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This paper examines the politics of placemaking in an expanding self-built settlement in the city of Cartagena, Colombia, under everyday conditions of disposability and waste toxicity. Based on 11 months of ethnographic research, the paper introduces the triptych of disappearance, emergence, and appearance to categorize residents' everyday garbage-based practices. The paper argues that these three forms of garbage-based practices are racialized and forged through historical processes of urban displacement, shifting socio-political backgrounds, and legacies of violence. This paper highlights the intimate links between the material and social production of Black placemaking and embodied experiences of toxicities in Cartagena. It draws attention to the multiple ways in which Afro-Colombian residents endure and contest cumulative processes of embodied experiences of waste exposure through politics of placemaking. Garbage socio-material entanglements allow for the acknowledgement of the relationality of space, materials, people, and politics, which are constitutive of contentious relational politics of placemaking. As residents in urban contexts contend with ever-evolving waste challenges, this paper proposes novel ways of reading the inherent plurality of relational politics of placemaking, which can foreshadow alternative urban environmental futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Attention to inequality is increasingly taking centerstage in the fight against climate change and environmental devastation. More and more scholars and activists emphasize the need to put the reduction of inequality at the core of environmental and climate politics, and more and more propose a (socially just) "sufficiency" approach and politics to do so. Just sufficiency is presented as the new desirable societal pact, tasked with taking over from the current dominant growth pact driving "excess," and replacing it with a politics of "enough," through "collectively defined self-limitation." However, an excess/enough lens misses the dynamics of production of inequality in the first place, with important political implications. This article thus seeks to contribute a tighter critical theoretical understanding of the inequality-unsustainability relation as a nexus historically powered by specific mechanisms of fossil, metabolic, as well as "green" accumulation. Through the theorization of these relations, one can better apprehend how inequality is not only a question of unfair distribution or exclusion from affluence demanding to be addressed through social and environmental justice, but also the condition for the modes of extraction and exploitation that produce and reproduce unsustainability. I argue that the counterhegemonic struggle must be waged on that terrain: putting limitations (not self-limitations) on the accumulation machine and its inequality-unsustainability nexus. This reading, which builds on critical theory and Marxist and feminist political ecology, is related to notions of class as structured not only by exploitation, but also, crucially by dispossession and status hierarchization. Adopting a nexus approach to inequality and unsustainability offers a critical theoretical method that can hopefully shift the assessments and orientations of the sufficiency movement away from the moral terrain of self-limitation (whose self?) toward the class politics of limits on capital needed today for socio-ecological transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Peri-urbanization in Asia, which is driven by state-led mega-projects, has incorporated peasants on the fringes of cities into the urban fabric through land dispossession and displacement. This paper enriches ongoing debates on peasant experiences in urbanization, with a focus on the role of non-human nature. We apply an urban political ecology analysis that dialectically integrates analyses of political–economic forces and materiality, showing how they mediate peasant dispossession and post-agrarian subjectivities. Drawing on research conducted on the eastern fringe of Vientiane, Laos, where a stretch of agrarian wetland lay, we demonstrate how partial real estate enclosures transformed the ecology of the entire area. Altered flows of water engineered by state officials and project developers constrained agricultural production and peasant livelihoods. The drainage and filling of land combined with a burgeoning property market left landowners with little option but to treat their land as real estate. By engaging in land deals and micro-level property development, these former peasants actively integrated themselves into the emerging urban economy, albeit with uneven success. Our research highlights how the intersection of material nature with the forces and influences of state and capital mediates wetland enclosure, peri-urbanization, and the production of post-agrarian subjectivities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent changes in India's Forest Conservation Act and environment impact assessment procedures, already problematic for community rights and environmental conservation, further undermine both. These changes violate other hard-won constitutional and legal rights of traditional forest dwellers (Adivasis) to own, use, and conserve forest resources. The barely disguised aim is deregulation to open up further forests for plunder by capitalists and the consequent dispossession of local communities, amongst the most deprived and exploited sections of society who have historically borne the brunt of large development works. Underlying the government approach is an acceptance of unscientific, unrealistic, and unfair carbon sink and afforestation targets. Adherents of an exclusionary approach to conservation as well as those arguing for people-centric co-existence are perhaps for the first time in decades in agreement on the harm that these changes will cause for forests and their people. Changes are required to democratize and respect Adivasi forest rights and decentralize forest management, not to allow plunder and degradation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the results of an investigation about forced displacement in Mexico's northeastern region—bordering the United States—where many municipalities have been affected by violence and depopulation in the past two decades (2000–2020), in the context of a so-called "drug war." From a critical perspective, the study is based on a quantitative methodology using spatial and statistical analysis to try to link forced displacement—caused by criminal violence—and the presence of important hydrocarbon deposits in the region. The main finding is that the most affected municipalities