Search

Animals produce ATP through oxidative phosphorylation using oxygen, but cellular energy can also be obtained through glycolysis when oxygen is not present at sufficient levels. Although most mammals of larger body mass have longer life spans, small dog breeds tend to outlive large breeds. Primary fibroblast cells from larger breeds of dogs have previously been shown to have increased dependency on glycolytic phenotypes across their lifespan. Different levels of activity of the glycolytic enzymes pyruvate kinase (PK), lactate dehydrogenase (LDH), and phosphoenolpyruvate carboxykinase (PEPCK) may provide insight to a mechanism that leads to the different metabolic phenotype observed in different sized breeds as they age. In this study, 1) we measured the activities of PK, LDH, and PEPCK in primary fibroblasts from dogs of different breed sizes and age classes and 2) measured the activities of PK and LDH in plasma from dogs of different breed sizes and age classes. We found that there was no significant relationship between body mass and PK, LDH and PEPCK activity in primary fibroblasts. Further, there were not significant differences with activity in these enzymes for old dogs compared to young dogs. In plasma, we found a negative correlation between PK activity and body mass and no relationship between LDH activity and body mass. There was a negative relationship between LDH activity and age in dogs. Further, while a negative correlational relationship between PK activity and age was only marginal, a best subsets regression model demonstrated a significant marginal effect of age on PK activity. PK and LDH may provide intermediates for other metabolic pathways in small breeds. However, large breed dogs may demonstrate a deficiency in metabolism at the PK level, a cellular metabolic pathway that may potentially aid in tumor progression.

In past work, White Americans’ beliefs about Black poverty have predicted lower perceived work ethic of the poor, and, thus, less welfare support. In this article, we examine whether beliefs about White poverty predict more positive attributions about the poor among three representative samples of White Americans. Study 1 reveals that White (but not Black) Americans’ White-poor beliefs predict increased perceptions that welfare recipients are hardworking, which predict more welfare support. Study 2 demonstrates that the link between White Americans’ White-poor beliefs and the humanization of welfare recipients is stronger among White Americans who feel intergroup status threat (i.e., those who hold racial zero-sum beliefs). Study 3 replicates and extends Study 2 by using an experimental approach. Together, these data suggest that White Americans’ White-poor beliefs function to humanize welfare recipients as a means to justify policies that could help the ingroup, preserving the racial status quo.

Is anti-Black racial discrimination due to “a few bad apples”? Or, is there a larger pattern of widespread discrimination? This question about the distribution of discrimination is fundamental for understanding the causes of discrimination and for choosing effective solutions; yet we know surprisingly little about how discrimination is distributed. The current paper explores the distribution of discrimination using meta-analytic data and simulations from experimental studies in two critical contexts: hiring and housing. The meta-analysis revealed that anti-Black discrimination is found in more than 80% of studies. Simulations of widespread anti-Black discrimination using a normal distribution were more consistent with the experimental data on racial discrimination than were simulations of concentrated anti-Black discrimination using a Pareto distribution. These findings help address the perennial question about the distribution of discrimination and offer a rigorous quantitative method to refine the debate between concentrated and widespread accounts going forward.

Although most antiracism protests of 2020 were peaceful, at times, there was extreme use of force. Drawing on research that groups amplify intergroup threats, we test whether use of force is perceived as particularly justified against groups of Black people protesting racism. In Study 1, White Americans perceived a group of Black people peacefully protesting racism to be more threatening and more deserving of use of force than the same Black people protesting individually. Notably, when the protest topic did not threaten the racial hierarchy (i.e., environmental protection), Black groups (vs. individuals) no longer amplified perceived threat nor support for force. Studies 2 and 3 demonstrated that this tendency for groups to amplify intergroup threat was stronger among White Americans motivated to maintain the status quo (i.e., social conservatives). We conclude that Black groups protesting racism activate intergroup threats with implications for support for using force against them.