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26 luglio 2015, Cesena. 1000 musicisti provenienti da ogni parte d'Italia si ritrovano al parco Ippodromo per suonare tutti insieme Learn to Fly dei Foo Fighters. L'obiettivo è quello di convincere la band di Seattle a tenere un concerto nella città romagnola. Un'impresa mai tentata prima, che avrebbe emozionato milioni di persone in tutto il mondo e il cui video sarebbe diventato virale. Ma come è stato possibile? Ce lo racconta Fabio Zaffagnini, mente e motore di Rockin'1000, organizzazione che da quel giorno in poi è diventata, di fatto, la band più grande del mondo. L'infanzia in un ambiente raffinato e protetto, il bullismo subito alle scuole superiori, l'atletica, il lavoro in discoteca, la laurea in geologia, l'impiego al CNR, il rischioso e solitario viaggio in Patagonia, il beach volley, il trekking, la spedizione in Antartide a bordo di una vecchia nave militare russa, sono tutte tappe, probabilmente necessarie, di un percorso che ha permesso poi a Fabio di realizzare il proprio sogno. Un libro che è una fonte di ispirazione per tutti coloro che hanno qualche idea nel cassetto che non sanno come realizzare, ma anche per chi non è capace di fermarsi in un posto ma è sempre alla ricerca di stimoli ed emozioni. In altre parole, per tutti i rocker e per chi ancora non sa di esserlo.

This edited volume presents complex issues surrounding economic and cultural injustices in the global South and the social imaginaries articulated by vulnerable communities in these extractive zones. These organizations of struggle by disenfranchised members in the global South bring forth a collective of knowledge to decolonize organizational theory and think of organizing a more just world. The essays in this volume critique and connect meanings of “organizations” in relation to neoliberalism, coloniality, and social justice. More specifically, scholars engage with ideas of resistance such as invisible histories in management theory, hybrid collective action, self-determination and indigenous sovereignty, and decolonizing institutions. The chapters also cover a wide range of locations including feminist movements in Latin America, the struggles of Palestinians in self-exile to connect with their homeland, and reproductive labor in Sri Lanka to the decolonial potential of Black Lives Matter in the US and insights into organizing resistance in parts of Asia and Africa. For scholars and policymakers, this book presents emancipatory essays that interrogate the cultural, social, political, and historical issues pertaining to organizations in the context of the neoliberal economy.

Against the long historical backdrop of 1492, Columbus, and the Conquest, Robert Stam's wide-ranging study traces a trajectory from the representation of indigenous peoples by others to self-representation by indigenous peoples, often as a form of resistance and rebellion to colonialist or neoliberal capitalism, across an eclectic range of forms of media, arts, and social philosophy. Spanning national and transnational media in countries including the US, Brazil, Canada, France, Germany, and Italy, Stam orchestrates a dialogue between the western mediated gaze on the'Indian'and the indigenous gaze itself, especially as incarnated in the burgeoning movement of “indigenous media,” that is, the use of audio-visual-digital media for the social and cultural purposes of indigenous peoples themselves. Drawing on examples from cinema, literature, music, video, painting and stand-up comedy, Stam shows how indigenous artists, intellectuals and activists are responding to the multiple crises - climatological, economic, political, racial, and cultural - confronting the world. Significant attention is paid to the role of arts-based activism in supporting the struggle of indigenous artistic activism, of the Yanomami people specifically, to save the Amazon forest and the planet.

With the break up of the Spanish empire in South America, the continent split into nine independent states with often ill-defined boundaries. One of these was that between Bolivia and Chile, which were separated by the Atacama Desert, tone of the driest regions in the world. When it was realized that the area contained nitrates that the world needed for explosives and fertilizer the scene was set for the inevitable clash.When war broke out in February 1879, both sides found themselves unprepared for war. Rapid armament followed as the Peruvians were dragged into the conflict in support of their Bolivian allies. Initially there was a tiresome naval war of blockade and guerre de course. Two naval actions decided the naval campaign in favor of the Chileans who then proceeded to use their naval power to attack the Allies'isolated armies and capture Lima two years after war had broken out. Fighting then developed into a cruel and ruthless guerrilla war in the Andes, sometimes even pitting Peruvian against Peruvian, before the Peruvians finally concede defeat.The war was notable in the West for fights involving ironclads, particularly the Battle of Angamos, which saw the only time ironclads were pitted against each other between the Battle of Lissa and the Battle of the Yalu River. The war helped formulate Captain Mahan's thoughts in “The Influence of Sea Power upon History”.The land war was more or less ignored abroad, although it included some of the biggest battles ever fought on the continent, using all the latest technology, including breech loading rifles and cannons and machine guns. The armies on both sides initially lacked experience and training as well as modern equipment. The Bolivian Army started the war with 806 officers and only 1369 other ranks! In the end the Chileans won because of their more stable government, better financial situation and their control of the sea, due to their two superior ironclads.From the Atacama to the Andes tells the brutal struggle between two sides to control the wealth of the Atacama and for retention of Bolivia's coast. The result was that Chile gained the mineral resources of the “New North” and Bolivia became the second landlocked country on the continent, paving the way for the even more catastrophic Chaco War 50 years later.

James Tully's scholarship has profoundly transformed the study of political thought by reconstructing the practice of political theory as a democratising and diversifying dialogue between scholars and citizens. Across his writings on topics ranging from the historical origins of property, constitutionalism in diverse societies, imperialism and globalisation, and global citizenship in an era of climate crisis, Tully has developed a participatory mode of political theorising and political change called public philosophy. This practice-oriented approach to political thought and its active role in the struggles of citizens has posed fundamental challenges to modern political thought and launched new lines of inquiry in the study of constitutionalism, democracy and citizenship, settler colonialism, comparative political theory, nonviolence, and ecological sustainability. James Tully: To Think and Act Differently collects classic, contemporary, and previously unpublished writings from across Tully's four decades of scholarship to shed new light on these dialogues of reciprocal elucidation with citizens, scholars, and the history of political thought, and the ways Tully has enlarged our understanding of democracy, diversity, and the task of political theory.