by violence are located precisely in the Burgos Basin area, which has the largest shale gas reserves in the country. The evidence gathered suggests that forced displacement in these municipalities may respond to a strategic development logic where criminal violence operates for ends that transcend it and are geopolitical in nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent trends show that rather that the management of populations through life, States such as Kenya have adopted power that ensures that the populations are better managed through death. This power ensures that life closer to it is of higher value and worth protecting while those farthest from it are left to die. Therefore, this study adopts a socio-legal approach to analyse the vulnerability of indigenous peoples. Using this approach will help explain how dispossession of indigenous peoples from their lands and territories in Kenya results from continued colonialism and neopatrimonialism. The findings show that States' political and economic power have led to the vulnerability of indigenous peoples by legitimizing death-exposing developments projects using the legal frameworks adopted from colonial powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we use a settler capitalism framework that centers racialized gender violence in the pueblo of San Miguel Nocutzepo. We tell a story about how neoliberal policy in Mexico permitted the privatization of formerly collectively held Indigenous ejido land, which resulted in selloffs to outsiders who invested in avocado production and ended up being controlled by organized crime. Specifically, we point to the intersections between the regional agricultural recomposition and the social fabric of life in Nocutzepo as we attribute the land repurposing that the avocado-producing region of Michoacán has undergone with the encroachment of settler capitalism and organized crime. We also, however, highlight narratives of survivance in Nocutzepo that shed light on the various ways people faced violence to protect their family, pueblo, and land. Finally, we focus on a mothers-led struggle for youth and community empowerment and well-being or buen vivir that lobbied for a new Indigenous bilingual intercultural school in Nocutzepo to respond to the decline of subsistence agriculture. Our findings caution that while not all Indigenous struggles result in collective victories, everyday practices of resistance form an essential basis of survival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The wartime imprisonment of Nikkei on Indigenous lands has been recognized as having produced a double displacement under the auspices of American settler colonialism. Less clearly understood are the forms of postwar political awareness that this displacement provoked in Nikkei inmates, especially those who were children or teenagers at the time. One determining factor in our lack of understanding is the fact that mass incarceration, like the mistreatment of Indigenous peoples before, alongside, and after it, obliviated much of the historical record. However, while the fragmentation of memory, both individual and shared, has been a hallmark of Nikkei experience in the US, it also has been a spur to political action, even alliance. This article addresses efforts at unearthing the memory of imprisonment on Indigenous lands. Its aim is to begin accounting for the longer-term impacts of contact between groups that imprisonment generated. That contact matters, not only because it defies the white settler-colonialist narrative of the time, but also because it has begun to generate important, if nascent and complex, intergroup alliances.

"Post war" has been highlighted as an arena in which, under the banner of reconstruction, processes of accumulation by dispossession are often intensified. This conceptual article explores gaps in how "dispossession" is typically defined, to deepen understanding of the complex, gendered modalities that occur in post-war, when the population is already living in the wake of wartime land dispossession. Through an interdisciplinary feminist political economy and conflict studies lens, "dispossession" as a concept is interrogated beyond the original Marxist meaning of separation from the means of production via wholesale agrarian transition. The article argues that, in the long post-war "moment," gendered dispossession might occur in three interrelated ways, all connected to wartime dispossession. The first is bodily dispossession which occurs through shifting forms of patriarchy. The second is dispossession manifesting within reconfigured social reproductive relations. The third is piecemeal dispossession, through the embedding of other capitalist relations, including lifetime debt. HIGHLIGHTS A feminist approach to dispossession reveals its less visible and its gendered dimensions. Conflict-related dispossession consists of more than mass land expulsion during war. In post-war, dispossession connects to both state and capitalist logics of accumulation. Dispossession can have different modes: it is an embodied process, occurs through social reproduction, and can happen covertly. A feminist re-conceptualization contributes to analyses of violence against women in war and post-war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to offer an approach to the future of capitalism in its current phase from political economy, showing the processes of dispossession of common goods and its links with productivism, developmentalism and extractivism. Resisting experiences are identified throughout the Latin American region. In this sense we deal with the struggles of resistance and social protest of the Third Malón de la Paz in the Puna of Jujuy (Argentina) that occurred in the year 2023 regarding the provisional reform of the provincial constitution from the Indianist perspective. Finally, we problematize the critical categories of analysis of capitalism by proposing political subjectivity as a place of legitimation of social processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper applies the theory of transnationalism to Mahmoud Darwish's A River Dies of Thirst, exploring how his poetry reflects the traumatizing experiences of Palestinians, their perpetual displacement, and their lost identity. As a poet Darwish personally underwent psychological, physical, and emotional suffering in exile when Zionists imposed forced expulsion. His poetry is teemed with Palestinians' heart-wrenching narratives of the dispossession of their belongings and the irreparable loss of their loved ones. A translation approach analyzes Darwish's depiction of exile, fragmented identity, and territorial loss, focusing on how contemporary geopolitics influences these experiences. The