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Copyright of Political Science Studies / Studia Politologiczne is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

“GRANDES ESPERANÇAS” – AFRICA IN THE FOREIGN POLICY OF BRAZIL IN XXI CENTURY The links between Brazil and African countries go far beyond official political or economic relations and date back to the beginnings of Portuguese colonisation in the New World. They are bound by the painful history of many centuries of slavery, but also the influence of the African population on Brazilian culture, religion and society. Today, Brazil is the country with the second largest population of African descent after Nigeria, yet Brazil’s policy towards Africa seems largely short-term. The aim of the following article is to show the evolution of Brazil’s policy towards Africa in these dimensions from a historical perspective, with particular emphasis on the changes in its dynamics in the 21st century and its inclusion in a broader strategy of the country’s international activity.

THE IMPORTANCE AND ROLE OF AFRICAN COUNTRIES FOR TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY UNDER THE RULE OF THE JUSTICE AND DEVELOPMENT PARTY (AKP) The main aim of the article is to trace an evolution of Turkey’s foreign policy towards African countries. Assuming that during the rule of the Justice and Development Party a qualitative change took place in Turkey’s approach to this area, the paper will analyse its particular importance in the process of shaping the new identity of Ankara’s foreign policy after 2002. In addition, the ambition of the submitted paper is also to indicate the reasons for the change that took place in the way of building relations with some countries of the region, so characteristic for overall Turkey’s international activities during the rule of R.T. Erdoğan and his political party.

THE FOREIGN POLICY OBJECTIVES OF THE SAHRAWI ARAB DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC IN THE CONTEXT OF INTERNATIONAL CONDITIONS IN THE MAGHREB REGION The Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), founded in February 1976 in the territory of the former Spanish Sahara, belongs today to the so-called unrecognised states category that do not meet all the criteria of the statehood. In the case of the SADR, it enjoys the recognition of several dozen UN members, as well as the most important international regional organisation on the continent – the African Union, however, the Sahrawi government controls only about 20% of the territory it claims rights for. Therefore, the axis of the SADR foreign policy is the constant struggle for international recognition, together with the attempts to exert indirect pressure on Morocco, which could persuade it to adopt the Sahrawi resolution to the protracted conflict over Western Sahara. Both of these goals seem increasingly distant, due to the events of the last three years: the Guerguerat crisis that ended the ceasefire between the POLISARIO Front and Moroccan forces, the decision of the administration of President Donald Trump to open a US consulate in the city of Dakhla in the Moroccan-controlled territory contested by the SADR, and the change in the position of the Spanish government – currently expressing support for the Moroccan plan for Western Sahara autonomy. The article is an attempt to analyse the foreign policy of an unrecognised state such as the SahrawiArab Democratic Republic in the context of international conditions in the region (in this case Maghreb), challenges it faces and the possibility of achieving its goals. The paper is largely based on qualitative data collected during field research over the years 2016-2023 conducted during study visits to Algeria and Spain.

THE PROBLEM OF DE FACTO STATES IN INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS DURING THE DECOLONISATION IN AFRICA: THE CASE OF KATANGA AND SOUTH KASAI In modern history of Sub-Saharan Africa there have been several attempts of secession, most of which failed. Some of them were successful, such as Eritrea or South Sudan, others were close to success, such as Katanga in the Belgian Congo or Biafra in Nigeria, and some others never had any practical chances of success, such as Cabinda, aiming to separate from Angola, or South Kasai from Congo. The Republic of Congo, one of the largest countries in Sub Saharan Africa, was the first of the independent states in this region to experience civil war and separatism. This former Belgian colony gained independence on 30 June 1960 and was plunged into an internal conflict just two weeks later. The military rebellion and the chaos that arose in the country after the declaration of independence were used by politicians from the mineral-rich Katanga and South Kasai provinces. The conflict, taking place in the realities of the Cold War and decolonisation, became an element of a larger international game between the Western world, the Eastern bloc, and non-aligned countries. Katanga is the only example so far when the international community has made an effort towards ending secession of an unrecognised state and has tried to restore state unity using military force through the United Nations.

