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En un Estado como el español en el que conviven varias identidades nacionales, las diferentes ideas y discursos que han existido sobre la nación española han generado diversas actitudes hacia su pluralidad etnocultural y nacional. Estas se han concretado en decisiones políticas asimismo dispares con relación a educación, cultura, políticas lingüísticas, etc. Este estudio analiza la presencia a lo largo del tiempo de tres concepciones fundamentales en este sentido: la visión étnica tradicional de la nación, claramente obsoleta, y los más relevantes patriotismo constitucional y patriotismo de la pluralidad. El concepto de patriotismo de agregación que aquí se presenta, y su discurso correspondiente, aspiran a trascender lo que se consideran limitaciones de las concepciones señaladas. Este modelo apela a una cultura común de referencia como fundamento de identificación con la nación española, al tiempo que no resulta excluyente sino compatible con otras identidades etno-nacionales dentro del Estado. In a State like Spain, in which several national identities coexist, the different ideas and discourses that have existed in relation to the Spanish nation have given rise to diverse attitudes towards the existing ethnocultural and national plurality, as well as to disparate political decisions in relation to education, culture, language policies, etc. This study analyses the presence over time of three fundamental conceptions in this sense: the traditional ethnic vision of the nation, clearly obsolete, and the more relevant constitutional patriotism and patriotism of plurality. The concept of patriotism of aggregation here presented and its corresponding discourse aim to transcend what are considered limitations of the aforementioned conceptions. This model appeals to a common culture of reference as an element of identification with the Spanish nation, while it is not exclusive but rather compatible with other ethno-national identities within the State.

Cet article explique comment la culture politique catalane du premier tiers du XXe siècle a été marquée non seulement par la confrontation entre catalanistes et espagnols, bourgeois et prolétaires et par la droite et la gauche, mais aussi par une corporatisation progressive de la vie sociale et économique de la Catalogne, conséquence des changements structurels imposés par la croissance urbaine à Barcelone et l’industrialisation. This article explains how the Catalan political culture of the first third of the twentieth century was marked not only by the confrontation between Catalanists and Spaniards, bourgeois and proletarians, and the right and the left parties, but also by a progressive corporatization of the social and economic life of Catalonia, as a consequence of the structural changes imposed by urban growth in Barcelona and industrialization.

Ces notes tentent de dessiner une complexité très large et remarquable : quels ont été les rapports entre le pouvoir politique (la dictature franquiste) et les acteurs culturels et intellectuels en Catalogne pendant près de quarante ans ? La première condition à prendre en compte est l’unicité du système politique (une dictature d’origine fasciste) et sa durée (presque quarante ans). La deuxième singularité est le rapport de cette dictature à une société et à un système culturel-intellectuel complexe : contre qui a été lancé le pouvoir de Franco ? Contre un système culturel hégémonique catalan et catalan jusqu'en 1939 ? Est-il apparu dans le processus de remplacement de ce système par un autre, purement espagnol, réactionnaire et fasciste ? Quelle a été la réponse du catalanisme et de l'anti-franquisme en général ? Pourrait-il travailler en marge, malgré et contre Franco ? Ce sont quelques-unes des questions soulevées dans le texte, qui sont des propositions de réponses, mais pas d’affirmations définitives. These notes attempt to draw a very broad and remarkable complexity: how were the relationships between political power (the Franco dictatorship) and cultural and intellectual actors in Catalonia for almost forty years? The first condition that must be taken into account is the uniqueness of the political system (a dictatorship of fascist origins) and its duration (almost forty years). The second singularity is the relation of this dictatorship to a society and a complex cultural-intellectual system: against which was launched Franco's power? Against a Catalan and Catalan hegemonic cultural system until 1939? Did it come out in the process of replacing this system with another purely Spanishist, reactionary and fascistized? What was the response, from Catalanism and anti-Francoism, in general? Could it work on the margins, despite and against Franco? These are some of the questions raised in the text, which have proposals for answers, but not definitive claims or assertions.