Study finds that Darwish's poetry powerfully expresses the Palestinian reality of landlessness, forced diaspora, and the diminishing of their homeland, creating a profound sense of loss and dislocation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into the eight-year protest camp of Imider (2011–2019), analyzing important shifts both in forms of resistance as well as in political subjectivity within Morocco's protest landscape. The camp was the place/space where a historical struggle against one of the largest silver mines in Africa converged and new lived practices, relationships and subjectivities materialized. We explore the intricate connections between lived citizenship and what we term 'resistance by repossession'. We aim to understand how meanings of citizenship are (re)made from below as a response to accumulation by dispossession and driven by the intimate ties between marginalized communities and land. In this process, activists deliberately crossed the boundaries and affinities of the nation-state in search of meanings and alliances elsewhere, highlighting the more complex spatialities of lived citizenship and resistance from the margins. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reflects on the medicalization of psychic suffering in order to understand that process as part of a capitalist accumulation strategy. To do this, the first idea is that capitalism is in a phase of an initial residual accumulation terminal (Veraza, 2011) in which, psychic suffering is one of the aspects to expropriate and exploit. Second, the economic policies implemented in Argentina are described; in the following sections, it is particularized in the Alto Rio Negro valley and in the expropriation of livelihoods. In the last section, we present the inter-capitalist dispute within the health sector and medicalization as a means of repositioning the industrial fraction in that dispute from three dimensions, the abstract universalization of diagnostic categories in health Mental; The regulatory changes and the offensive against work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article tracks the relationship between waste, environmentalism, and settler territoriality and its mobilization in the remaking of East Jerusalem's political ecology. While using environmental discourses for Palestinian dispossession is as old as the colonization of Palestine, this article shows how, in recent years, the Israeli state and private settler organizations have re-imagined the natural environment of the Wadi al-Rababa neighborhood and the Hinnom Valley through the lens of Jewish biblical cultural memory to pursue territory. It draws on extensive fieldwork in the heritage tourism sector to demonstrate how conceiving the Hinnom Valley as transitioning from a neglected wasteland to a biblical Eden is used to claim a Jewish relationship to land and sever Palestinian claims to property and sovereignty. It also demonstrates how settler political ecologies are deeply tied to racialization work, producing differences vis-à-vis temporality and the environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the dispossession of indigenous knowledge in the public education system in Mapuche territory in La Araucanía, a southern region in Chile. The methodology is qualitative, 18 people were interviewed including Mapuche wise men and women, fathers, and mothers who experienced schooling processes in their younger years. The information analysis technique is content analysis, to identify explicit and latent meanings related to the schools they attended and the Chilean education system. Mapuche wise people and parents were consulted on the pedagogical practices of dispossession of ancestral knowledge that have been institutionalized. Main results show that schools have transmitted a Western Eurocentric-based knowledge which results in the dispossession of their own episteme and in their transformation into ordinary Chilean citizens who are unaware of their language and culture as a central axis of their sociocultural identity. Main conclusions account for the historical processes of schooling in an indigenous context, highlighting the consequences that this monocultural education has brought to families, communities, and new generations of indigenous. This poses the challenge of transforming the school curriculum, to transmit their truth, to advance in justice, reparation, and to ensure the non-repetition of the epistemicide of indigenous knowledge in the school. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on ethnographic research on an urban regeneration project targeting the historically Armenian quarter of a provincial capital in the Kurdish parts of Turkey, the article engages with two related, but separate strands of anthropological scholarship on the 'fragmented' nature of sovereignty to think through the relation of sovereignty and extraction. It does so, firstly, in relation to contemporary transformations of statecraft under conditions of financialised neoliberalism and authoritarianism, and secondly, in relation to the historically contingent constellation of property relations, racialisation and violence in the transition from Ottoman Empire to Turkish nation-state. The first leads me to argue that 'fragmentation' emerges here as a project internal to the practices of statecraft, that is, not primarily driven by market mechanisms, nor as something that extends beyond the nation-state. The historical account is offered as a case that further extends our scholarly archive of modern sovereignty as a global form intimately entangled with extraction and dispossession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the emergence and formation of modern nation-states and the ideology of archaic nationalism, a framework that fostered intra-social and national othering based on ethnic, religious, and linguistic identity prevailed for several decades. This resulted in the establishment of an ideological lifeworld in Iran, characterized by subordination, peripheralization, and othering. This article addresses the question of what mechanisms generate and reproduce the subordination of informal labor forces by focusing on the lifeworld of the subordinates, specifically informal labor forces on the periphery. Furthermore, which resistance strategies do the subordinates implement? In other words, the objective of this investigation is to examine the logic of the dominant forces in the city of Sanandaj and its suburbs using an ethnographic approach. The people of Sanandaj have been subjected to mechanisms that have resulted in their subordination, which has forced a substantial portion of the population to engage in informal economies and labor, thereby forcing them to exit the