ Arabica includes an on-line discussion forum, again with many of the participants apparently either being from the Middle East or the descendants of immigrants from the region. It labels itself as an Arab-American on-line community.These two web-sites were not chosen at random. They both relate to immigrants – social groups that are often not able to participate in political discussion and debate in their host countries. As such, these sites exemplify both the possibilities and the limitations that commentators have identified when they discuss the Internet and its role in fostering political dialogue. Some people would see these sites as signs of a group that wants to use the political process in one country to influence events in another country. Some people will read these sites as a an indication that at least one immigrant group – if not all immigrants – refuse assimilation, which is the basis of incorporation into the American political community. Still others will view these sites as attempts to incorporate a set of political voices and agents into a more inclusive political community. This paper examines the use of the Internet in political debate and mobilization around immigrants in the United States. It considers the nature of political discussion on the Internet and the agents involved in it. The overarching concern is whether the Internet fosters a more inclusive political community or whether it leads to alternative political spaces that remain unincorporated with respect to the political community of the host society.The paper is organized in four sections. The first provides a background for the debates about immigrants, the Internet, and politics. The second section is an overview of the theoretical debates about the public sphere as a political space in which members of a polity can participate and the ways in which the Internet may transform that space. The third section highlights some of the key issues that condition migrants’ acceptance into a polity, focusing primarily on the United States. With these sections serving as background, the final section of the paper explores political discussion on the Internet by and about immigrants. This exploration is based first on a random sample of web-sites about immigration and second on a more targeted sample of sites aimed specifically at two immigrant groups. The goal in these examinations is to evaluate the extent to which the Internet can provide the basis of a political space in which issues related to the incorporation of immigrants can be debated or whether it is a space that fosters a more fractionalized politics unlikely to lead to greater political incorporation of immigrants. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

• Immigration-related family separation is a crisis in the US. • There are many forms of immigration-related family separation. • Immigration-related family separation leads to poorer education outcomes for children. • Length of time of separation leads to poorer outcomes for immigrant children. • Family separation affects children from all countries and regions of origin. Forced separation of immigrant children from their parents in 2018 spurred calls for immigration reform. Research shows that immigrant children experience separation from parents during the immigration process for many reasons and that they experience a wide range of negative outcomes. This paper builds on the scholarship exploring the relationship between family separation and education outcomes of US immigrant children. Using the sample of immigrant children (n = 94,731) in the 2010–2018 American Community Survey, this study analyzes the association between separation and the likelihood of a peer education gap using descriptive statistics and multivariate logistic regression analysis. This paper supports prior scholarship and finds that immigrant children who experience separation are over 35% more likely to experience a peer education gap. It adds to the literature by exploring patterns of immigrant children from all countries of origin and examining the effects of length of separation on education outcomes. While children from all places of origin experience separation, the percentage of such children is much smaller when children come from wealthier countries and regions and, more importantly, the length of separation is much longer for immigrant children from poorer countries. This study finds that the length of separation correlates with poorer education outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a great deal of state-level legislative activity focused on immigration and immigrants over the past decade in the United States. Some policies aim to improve access to education, transportation, benefits, and additional services while others constrain such access. From a social determinants of health perspective, social and economic policies are intrinsically health policies, but research on the relationship between state-level immigration-related policies and Latino health remains scarce. This paper summarizes the existing evidence about the range of state-level immigration policies that affect Latino health, indicates conceptually plausible but under-explored relationships between policy domains and Latino health, traces the mechanisms through which immigration policies might shape Latino health, and points to key areas for future research. We examined peer-reviewed publications from 1986 to 2016 and assessed 838 based on inclusion criteria; 40 were included for final review. These 40 articles identified four pathways through which state-level immigration policies may influence Latino health: through stress related to structural racism; by affecting access to beneficial social institutions, particularly education; by affecting access to healthcare and related services; and through constraining access to material conditions such as food, wages, working conditions, and housing. Our review demonstrates that the field of immigration policy and health is currently dominated by a “one-policy, one-level, one-outcome” approach. We argue that pursuing multi-sectoral, multi-level, and multi-outcome research will strengthen and advance the existing evidence base on immigration policy and Latino health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines post-1965 immigrant communities in the United States and the "ideology of exclusion." This ideology takes many forms, including the English-only movement, negative mass attitudes against immigrants, and bilingual programs in the schools, welfare reform excluding immigrants and most recently Proposition 187 in California. The current ideology of exclusion has a different cast from the earlier version in the 1920s, which was characterized by the "Americanization movement." This stems in part from the change in national origins, with most of the newcomers arriving from Latin America and Asia, and not from Europe. The first part of the paper briefly analyzes the nature of post-1965 immigrant communities and compares it with earlier immigrant settlement patterns in the twentieth century. The second part of the paper traces the various strands of the current and past ideology of exclusion. Finally a cultural and economic framework is presented to explain the rise of the ideology of exclusion against new immigrant communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the start of the twenty-first century, two arms of U.S. immigration policy shape the lives of families and children. The first, enforcement practices, lead to the involuntary separation of parents and children—or the fears of this outcome—when the United States government detains and forcibly removes the parents of U.S. citizen children. The second, the policies which restrict migration to the United States, cause children to experience both long and short term separations when their parents migrate without them. In this paper I use interviews collected between the years of 2003–2006 and 2009–2012 with children and their parents or guardians in both the United States and in Mexico to assess the meanings these two types of separations have for families and the potential impacts for children's well-being. I find that enforcement practices create economic and emotional hardship due to feelings of uncertainty, while restrictive immigration policies lead to resentment among children even post-reunification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates the status exchange hypothesis for Australia and the United States, two Anglophone nations with long immigration traditions whose admission regimes place different emphases on skills. Using log-linear methods, we demonstrate that foreign-born spouses trade educational credentials via marriage with natives in both Australian and U.S. marriage markets and, moreover, that nativity is a more salient marriage barrier for men than for women. With some exceptions, immigrant spouses in mixed nativity couptes are better educated than native spouses in same nativity couples, but status exchange is more prevalent among the less-educated spouses in both countries, Support for the status exchange hypothesis is somewhat weaker in Australia partly because of lower average levels of education compared with the United States and partly because of the less sharply detined educational hierarchy at the postsccondsry level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: In this paper, I analyze immigration''s effect on the SAT-scores and college application patterns of high school students in California and Texas. The student-level dataset used is longitudinal in nature and is matched via a unique algorithm to the Census 2000 summary tabulation files to determine immigration at the local census-place level. The Census measure of immigration developed here is extremely specific and improves upon existing immigration measures. Using empirical strategies to account for issues of selection, this essay''s main finding is that the 1990s immigration did not harm, and possibly benefited the student outcomes of U.S. citizens. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

Human migration can make it more difficult to detect geographic differences in disease risk because of the spatial diffusion of people originally exposed in a given geographic area. There are also situations where migration can facilitate the detection of disease attributable to environmental hazards. This paper assesses the effects that migration has on the ability to detect regional variability in disease risk. Several characteristics of migration are discussed, including some that are not widely known. Because of regional variations in mobility rates and other characteristics of the migration process, there is substantial regional variation in the ability to detect spatial variation in risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]