The main aim of the article is to trace an evolution of Turkey’s foreign policy towards African countries. Assuming that during the rule of the Justice and Development Party a qualitative change took place in Turkey’s approach to this area, the paper will analyse its particular importance in the process of shaping the new identity of Ankara’s foreign policy after 2002. In addition, the ambition of the submitted paper is also to indicate the reasons for the change that took place in the way of building relations with some countries of the region, so characteristic for overall Turkey’s international activities during the rule of R.T. Erdoğan and his political party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The links between Brazil and African countries go far beyond official political or economic relations and date back to the beginnings of Portuguese colonisation in the New World. They are bound by the painful history of many centuries of slavery, but also the influence of the African population on Brazilian culture, religion and society. Today, Brazil is the country with the second largest population of African descent after Nigeria, yet Brazil’s policy towards Africa seems largely short-term. The aim of the following article is to show the evolution of Brazil’s policy towards Africa in these dimensions from a historical perspective, with particular emphasis on the changes in its dynamics in the 21st century and its inclusion in a broader strategy of the country’s international activity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), founded in February 1976 in the territory of the former Spanish Sahara, belongs today to the so-called unrecognised states category that do not meet all the criteria of the statehood. In the case of the SADR, it enjoys the recognition of several dozen UN members, as well as the most important international regional organisation on the continent – the African Union, however, the Sahrawi government controls only about 20% of the territory it claims rights for. Therefore, the axis of the SADR foreign policy is the constant struggle for international recognition, together with the attempts to exert indirect pressure on Morocco, which could persuade it to adopt the Sahrawi resolution to the protracted conflict over Western Sahara. Both of these goals seem increasingly distant, due to the events of the last three years: the Guerguerat crisis that ended the ceasefire between the POLISARIO Front and Moroccan forces, the decision of the administration of President Donald Trump to open a US consulate in the city of Dakhla in the Moroccan-controlled territory contested by the SADR, and the change in the position of the Spanish government – currently expressing support for the Moroccan plan for Western Sahara autonomy. The article is an attempt to analyse the foreign policy of an unrecognised state such as the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic in the context of international conditions in the region (in this case Maghreb), challenges it faces and the possibility of achieving its goals. The paper is largely based on qualitative data collected during field research over the years 2016-2023 conducted during study visits to Algeria and Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In modern history of Sub-Saharan Africa there have been several attempts of secession, most of which failed. Some of them were successful, such as Eritrea or South Sudan, others were close to success, such as Katanga in the Belgian Congo or Biafra in Nigeria, and some others never had any practical chances of success, such as Cabinda, aiming to separate from Angola, or South Kasai from Congo. The Republic of Congo, one of the largest countries in Sub-Saharan Africa, was the first of the independent states in this region to experience civil war and separatism. This former Belgian colony gained independence on 30 June 1960 and was plunged into an internal conflict just two weeks later. The military rebellion and the chaos that arose in the country after the declaration of independence were used by politicians from the mineral-rich Katanga and South Kasai provinces. The conflict, taking place in the realities of the Cold War and decolonisation, became an element of a larger international game between the Western world, the Eastern bloc, and non-aligned countries. Katanga is the only example so far when the international community has made an effort towards ending secession of an unrecognised state and has tried to restore state unity using military force through the United Nations. The aim of the article is to analyse the political situation and assess the chances for the real existence of Katanga and South Kasai from the nowadays perspective of 60 years after these events. In the light of the documents concerning the Congo crisis that have been disclosed in recent years, the author argues that Katanga did not gain independence because it was a product of the Cold War, but because it expressed its aspirations in the realities of the bipolar division of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Political Science Review / Przegląd Politologiczny is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of the article was to show various ways of creating a model of Polish foreign policy in contemporary political thought situated in the context of the Polish raison d’état in the 21st century. The subjects of the research were the main ideological and political orientations: conservative, liberal, agrarian, social democratic, and nationalist with its derivatives, which had their external emanations in the form of political parties: Law and Justice, Civic Platform, Polish People’s Party, Democratic Left Alliance and New Left, as well as the League of Polish Families and the National Movement including related groups belonging to the ideological family. The structure of the article includes references to the model of foreign policy, taking into account: 1) the characteristics of specific currents of political thought, 2) the prospects of competition for power within the state; 3) shaping the course of Poland’s policy in external relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia i Polityka is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studies in Politics & Society / Polityka & Społeczeństwo is the property of University of Rzeszow and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

THE MODEL OF POLAND’S FOREIGN POLICY IN THE 21ST CENTURY IN THE POLITICAL THOUGHT OF MAIN IDEOLOGICAL AND PROGRAMMATIC ORIENTATIONS The aim of the article was to show various ways of creating a model of Polish foreign policy in contemporary political thought situated in the context of the Polish raison d’état in the 21st century. The subjects of the research were the main ideological and political orientations: conservative, liberal, agrarian, social democratic, and nationalist with its derivatives, which had their external emanations in the form of political parties: Law and Justice, Civic Platform, Polish People’s Party, Democratic Left Alliance and New Left, as well as the League of Polish Families and the National Movement including related groups belonging to the ideological family. The structure of the article includes references to the model of foreign policy, taking into account: 1) the characteristics of specific currents of political thought, 2) the prospects of competition for power within the state; 3) shaping the course of Poland’s policy in external relations.