sphere of normal life. The city of Sanandaj serves as the research site. This research employs ethnographic methodologies and employs a qualitative approach. In ethnographic fieldwork, the researcher interacts directly with the field or environment. Field research techniques, such as observations, interviews, participation or immersion in daily life, and library studies, were employed to collect data. Our conceptual framework is founded on the theories of Asef Bayat, Michel Foucault, Mbembe, and Standing. This study demonstrates that the mechanism of subordination through pervasive dispossession, which is implemented through historical, economic, and social policies and programs, exacerbates peripheralization, subordination, and precarious living conditions for citizens. Moreover, it reveals that resistance strategies, including street occupations, nationalist identity pursuits, and sectarianism, are developed in response to these subordinating mechanisms. It demonstrates that although the history of Sanandaj is inextricably linked with economic, social, and political policies in a historical experience characterized by othering, peripheralization, and exclusion, which culminated in the extensive plunder of local resources and the dispossession of citizens’ rights and livelihoods, resulting in a substantial population being relegated to the ranks of the subordinates, this narrative has consistently generated parallel worlds in opposition to this systematic historical plunder. It is imperative to acknowledge that these parallel worlds, which have been established in response to historical pillage and dispossession, have not functioned as a means of evading subordination and victimization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper addresses the experience of Indigenous peoples in the highlands of Guerrero, Mexico, as they organize to defend their territory against mining exploitation. This struggle evinces the different dimensions of territoriality that are mobilized in the process of anti-mining resistance, with particular emphasis on the collective structures of organization and government. My ethnographic findings and anthropological analysis problematize the concepts of common goods and dispossession, in which Indigenous territoriality and the processes territory defense against material and cultural dispossession are framed. El presente ensayo discute la experiencia de organización para la defensa del territorio de los pueblos indígenas en la Montaña de Guerrero frente a proyectos de explotación minera, exponiendo las distintas dimensiones de la territorialidad movilizadas en el proceso de resistencia antiminera, con particular énfasis en las estructuras colectivas de organización y gobierno. A partir de los hallazgos etnográficos y del análisis antropológico, se problematizan los conceptos de bienes comunes y despojo, en los cuales se enmarcan la territorialidad indígena y los procesos de defensa del territorio frente al despojo material y cultural. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For centuries, Gujarat has been known for its long distance trade across the seas. During the colonial times, the textile mill industry gradually developed in Ahmedabad and the city was known as ‘the Manchester of India’. However, for the past few decades, the city has also achieved notoriety for communal violence and the resultant loss of lives and property. This violence has also altered the morphology of the city leading to liminal spaces which are zones of dispossession and contestation. This paper focuses on Juhapura, located at the western extremity of Ahmedabad on the National Highway leading towards Saurashtra. It was a sparsely populated area to begin with but the situation drastically changed after the horrific communal riots of 1969. The beleaguered Muslim population of the city drifted towards Juhapura as a place of refuge as periodic bouts of violence plagued the city. Gradually, Juhapura got the dubious distinction as the largest ‘Muslim Ghetto’ in India. Despite residing in a rapidly globalizing city, the residents of Juhapura occupy a ‘disturbed zone of citizenship’ wherein the state is conspicuous by its absence. After a brief historical discussion on the lived spaces of Ahmedabad, the present study will focus on Juhapura which exists as a state of exception, wherein the everyday lives of the people are a struggle to survive, and a sense of precarity prevails as there is a conscious and continuous denial of rights in both subjective and material forms. Located on the periphery of the state-citizen relationship, dispossession is embedded in the habitus of Juhapura. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Attention to inequality is increasingly taking centerstage in the fight against climate change and environmental devastation. More and more scholars and activists emphasize the need to put the reduction of inequality at the core of environmental and climate politics, and more and more propose a (socially just) “sufficiency” approach and politics to do so. Just sufficiency is presented as the new desirable societal pact, tasked with taking over from the current dominant growth pact driving “excess,” and replacing it with a politics of “enough,” through “collectively defined self-limitation.” However, an excess/enough lens misses the dynamics of production of inequality in the first place, with important political implications. This article thus seeks to contribute a tighter critical theoretical understanding of the inequality-unsustainability relation as a nexus historically powered by specific mechanisms of fossil, metabolic, as well as “green” accumulation. Through the theorization of these relations, one can better apprehend how inequality is not only a question of unfair distribution or exclusion from affluence demanding to be addressed through social and environmental justice, but also the condition for the modes of extraction and exploitation that produce and reproduce unsustainability. I argue that the counterhegemonic struggle must be waged on that terrain: putting limitations (not self-limitations) on the accumulation machine and its inequality-unsustainability nexus. This reading, which builds on critical theory and Marxist and feminist political ecology, is related to notions of class as structured not only by exploitation, but also, crucially by dispossession and status hierarchization. Adopting a nexus approach to inequality and unsustainability offers a critical theoretical method that can hopefully shift the assessments and orientations of the sufficiency movement away from the moral terrain of self-limitation (whose self?) toward the class politics of limits on capital needed today for socio-ecological transformation.