In Spagna le Comunità Autonome di Valencia e della Navarra sono rispettivamente parzialmente catalanofone e bascofone. Eppure, la maggior parte dei navarresi e valenziani rigettano questi nazionalismi. La forza di queste due identità separate confuta il principio che identifica una nazione con il territorio dove è parlata una determinata lingua. Da una prospettiva comparata, questo articolo analizza come si sono evoluti storicamente i rapporti tra Valencia e Navarra e le altre aree catalanofone e bascofone, a partire dal Medioevo e fino alla fine della dittatura di Franco, e cerca di spiegare l’esistenza di un valenzianismo anticatalanista e di un navarrismo antibaschista, emersi come movimenti di massa durante la Transizione spagnola alla democrazia. The Spanish Autonomous Communities of Valencia and Navarre are partially Catalan and Basque speaking, respectively. Nevertheless, most Valencian and Navarrese people reject those nationalisms. The strength of these two separated identities refutes the principle that identifies a nation with the territory where a language is spoken. With a comparative perspective, this paper analyzes the historical relationships of Valencia and Navarre with other Catalan- and Basque-speaking areas from the Middle Ages to the end of Franco’s dictatorship and tries to seek explanations for anti-Catalanist Valencianism and anti-Basquist Navarresism, which emerged as mass movements during Spain’s Transition to democracy., Nazioni e Regioni, N. 11 (2018)

L’analisi dei processi di nazionalizzazione nella Spagna contemporanea è stata influenzata dalla storiografia francese, interesse che non è stato ricambiato, come di solito accade d’altra parte. Anche se l’approccio comparativo è indiscutibilmente fruttuoso, in questo caso ha dato luogo a certe distorsioni nate fondamentalmente da due vizi di origine. Il primo di questi è stato la preferenza assoluta degli storici spagnoli che pretendevano analizzare il fenomeno per il caso francese, senza giustificare preventivamente la loro scelta o l’apertura ad altri possibili riferimenti comparativi. In secondo luogo, una conoscenza parziale del fruttuoso dibattito sviluppato nel paese vicino a partire dall’opera di Eugen Weber Da contadini a francesi. In questo articolo intendiamo analizzare lo sviluppo in entrambe le storiografie degli studi sulla nazionalizzazione e intuire possibili vie per l’articolazione definitiva di un paradigma alternativo a quello della «nazionalizzazione debole» degli anni Novanta. The analysis of the nationalization processes in contemporary Spain has been influenced by French historiography, although usually such interest has not been reciprocal. Even if the comparative approach is undoubtedly fruitful, in this case it has involved some distortions brought about basically by two fundamental flaws. The first was the absolute preference for France by Spanish historians, who pretended to analyse the phenomenon for the French case, without justifying in advance their choice or the opening to other potential comparative references. Secondly, there was a partial knowledge of the fecund debate which had developed in the neighbouring country starting from Eugen Weber’s Peasants into Frenchmen. In this article we intend to analyse the development of nationalization studies in both historiographies and provide an insight into potential ways to articulate a proper alternative paradigm opposed to the «weak nationalization» paradigm of the 1990s., Nazioni e Regioni, N. 16 (2020)