THE IMPORTANCE OF “DEMOCRATIC DIPLOMACY” FOR CONTEMPORARY TAIWAN Contemporary Taiwan is one of the leading democratic countries in Asia. The authorities in Taipei, under the leadership of President Tsai Ing-wen and the ruling Democratic Progressive Party have actively conveyed this message to the international community through their foreign policy since 2016. The objective of this paper is to examine the concept of “democracy diplomacy” in Taiwan, analyzing both scholarly discourse and observing Taiwan’s foreign policy. This strategic approach greatly bolsters Taiwan’s position among other nations that uphold democratic values, especially in the face of rivalries between major powers.

The article focuses on the analysis of the attitude of Germany towards Russia as an example of political adaptation. The paper’s aim is to verify the hypothesis that Germany’s attitude towards Russia is characterized by a political adaptation process, which means that Germany strives to adjust to the changes in the regional environment as well as influence it. The author attempts to answer the following question: What strategies of political adaptation were adopted between 2005 and 2021? The article is divided into several parts. In the first one (apart from the introduction), the author discusses the concept of political adaptation. The second part focuses on describing German-Russian relations before 2005. Subsequent parts analyse the period between 2005 and 2021. The author emphasizes the turning points of 2008 and 2014. The last section is a summary and forecast for the coming years. The article was prepared on the basis of official documents, speeches and actions of politicians, press materials and analyses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contemporary Taiwan is one of the leading democratic countries in Asia. The authorities in Taipei, under the leadership of President Tsai Ing-wen and the ruling Democratic Progressive Party have actively conveyed this message to the international community through their foreign policy since 2016. The objective of this paper is to examine the concept of “democracy diplomacy” in Taiwan, analyzing both scholarly discourse and observing Taiwan’s foreign policy. This strategic approach greatly bolsters Taiwan’s position among other nations that uphold democratic values, especially in the face of rivalries between major powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Res Historica is the property of Maria Curie-Sklodowska University in Lublin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

BETWEEN A POLICY OF ENGAGEMENT AND POSITIVE NEUTRALITY: LIBYA AND TUNISIA ON THE ISSUE OF WESTERN SAHARA The unresolved issue of Western Sahara has been causing serious divisions in the Maghreb region for 48 years, which affects not only political relations, but also economic cooperation. The division into states supporting the independence of Western Sahara and those backing Morocco’s position has very strongly polarized the Maghreb region, as well as practically all states of the African continent. Moreover, during the Cold War, this dispute fed into division between states in the Western camp and those identified with the Eastern bloc and socialism, such as Libya. Tunisia was the only country in North Africa, which consistently tried to implement a policy of positive neutrality and because of that it was doomed to occupy a liminal space not only in the region – between Algeria and Morocco, but also in the bipolar world – between the West and the Eastern bloc. This article aims to present the two countries of Tunisia and Libya from the perspective of 48 years of the Western Saharan crisis. Both states, although they do not have a direct border with the territory of Western Sahara, are sometimes involuntarily, as in the case of Tunisia, involved in the largest regional dispute, which to this day casts a shadow over relations in North Africa.

Copyright of Journal of Modern Science is the property of Alcide De Gasperi University of Euroregional Economy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Wschodnioznawstwo is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Wschodnioznawstwo is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Wschodnioznawstwo is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The unresolved issue of Western Sahara has been causing serious divisions in the Maghreb region for 48 years, which affects not only political relations, but also economic cooperation. The division into states supporting the independence of Western Sahara and those backing Morocco’s position has very strongly polarized the Maghreb region, as well as practically all states of the African continent. Moreover, during the Cold War, this dispute fed into division between states in the Western camp and those identified with the Eastern bloc and socialism, such as Libya. Tunisia was the only country in North Africa, which consistently tried to implement a policy of positive neutrality and because of that it was doomed to occupy a liminal space not only in the region – between Algeria and Morocco, but also in the bipolar world – between the West and the Eastern bloc. This article aims to present the two countries of Tunisia and Libya from the perspective of 48 years of the Western Saharan crisis. Both states, although they do not have a direct border with the territory of Western Sahara, are sometimes involuntarily, as in the case of Tunisia, involved in the largest regional dispute, which to this day casts a shadow over relations in North Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et Studia is the property of Sciendo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Przeglad Zachodni is the property of Instytut Zachodni im. Z. Wojciechowskiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Central European Political Studies / Środkowoeuropejskie Studia Polityczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

BANDWAGONING AS AN ELEMENT OF TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY (ON THE EXAMPLE OF RUSSIAN-TURKISH RELATIONS) Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Turkey and Russia have developed relations at various levels. Trade was one of them, and Russia is one of Turkey’s leading suppliers. Trade in energy carriers occupies a central position in the exchange between the two countries. In addition to these long-term economic factors, a new series of common political interests have emerged in the past few years between Moscow and Ankara, and more specifically between their presidents. The Russian president played his cards wisely when Turkey felt insufficiently supported by the West in the face of international and domestic threats, paradoxically after the Turkish army shot down a Russian jet in 2015 and in the context of the failed coup in Turkey in 2016. The suspicion of both leaders towards the USA and the world of Western values brought them closer to each other, and the aforementioned events made the foundations of Turkish-Russian cooperation take on a personal character. Behaviorism in relations between the two capitals is best seen in the conflict in Syria, Libya and Nagorno-Karabakh.