This article examines how the futures promised by the postcolonial state through various projects leave peasants sceptical about a new government project at the rural margin of India. Focusing on a car factory project undertaken in 2006 by the government of the West Bengal Indian state, I explore how a half century-long project of land reforms shaped the dispossession politics of the peasants whose lands have been acquired for a car factory project. Based on an ethnography in Singur, this article explores how a car factory project at the very onset of its implementation instilled a sense of harm to life and livelihoods. Consequently, that project produced forms of spatiotemporal inequality between different socioeconomic groups in connection, not only with their ownership of land, but also with their respective vision of their work futures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a total war, World War I constituted a significant historical moment which proved that warfare not only serves to build nations and national identities, but can also create suitable socioeconomic and political conditions that foster the process of capital accumulation. The Ottoman state, like all the belligerents, on the one hand mobilized human power, means of production and subsistence and natural resources on a large scale for fighting and financing the war; on the other hand, it established a war economy based on violence and protectionism that directly favored war profiteers. The present article centers on the implementation of the War Tax Law, adopted on the eve of the war, which paved the way for state policies of dispossession, confiscation, and requisition. It argues that these practices aimed at the redistribution of capital to give birth to a new generation of Turkish-Muslim capitalists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indigenous dispossession has been left out or relegated to the historical background of much of the political ecology of the American West, naturalized as a precursor to natural resource policy rather than as a direct and ongoing consequence of it. This article offers a framework for denaturalizing dispossession, drawing on Indigenous and settler colonial studies to examine the specific legal, political, and territorial processes by which dispossession is produced and contested over time. This framework is used to examine the long-overlooked history of Indigenous dispossession wrought by the Los Angeles Aqueduct in the early twentieth century. In-depth archival, legal, and ethnographic research reveals how, in the 1930s, this history became obscured by naturalizing discourses that continue to be invoked in disputes over tribal land and water rights today. The study underscores the complex intersections of law, history, and justice in struggles over dispossession and highlights the need for more engagement on these issues from political ecologists of the American West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue on '"Fluid Dispossessions': Contested Waters in Capitalist Natures" examines the multiple and mutable relationships between water, dispossession and property. We use 'fluid dispossessions' as an analytical prompt to examine the different ways in which water's biophysical properties, its material fluidity and movements (and the more-than-human species that move with it), shape processes of capitalist extraction, accumulation and dispossession. Fluid dispossessions go beyond the power politics of controlling water as a resource to include indirect and more-than-economic forms of dispossession. By analysing emic understandings of dispossession, we draw on 'fluid dispossessions' to reject binary categorisations of liquid:solid in order to reveal the diversity of ways capitalist extractive activities may disrupt existing affective, ecological, or spiritual relations with water. This can cause more-than-economic forms of dispossession such as the loss of social reproduction, emotional distress, loss of health, the rupturing of multispecies relations and local care practices of waterscapes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This afterword discusses common questions and emerging themes from a special issue titled Fluid Dispossession. It focuses on the implications of water movements for economic processes and the redistribution of costs and benefits. The article elaborates how the discussed ethnographies illustrate the situatedness of material flows that channel specific benefits to some groups of people and particular costs to others. It then highlights how wet ethnographies destabilise common economic terms including the commons, frontier, gleaning and real estate. Finally, it discusses the hydrosociality of material flows that are entangled with various political, economic and cultural projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Sine-Saloum Delta, Senegal, development actors strive to 'develop' female mollusc gleaning. In an apparently boundless amphibious environment, domestication underlined by discursive dispossession figures as an attractive alteration of enclosure and material dispossession. It intervenes especially temporally in human and mollusc life and overlays the (material) dialectic of capitalist 'outside' and 'inside' with one of bringing humans and molluscs from an 'archaic' and 'wild' 'outside' into a 'modern' and 'cultivated' 'inside'. However, domestication projects remain entangled with the unruliness of molluscs and waters, and struggle with organisational problems and the agency of gleaners. The latter seek to foster and profit from the continuous production of 'outsides' and 'insides'. They attract, appropriate and undermine projects and integrate them as mere additions into their gleaning practice. In upholding their gleaning practice and complicating mollusc domestication in alliance