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It is a prevailing theoretical claim that path integration is the primary means of developing global spatial representations. However, this claim is at odds with reported difficulty to develop global spatial representations of a multiscale environment using path integration. The current study tested a new hypothesis that locally similar but globally misaligned rooms interfere with path integration. In an immersive virtual environment, participants learned objects' locations in one room and then physically walked, while being blindfolded, to a neighboring room for testing. These rooms were rectangular but globally misaligned. Adopting different actual perspectives in the testing room, the participants judged relative directions (JRDs) from the imagined perspectives in the learning room. The imagined and actual perspectives were aligned or misaligned according to either local room structures or global cardinal directions. Prior to JRDs, participants did not conduct other tasks (Experiment 1) or judged relative global headings of the two rooms to activate global representations while seeing the testing room (Experiment 2) or in darkness (Experiment 3). Participants performed better at locally aligned than misaligned imagined perspectives in all experiments. Better performances for globally aligned imagined perspectives appeared only in Experiment 3. These results suggest that structurally similar but misaligned rooms interfered with updating global heading by path integration, and this interference occurred during but not after the activation of global representations. These findings help to settle the inconsistency between the theoretical claims and empirical evidence of the importance of path integration in developing global spatial memories. (PsycInfo Database Record (c) 2023 APA, all rights reserved).

Events always unfold in a spatial context, leading to the claim that it serves as a scaffold for encoding and retrieving episodic memories. The ubiquitous co-occurrence of spatial context with events may induce participants to generate a spatial context when hearing scenarios of events in which it is absent. Spatial context should also serve as an excellent cue for memory retrieval. To test these predictions, participants read event scenarios involving a highly familiar or less familiar spatial context, or person, which they were asked to imagine and remember. At recall, locations were more effective memory cues than people, and both were better when they were highly familiar. Most importantly, when no locations were specified at study, participants exhibited a spontaneous tendency to generate a spatial context for the scenarios, while rarely generating a person. Events with spatial context were remembered more vividly and described in more detail than those without. Together, the results favor the view that spatial context plays a leading role in remembering events., ((c) 2016 APA, all rights reserved).)

Memories for spatial locations often show systematic errors toward the central value of the surrounding region. The Category Adjustment (CA) model suggests that this bias is due to a Bayesian combination of categorical and metric information, which offers an optimal solution under conditions of uncertainty (Huttenlocher, Hedges, & Duncan, 1991). A fundamental assumption of this model is that representations of locations are unbiased but uncertain; during combination, greater metric uncertainty results in relatively greater emphasis on categorical information, ultimately leading to increased bias (but also minimizing error across multiple estimates). Sampaio and Wang (2009) have demonstrated that metric information is not lost during this combination process, supporting the CA model's assumption that underlying spatial representations are undistorted. Here, we examine the 2nd half of the CA model's central assumption: that increasing metric uncertainty drives the combination process. Participants recognized point locations within visually complex images in a 4-choice task. Our results indicate that individuals recognized the correct location over other, biased alternatives, confirming that metric information is unbiased at the time of retrieval. In addition, we found that, when participants make errors, they are more likely to select locations that are biased toward the category prototype. In Experiment 2, we demonstrate that categorically biased locations are most likely to be chosen under conditions of uncertainty. Indeed, under these conditions, categorically biased locations were chosen more frequently than the correct location. These results suggest that systematic errors are the result of combination across multiple levels of spatial representations that are undistorted but somewhat uncertain., (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2015 APA, all rights reserved.)