The article is an analysis of Iurii Chainskyi's book Walka za kulisami dyplomacji międzywojennej. Turcja w polskiej polityce prometejskiej w latach 1918-1932 [Behind the Scenes of International Diplomacy. Turkey in Polish Promethean Policy in 1918-1932] (Warsaw 2020). Studies describing the history of Prometheism are still rare. The book under review is an extremely important, perhaps even the most important, study among those devoted to Prometheism. It impresses primarily with its source base. Chainskyi brings to light a number of new, previously unknown archive documents. This has enabled him not only to determine the role of Turkey as a state (Ottoman Empire and Republic of Turkey) as well as its geographical area in Polish Promethean activities of 1918-1932, but also to present the relations between Poland and the political elites of states and national entities that emerged within the territory of the former Russian Empire, elites who after their countries' conquest by the Soviet Union emigrated mainly to Turkey and Western Europe. In addition, the author devotes a lot of attention in his book to the internal history of the Promethean movement. Particularly interesting are the author's findings concerning the impact of Ankara's and Warsaw's relations with Moscow on the operation of Caucasian and Ukrainian anti-Soviet organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Krakow International Studies / Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe is the property of Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski Krakow University, AFM Publishing Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Krakow International Studies / Krakowskie Studia Międzynarodowe is the property of Andrzej Frycz Modrzewski Krakow University, AFM Publishing Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, Turkey and Russia have developed relations at various levels. Trade was one of them, and Russia is one of Turkey’s leading suppliers. Trade in energy carriers occupies a central position in the exchange between the two countries. In addition to these long-term economic factors, a new series of common political interests have emerged in the past few years between Moscow and Ankara, and more specifically between their presidents. The Russian president played his cards wisely when Turkey felt insufficiently supported by the West in the face of international and domestic threats, paradoxically after the Turkish army shot down a Russian jet in 2015 and in the context of the failed coup in Turkey in 2016. The suspicion of both leaders towards the USA and the world of Western values brought them closer to each other, and the aforementioned events made the foundations of Turkish-Russian cooperation take on a personal character. Behaviorism in relations between the two capitals is best seen in the conflict in Syria, Libya and Nagorno-Karabakh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Economic & Political Thought / Myśl Ekonomiczna & Polityczna is the property of Lazarski University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia z Zakresu Nauk Prawnoustrojowych. Miscellanea is the property of Kujawy & Pomorze University in Bydgoszcz and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Democratic People’s Republic of Korea is a country with a patriarchal character. For three generations, it has been ruled almost exclusively by men. It was only at the beginning of the 21st century that a woman – the sister of Kim Jŏng-ŭn Kim Yŏ-jŏng – began to gain power there. The aim of the article is to present the path followed by the first woman who found herself officially in the strictest circles of power in North Korea, as well as the path of her career in DPRK politics. The use of the historical and institutional method allowed to show how Kim Yŏ-jŏng entered the next levels of power in the state, and finally became the second person in North Korea. She also became the first woman to gain a real, confirmed in officially held off ice, influence on the internal and foreign policy of the DPRK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lithuania ranks among the small states. Can a small state with a short history of modern statehood, 30 years after the USSR collapse, be heard and visible in the IR? What did the first woman as the President contribute to Lithuania’s foreign policy? How did she change the narrative about Lithuania as a small state? In this article, I attempt to find answers to the above questions and follow the changes in the narrative concerning one aspect of the state‘s identity, namely identification as a small state in the IR. To find answers, I have analysed all public statements made by President Dalia Grybauskaitė between 2009 and 2019. In these statements, I searched for references to the “small state” and the meaning that the President attached to this phrase. This article also provides new insights into differences in the narrative on Lithuanian “smallness” between the former Presidents and Dalia Grybauskaitė. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Yearbook of European Integration / Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Yearbook of European Integration / Rocznik Integracji Europejskiej is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Journalism, Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Studia Maritima is the property of University of Szczecin Press / Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecinskiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Wschodnioznawstwo is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Wschodnioznawstwo is the property of Jagiellonian University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)