with unruly molluscs and waters, I argue, gleaners can also resist their own domestication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tourism has become a sector that is transforming historic areas of the current city. Its impact on the quality of life of communities, local economy, access to affordable housing, urban landscape, is being analyzed from studies on gentrification and touristification. This article analyzes the case of Valparaíso (Chile) and how the declaration of its historic area as a UNESCO World Heritage site in 2003, triggered a process of touristification. Through public programmes and private investment, houses were transformed into tourist shops and hotels, shaping a tourist bubble in these residential areas. How inhabitants felt and experienced the tourist transformation of their neighborhoods was analyzed through the use of interviews. The residents reports material and symbolic changes in their living conditions, which are experienced as pressure by displacement from their neighborhood. A pressure expressed in the loss of privacy, depopulation and loss of community networks, the displacement of neighborhood shops, the increase in property taxes, and the absence of public subsidies to rehabilitate their homes. The results place pressure by displacement as one of the main mechanisms of dispossession in historic areas of Latin American cities and suggest that in cities configured from neoliberal urban policies the UNESCO designation acts as a device that strengthens this dispossession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay presents a feminist intervention by incorporating feminist theory and ethnography into the examination of gentrification and displacement within authoritarian neoliberal urbanism. It explores the link between gentrification and the systemic crisis of social reproduction and discusses the contribution of feminist ethnography to our understanding of gendered dispossessions during state‐led gentrification and displacement. The essay concludes that integrating a social reproduction lens and employing feminist ethnography not only enhances our understanding of gendered dispossessions but also reveals the potential for empowerment in marginalized communities. Making visible the material and affective injustices and daily struggles to pursue social reproduction amidst the dismantling of marginalized lives by state‐led gentrification contributes to feminist praxis. Illustrative examples from a longitudinal case study on the nexus of gender and gentrification in Tarlabaşı, Istanbul, are used to support these arguments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper theorizes the gendered consequences of refugee dispossession for social reproduction, focusing on Ethiopian refugees in Nairobi, Kenya. We analyze the Kenyan refugee regime as structured by colonial legacies of racialization and by neo-colonial global political economy strategies of managing 'surplus' populations. We demonstrate that refugees' ongoing experiences of interpersonal and structural violence constitutes an attack on their capacity for social reproduction and argue the 'feminization of refugee survival' is an important gendered consequence. We identify two transnational displacements that produce a new form of racialized enclosure and the alienation of refugees from the means of social reproduction. The first transnational displacement occurs due to their dispossession from support infrastructure for social reproduction in their origin country, and in the host country. A second, invisible but racialized transnational displacement is the refusal of global North countries to take on the anticipated welfare costs of refugee social reproduction. Transformative and re-generative approaches to refugee social reproduction would need to address both forms of displacement. The paper thus urges IPE scholarship to recognize that the crisis of refugee social reproduction is not only produced by global capitalist regimes, but also deeply structured by gendered, racialized, and colonial hierarchies of inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractThe myth that Indigenous sovereignty lives in the past is central to the lore of settler colonial societies. Sustaining that myth entails significant material and symbolic work, particularly organised around the recursive placement of the ‘original moment’ of dispossession and colonisation in the past to make the settler sovereignty that has been imposed appear legitimate and complete. This paper presents an analysis of the story of one public housing estate in inner Melbourne, Walker Street, that has been the subject of recursive dispossession and multiple enactments of displacement. We examine the history of title documents at Walker Street, tracing back and forward through time to consider how those land titles have come to be and the work they do to constitute questions of belonging and housing inequality on stolen land. The methodology we develop seeks to understand land title as a literal register of the ongoingness of settler colonialism to reveal how title documents affectively and materially underscore the myth of a thickening settler claim to territory whilst distancing Indigenous sovereignty: we call this a possessory stratigraphy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racialized housing markets are a cornerstone of systemic racial inequality in the United States, affecting socioeconomic, wealth, health, and educational outcomes. To enrich critical sociological research on housing, we examine how low-income renters perceive, experience, and navigate racialized dispossessing, or the everyday processes by which people of color are severed from place, home, and stability in rental markets. Drawing on in-depth interviews with 43 low-income American Indian, Black, Latinx, and White