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Das Jahrbuch 2019 des Dubnow-Instituts umfasst zwei Schwerpunkte: Der erste widmet sich Jüdinnen und Juden im Nachkriegseuropa und thematisiert akteurszentriert die vielfältigen Herausforderungen, die Holocaustüberlebende beim Aufbau einer neuen Existenz zu bewältigen hatten. Der zweite Schwerpunkt untersucht vor dem Hintergrund des Kalten Krieges, seinem lokalen Nachhall in den Diktaturen Lateinamerikas und des das Zeitgeschehen charakterisierenden Begriffspaars "Lucha y Libertad" (Kampf und Freiheit) die Überlagerung von prospektiver und errungener Freiheit. Der Allgemeine Teil und die Rubriken enthalten Beiträge zur Politik-, Rechts- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte sowie zu literatur-, sprach- und quellenhistorischen Fragen.

How does emigrating affect one's political trust for their native country's political and state institutions? This question is increasingly relevant as a result of growing migration in the wake of globalization and the willingness to widen electoral laws and channels for participation to also include emigrated citizens in homeland politics. Despite the research conducted on homeland politics and voting from abroad in political science, the question of homeland political trust among emigrants has not been given sufficient attention. This could be seen as surprising from the perspective of trust research, which has exhaustively analyzed political and social trust. This paper seeks to map the effect of migration on political trust by comparing the trust in Finnish political and state institutions of emigrated Swedish-speaking Finns, also known as Finland-Swedes, and Finland-Swedes living in Finland. The Finland-Swedes are a resourceful minority with a sizeable diaspora, which in relative terms is comparable to nations with a renowned diaspora. The paper analyzes the political trust of migrants and residents with two high quality random surveys and using two methods, linear regression and propensity score matching, with analysis of average treatment effects to counter potential endogeneity of political trust and migrating citizens. The analyses show emigrants have on average significantly higher homeland political trust. Comparing the linear regression analysis and the average treatment effects after matching we get similar results, although the linear regression analysis that controls for potentially endogenous factors seems to somewhat exaggerate the effect of migration.

Der Aufsatz skizziert Migrationen aus der Volksrepublik Polen (1949–1989). Besonders berücksichtigt werden dabei die Politik der Ausreiseverhinderung seit den späten 1940er-Jahren und die Errichtung eines Grenzkontrollsystems nach sowjetischem Vorbild, die neuen Möglichkeiten für Migrationen im Jahr 1956 und danach, die relative Öffnung zum Westen in den 1970er-Jahren und die Erosion der restriktiven Ausreisepolitik in den 1980er-Jahren, die schließlich zum Exodus von 1987–1989 führte. Der Beitrag nennt wichtige Faktoren der Migrationsentwicklung: die Muster und Institutionen der "Passpolitik" (die mit der generellen Entwicklung des Herrschaftssystems verbunden war), die Dynamik von Migrantennetzwerken, relative Deprivation und Entfremdung von "Volkspolen", Druck von außen und Schattenwirtschaft., The article outlines migrations from communist Poland (1949–1989). It deals in particular with the policy of preventing people from leaving the country since the late 1940s and the introduction of a Soviet-style border control system, the revival of migrations from 1956, the relative opening towards the West in the 1970s and the gradual erosion of the restrictive policy towards people wanting to leave the country in the 1980s, resulting in the exodus of 1987-1989. This article pinpoints some major factors determining the changing nature of migrations: the patterns and institutions of “passport policy” (related to the general development of the political regime), the dynamics of migrant networks, the relative deprivation and alienation of the "People's Republic of Poland", foreign pressure, and the development of a shadow economy.

The Polish migrant diaspora is both broad and diverse: at least 2.2 million Polish citizens originating from different migration waves live in other countries of the European Union. There are also estimates that at least twice as many people with a Polish migration background live in the EU. Polish diaspora in Europe has a long - in some cases lasting more than 100 years - tradition of self-organisation. Polish immigrant organisations are spread all over EU countries. The goal of the paper is to answer the question about the dominant functions of the Polish immigrant organisations PIOs in European countries (Germany, Norway, Sweden, Spain, Italy, France, Ireland, the United Kingdom, and the Netherlands) perceived from the perspective of various actors - organisations, Polish diaspora, and external experts. Such a multidimensional approach results from a larger research project based on the feldwork, which consisted of both quantitative and qualitative approaches.