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This paper is a commutative algebra introduction to the homological theory of quasi-coherent sheaves and contraherent cosheaves over quasi-compact semi-separated schemes. Antilocality is an alternative way in which global properties are locally controlled in a finite affine open covering. For example, injectivity of modules over non-Noetherian commutative rings is not preserved by localizations, while homotopy injectivity of complexes of modules is not preserved by localizations even for Noetherian rings. The latter also applies to the contraadjustedness and cotorsion properties. All the mentioned properties of modules or complexes over commutative rings are actually antilocal. They are also colocal, if one presumes contraadjustedness. Generally, if the left class in a (hereditary complete) cotorsion theory for modules or complexes of modules over commutative rings is local and preserved by direct images with respect to affine open immersions, then the right class is antilocal. If the right class in a cotorsion theory for contraadjusted modules or complexes of contraadjusted modules is colocal and preserved by such direct images, then the left class is antilocal. As further examples, the class of flat contraadjusted modules is antilocal, and so are the classes of acyclic, Becker-coacyclic, or Becker-contraacyclic complexes of contraadjusted modules. The same applies to the classes of homotopy flat complexes of flat contraadjusted modules and acyclic complexes of flat contraadjusted modules with flat modules of cocycles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses what happens when locality requirements—which favor short dependencies—come into conflict with antilocality requirements—which rule out dependencies that are too short. It is argued that in such circumstances, certain locality requirements may be minimally violated so that the antilocality requirement is satisfied. A theory along these lines is shown to derive a pervasive pattern of noniterative symmetry in A-movement—found in Haya and Luganda (Bantu), Tongan (Austronesian), and Japanese—in which the highest two arguments in a domain may undergo A-movement, but A-movement of lower arguments is systematically banned. The article concludes with some discussion of how interactions of this sort might be modeled in the grammar. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the distribution of V2 in Yiddish and its effects on extraction. Specifically, we show that both Spec-to-Spec antilocality (Erlewine 2020) and minimality (Rizzi 2006) constrain wh-extractions from embedded clauses in Yiddish. This explains the pattern of that-trace effects in Yiddish, as well as the apparent absence of an escape hatch in certain constructions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Extraction and subextraction tend to receive separate attention in syntax, which leads to the assumption that they should be analyzed independently, even though they both illustrate an asymmetry between subjects and objects. By looking at various phenomena in English, German, Spanish and Norwegian I propose that this parallel behavior is not accidental, but that there is a previously unnoticed generalization: subextraction is allowed iff extraction is possible and the target of subextraction is not an indirect object. I propose that a revised version of Spec-to-Spec antilocality (Erlewine 2016) is necessary: movement of and out of an XP must cross a Projection Line (PL) (Brody 1998), i.e. the set of all projections of a head. This version of antilocality can derive Freezing effects, Huang's (1982) CED, and their exceptions; and Comp-trace effects and their neutralization, extending them to subextraction. However, antilocality on its own cannot derive the extraction-subextraction asymmetry in indirect objects. I propose that the Principle of Minimal Compliance (PMC) (Richards 1998) can suspend antilocality if agree between a probe and a goal has happened. The version adopted here will allow extraction of the whole XP, but disallow extraction of its specifier due to the lack of an agree relation. Antilocality and the PMC combined also make the right predictions in other domains such as the lack of do-support in matrix subject questions and A-movement of the subject in declarative clauses, providing evidence that antilocality is a constraint that should apply to (at least) both A and A′-movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]