The present study investigated whether older adults' visuospatial working memory shows effects of environmental support for rehearsal similar to those observed in young adults (Lilienthal, Hale, & Myerson, 2014). When the duration of interitem intervals was 4 s and participants had sufficient time to rehearse, location memory spans were larger in both age groups when environmental support was present than when support was absent. Critically, however, the age-related difference in memory was actually larger when support was provided, suggesting that young and older adults may differ in their rehearsal of to-be-remembered locations. (PsycINFO Database Record [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whereas maps primarily represent the 2-dimensional layout of the environment, people are also aware of the 3-dimensional layout of their environment. An experiment conducted on a small college campus tested whether the remembered slants of familiar paths were precisely represented. Three measures of slant (verbal, manual, and pictorial) were collected in 2 different between-subject conditions (perception and memory) for 5 familiar paths on the campus of Swarthmore College, ranging in slant from 0.5° to 8.6°. Estimates from memory and from perception did not differ for any of the measures. Moreover, estimates from all measures, though different in mean value, were correlated within participant, suggesting a common underlying representation was consulted in all cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The development of spatial navigation in children depends not only on remembering which landmarks lead to a goal location but also on developing strategies to deal with changes in the environment or imperfections in memory. Using cue combination methods, the authors examined 3- and 4-year-old children's memory for different types of spatial cues and the spatial strategies that they use when those cues are in conflict. Children were taught to search for a toy in 1 of 4 possible hiding locations. Children were then tested on transformations of the array of locations. The transformations dissociated the different types of cues by putting them in conflict with one another. The authors were especially interested in the use of a majority strategy, by which children choose to search in the location indicated by the greatest number of cue types rather than relying on a preferred cue type. Children's memory for spatial cues and their strategies varied both by age and by experimental setup. In Experiment 1, both 3- and 4-year-old children preferred to use the distinct landmarks coincident with the hiding locations over any other types of cues and showed no use of a majority strategy. However, in Experiment 2, when the coincident landmarks were moved adjacent to the hiding locations, both 3- and 4-year-old children preferred to search in the position of the hiding location relative to the array. Furthermore, 4-year-old children in Experiment 2 showed better memory for individual types of cues and the emergence of a majority strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Caparos and Linnell (2009, 2010) used a variable-separation flanker paradigm to show that (a) when cognitive load is low, increasing perceptual load causes spatial attention to focus and (b) when perceptual load is high, decreasing cognitive load causes spatial attention to focus. Here, we tested whether the effects of perceptual and cognitive load on spatial focus remain when, respectively, cognitive load is high and perceptual load is low. We found that decreasing cognitive load only causes spatial attention to focus when perceptual load is high and the stimulus encourages this. Moreover, and contrary to the widely held assumption that perceptual load focuses attention automatically (Lavie, Hirst, de Fockert, & Viding, 2004), perceptual load exerts its focusing effect only with the engagement of cognitive resources when cognitive load is low. In sum, perceptual and cognitive mechanisms exert interacting effects and operate in concert to focus spatial attention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A substantial amount of research has demonstrated the importance of reference frames in organizing memory of object locations in both small and large environments. However, to date, little research has examined how the object locations represented in one reference frame are specified relative to object locations represented in another. In a series of 4 experiments, we demonstrate that multiple microreference frames can be established in memory for sets of objects that are spatially and semantically distinct, and that the spatial relations between these microreference frames are specified in memory by means of a more global, macroreference frame. Additionally, these experiments demonstrate that an established macroreference frame can influence which of several microreference frames will be coded in memory, but that a previously established microreference frame had no appreciable influence on the subsequent formation of a macroreference frame. These results are interpreted as indicating that the same cognitive mechanisms underlie interobject coding across multiple environmental scales. The implications for reference frame theories and theories positing hierarchical memory organization are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nine experiments examined the means by which visual memory for individual objects is structured into a larger representation of a scene. Participants viewed images of natural scenes or object arrays in a change detection task requiring memory for the visual form of a single target object. In the test image, 2 properties of the stimulus were independently manipulated: the position of the target object and the spatial properties of the larger scene or array context. Memory performance was higher when the target object position remained the same from study to test. This same-position advantage was reduced or eliminated following contextual changes that disrupted the relative spatial relationships among contextual objects (context deletion, scrambling, and binding change) but was preserved following contextual change that did not disrupt relative spatial relationships (translation). Thus, episodic scene representations are formed through the binding of objects to scene locations, and object position is defined relative to a larger spatial representation coding the relative locations of contextual objects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]