renters across two research sites, we find that low-income renters of color routinely experience other-race landlord and property manager non-responsiveness to housing quality and safety issues while White renters experience responsiveness. We also show how renters of color perceive and experience landlords and property managers racializing them as inferior, at times to justify this dispossession. In contrast to most of their counterparts of color, we demonstrate how low-income American Indian renters in our sample with same-Tribe landlords or property managers are protected from the harms their counterparts face. Finally, we show how low-income renters of color use a variety of strategies to resist this racialized dispossessing, often at great emotional or financial cost. We conclude by discussing the implications of our findings for research and housing policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Colonizing Self: Or, Home and Homelessness in Israel/Palestine" by Hagar Kotef is a book that explores the concept of 'home' within the context of Israel/Palestine. The author analyzes the historical legacy of a colonial 'planning' system and calls for the decolonization of settler colonial space. The book focuses on the role of the settler in displacing Palestinians from their homes and examines the narratives and justifications used by Israeli settlers. It also draws connections to settler colonialism and violence in other parts of the world. The text emphasizes the need for uncomfortable conversations about race, place, and home within the planning discipline and the importance of decolonizing thinking for a more just future. [Extracted from the article]

Schooling has been a site of harm for Indigenous people in settler colonial contexts, as a tool of dispossession, assimilation and separation from country and kin. However, schools have simultaneously been sites to work against this and build alternatives to settler colonial systems that nourish Indigenous futures. This article centers the connections between Indigenous labour, land, sovereignty and schooling. It focuses on the Strelley mob's innovative remodelling of schooling during the first phase of national Australian government policies of Indigenous self-determination and self-management between 1972 and 1983. Working with Indigenous-authored texts and oral histories, I explain how the Strelley mob and supporters worked to exploit and reshape schooling to bring together and sustain their communities on their land, developing a practice of local control over repossessed country with an Indigenised schooling system at the heart. I show how the tensions centred on five 'zones of contest' where the Strelley mob clashed with norms of settler state governance in schools. I suggest these zones – political economy; school sovereignty; knowledges, technologies and temporalities; language and linguistic power; and spaces and lands – may provide an analytical tool for situating contests over Indigenous schooling within wider contests over land, labour and sovereignty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In January 2018, the mayoral-controlled Hartford Board of Education voted to officially close four mostly Black and Latinx schools as part of a district reorganization for “excellence.” This decision followed a decade of market-oriented reforms of school choice and closure promoted as a reform lever to improve academic achievement in a district under a school desegregation order and settlement. As part of a broader case study, this article draws on framing theory and the concept of accumulation by dispossession in order to compare stakeholder responses to the proposed closure of two schools in Hartford, Connecticut, at a moment of shifting public funds towards urban redevelopment. This article argues that stakeholders’ framing of responses connected to the form of school closure and their frame resonance, or effectiveness to connect with each other and the audience, related to status and identity in the district. This study supports the need for deeper understanding of how families, educators, and community partners experience school closures in urban contexts and how these groups provide alternatives to permanent school closure. The study also notes a particular form of school closure: desegregation by dispossession.

AbstractThe term disruption has become a buzzword for our times, although there is little clarity over what the term means, how it is deployed, and towards what ends. In order to understand the analytical and political stakes that are embedded in the deployment of ‘disruption’ as a rationale for various sources of upheaval, in this article I argue that these three terrains of disruption should be understood as theories of governance, and term them ‘disruption from above’, ‘disruption from the middle’, and ‘disruption from below’. Each terrain of disruption embodies different ethoses, actors, and goals: the first connoting elite-driven creative destruction and innovation; the second obfuscating the capitalist imperative that produces world-systemic upheavals; and the third seeking to expose the structures of violence and inequality built into such practices. I illustrate these three terrains through a structural account that traces the popularity of the disruption discourse from its origins to its material application; analyse an illustrative example of the assetisation of infrastructure and how it bureaucratises governance and shifts relations of power; and conclude by examining infrastructural forms of protest against such forms. I argue that the confusion over what disruption means, who exercises it, and upon whom is not a coincidence: rather, disruption's polysemy is structurally produced as a way to disguise ongoing capitalist crisis as a technical problem that market innovations can solve.