Тема выпускной квалификационной работы: «Региональный национализм Испании как тенденция политического развития государства в XXI веке». Данная работа посвящена исследованию развития Ð½Ð°Ñ†Ð¸Ð¾Ð½Ð°Ð»Ð¸ÑÑ‚Ð¸Ñ‡ÐµÑÐºÐ¸Ñ Ð´Ð²Ð¸Ð¶ÐµÐ½Ð¸Ð¹ в Испании и Ð¸Ñ Ð²Ð»Ð¸ÑÐ½Ð¸Ðµ на развитие политической жизни страны на современном этапе. Задачи, которые решались в Ñ Ð¾Ð´Ðµ исследования: Осветить теоретические аспекты и причины испанского национализма; Проанализировать проблемы Ð¸ÑÐ¿Ð°Ð½ÑÐºÐ¸Ñ Ð½Ð°Ñ†Ð¸Ð¾Ð½Ð°Ð»Ð¸ÑÑ‚Ð¸Ñ‡ÐµÑÐºÐ¸Ñ Ð´Ð²Ð¸Ð¶ÐµÐ½Ð¸Ð¹ и влияние конфликтов ÑÑ‚Ð¸Ñ Ð´Ð²Ð¸Ð¶ÐµÐ½Ð¸Ð¹ на политическое развитие Испании; Прийти к выводу относительно дальнейшего развития национализма в Испании и Ð²Ð¾Ð·Ð¼Ð¾Ð¶Ð½Ñ‹Ñ Ð¿ÑƒÑ‚ÐµÐ¹ разрешения Ð½Ð°Ñ†Ð¸Ð¾Ð½Ð°Ð»ÑŒÐ½Ñ‹Ñ ÐºÐ¾Ð½Ñ„Ð»Ð¸ÐºÑ‚Ð¾Ð² в Ñ€ÐµÐ³Ð¸Ð¾Ð½Ð°Ñ ÑÑ‚Ñ€Ð°Ð½Ñ‹. Работа проведена на базе Высшей Школы ÐœÐµÐ¶Ð´ÑƒÐ½Ð°Ñ€Ð¾Ð´Ð½Ñ‹Ñ ÐžÑ‚Ð½Ð¾ÑˆÐµÐ½Ð¸Ð¹ СПбПУ. Была проанализирована отечественная и зарубежная научная литература по вопросу образования самоидентификации Ñ€Ð°Ð·Ð»Ð¸Ñ‡Ð½Ñ‹Ñ Ð¸ÑÐ¿Ð°Ð½ÑÐºÐ¸Ñ Ð½Ð°Ñ†Ð¸Ð¾Ð½Ð°Ð»ÑŒÐ½Ð¾ÑÑ‚ÐµÐ¹, развитию и деятельности Ñ€Ð°Ð·Ð»Ð¸Ñ‡Ð½Ñ‹Ñ Ð¼ÐµÑÑ‚Ð½Ñ‹Ñ Ð½Ð°Ñ†Ð¸Ð¾Ð½Ð°Ð»Ð¸ÑÑ‚Ð¸Ñ‡ÐµÑÐºÐ¸Ñ Ð¿Ð°Ñ€Ñ‚Ð¸Ð¹, и Ð¸Ñ Ð²Ð»Ð¸ÑÐ½Ð¸ÑŽ на внутреннюю политику и политическую жизнь страны. Во время написания работы активно использовались исторический метод (историческая ретроспектива), сравнительный анализ и контент анализ. В результате проведённой работы была проанализирована история образования национального самосознания у Ñ€Ð°Ð·Ð½Ñ‹Ñ Ñ€ÐµÐ³Ð¸Ð¾Ð½Ð¾Ð² страны на протяжении всей истории страны. Определено современное положение Ð¾Ð±Ñ€Ð°Ð·Ð¾Ð²Ð°Ð²ÑˆÐ¸Ñ ÑÑ Ð½Ð°Ñ†Ð¸Ð¾Ð½Ð°Ð»ÑŒÐ½Ñ‹Ñ Ð°Ð²Ñ‚Ð¾Ð½Ð¾Ð¼Ð½Ñ‹Ñ ÑÐ¾Ð¾Ð±Ñ‰ÐµÑÑ‚Ð² и Ð¸Ñ Ð²Ð»Ð¸ÑÐ½Ð¸Ðµ развитие внутренней и внешней политической системы в стране, выделены сильные и слабые стороны влияния со стороны Ð½Ð°Ñ†Ð¸Ð¾Ð½Ð°Ð»Ð¸ÑÑ‚Ð¸Ñ‡ÐµÑÐºÐ¸Ñ Ð¿Ð°Ñ€Ñ‚Ð¸Ð¹ из Ñ€Ð°Ð·Ð½Ñ‹Ñ Ñ€ÐµÐ³Ð¸Ð¾Ð½Ð¾Ð² Испании, а также изложено дальнейшее положение регионов и Ð½Ð°Ñ†Ð¸Ð¾Ð½Ð°Ð»Ð¸ÑÑ‚Ð¸Ñ‡ÐµÑÐºÐ¸Ñ Ð¿Ð°Ñ€Ñ‚Ð¸Ð¹ в стране.Â, The topic of the graduate qualification work is "Regional nationalism of Spain as a trend of the political development of the state in the XXI century". The work is devoted to the study of the development of nationalist movements in Spain and their influence on the development of the political life of the country at the present stage. The research set the following goals: 1. To highlight the theoretical aspects and causes of Spanish nationalism; 2. Analyze the problems of the Spanish nationalist movements and the impact of the conflicts of these movements on the political development of Spain; 3. To come to a conclusion regarding the further development of nationalism in Spain and possible ways to resolve national conflicts in the regions of the country. The work was conducted on the basis of the Higher School of International Relations of SPbPU. The Russian and foreign scientific literature was analyzed on the issue of the formation of self-identification of various Spanish nationalities, the development and activities of various local nationalist parties, and their influence on the domestic politics and political life of Spain. During the writing of the work, the historical method (historical retrospective), comparative analysis and content analysis were actively used. As a result of the work carried out, the history of the formation of national identity in different regions of the country throughout the history of the country was analyzed. The current position of the formed national autonomous communities and their influence on the development of the internal and external political system in the country are determined, the strengths and weaknesses of the influence of nationalist parties from different regions of Spain are highlighted, and the further position of the regions and nationalist parties in the country is outlined.