Within the framework of the global climate crisis and its specific effect of the mega-drought affecting dryland agriculture in the central-southern area of Chile, this study analyzes peasant wineries as a historical and collaborative commons, with traditional and agroecological knowledge and practices, which is organized and represents an important pluriverse for climate resilience. This takes place despite the threat of dispossession and multiple enclosures associated with the advance of industrial-level wineries and corporate forest plantations. The text analyzes the ways that small winegrowers in the Itata and Cauquenes Valleys protect their heritage and income by integrating interdisciplinary contributions from geology (evaluating climate change manifestations in their valleys), social sciences (observing the care and production practices of the wine-growing commons), and law (analyzing possible legal frameworks to develop in this common defense). All these actions are integrated from an analytical framework of political ecology and climate justice. In these experiences, we recognize multiple elements of climate resilience adapted to the agroecological conditions of dryland farming, showing that wineries are an activity which can protect the local territory and provide climate justice, contributing to protecting cultural heritage and socioenvironmental well-being in communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the nineteenth century, England and Portugal contested the possession of Delagoa Bay in south eastern Africa. Using documents from a British hydrographical survey mission of the east coast of Africa, and British Parliamentary Papers recording the dispute over possession of the bay in the 1870s, I demonstrate that bordermaking in the region was rooted in interimperial claims and disputes reaching back to the 1820s. The English claim to Delagoa Bay highlights how hydrography and cartography were used as tools of empire in the new imperial expansion and land appropriation of the nineteenth century. The production of the colonial border between Portuguese Mozambique and British South Africa interrupted and disconnected indigenous networks of relation, trade, and movement, while simultaneously entangling imperial projects of white worldmaking through racialized dispossession. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the aesthetics, ethics, and politics of artistic grief work in the 2014 text assemblage Blumen für Otello by contemporary German Jewish artist and activist Esther Dischereit. Dischereit's work offers a complex engagement with racialized violence in post-unification Germany, tackling the murders perpetrated by the Nationalsozialistischer Untergrund (National Socialist Underground, NSU) between 2000 and 2007. In their response to the crimes, the German authorities wilfully obstructed investigative efforts and ultimately failed to deliver justice. This situation was exacerbated by a public and media discourse that consistently trivialized the crimes and dehumanized their victims. Against this backdrop, Dischereit's text offers an artistic intervention into the hierarchies of 'grievability' (Butler) and care that enabled such failures in the first place. Drawing on theorists Judith Butler, Çiğdem Inan and Encarnación Gutiérrez Rodríguez, I propose that Blumen für Otello develops and champions an aesthetics, ethics and politics of dispossession. Employing strategies of transveral affectation and mourning, multi-layered translation and post-catastrophic improvisation, Dischereit's approach has the potential to undo the division between grievable and ungrievable lives. As such, it may foster reparative modes of agency and relationality that enable the (re-)construction of alternative fields of care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we assess factors that underlie the relationship between gardening and improved mental health and food security outcomes among displaced people. Drawing on a mixed method study of refugee gardeners in New York, we argue that a food sovereignty framework better incorporates crucial factors such as cultural appropriateness of food, autonomy over food choices, and promotion of health and community, as compared with a food security analysis. We draw commonalities between Indigenous food sovereignty scholarship and the resettled refugee experience, making connections across conceptual and material divisions in scholarly literature and funding institutions. Our work helps researchers and practitioners understand the impacts of gardening on social and material outcomes for displaced people, and suggests global linkages between dispossessed immigrant and Indigenous peoples' food sovereignty movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses the concept of ‘regimes of dispossession’ to explore how processes of land dispossession are evolving in Cambodia. Focusing on Preah Sihanouk province, which has received an influx of capital from China, we show empirically how non-productive and speculative land uses are thriving, resulting in frenzied and chaotic patterns of land grabbing. Our findings suggest a new phase in the recursive relationship between land control and the Cambodian state. Land previously occupied and farmed by rural villages is now being re-classified and re-packaged for private and non-productive purposes like real estate, tourism, and industrial investment that remain largely speculative, as international capital meets predatory state logics. We thus draw attention to how regimes of dispossession operate at a range of scales to shape how land is valued and grabbed, inviting comparative analysis between countries, particularly in the context of high levels of Chinese investment in the global south. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the ways that illegal land grabbing has taken place in contemporary Brazil since 2003. The findings suggest that much more attention needs to be paid to the various forms of violent illegalities behind the creation of land control, in both urban and rural contexts. The role of land mafias as a key political-economic sector creating capital through land speculation should be investigated further, as it seems to matter even more than de jure land rights. The article studies how, where, and why land mafias – often an amalgamation of rural elites, police, and governmental and judicial powerholders – have surged. It uses longitudinal ethnography to explore the widespread expulsion of people from their land in the Brazilian Amazon after the 2003 installation of a Cargill soybean export mill. This has led to the radical transformation of vast forest and urban areas, destroying the lives of humans and other-than-humans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]