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This study shines a light where attention is needed; it is an assessment of our progress in our search for and improvement of pedagogical knowledge. More specifically, we address how well we have responded to Hendrix and Wilson's (2014) call in "Virtual Invisibility: Race and Communication Education" to move away from the same topics: thereby, seeking new and productive ways to address issues like the diversity that reflect current societal changes and classroom demographics. The results of this blended thematic/content analysis of 262 publications in "Communication Education" from 2014 to 2019 reveal that, while the body of instructional communication scholarship has evolved and expanded into more complex areas, race is still passed over.

Introduction: Globally in 2024, 1 in 5 women aged 20–24 years worldwide had been married before the age of 18 years. One reason for this persistent prevalence of underage marriage may be the slow change in social norms relating to education levels and women's marriage age. However, we know little about how norms change, and whether they vary by socio-demographic characteristics. We aimed to investigate changes in social norms across generations in rural Maharashtra, India. Methods: To understand the status quo, we identified education levels and marriage ages typical of contemporary young adults in rural Maharashtra using the National Family Health Survey. To see if norms have shifted across generations, we analysed data on education and marriage age in 659 parent-adolescent dyads from the Pune Maternal Nutrition Study (PMNS) in rural Maharashtra. To ascertain if norms might shift in the future, we investigated adolescents' aspirations for their future hypothetical children's education and marriage, and classified adolescents as wanting (a) their children to decide themselves, (b) more education and later marriage age, or (c) the status quo. We assessed whether these aspirations differed by socio-demographic characteristics. Results: Compared to the status quo and PMNS adults, PMNS adolescents had substantially more education, and girls were marrying slightly later. About 70% of the adolescents wanted their children to themselves decide their schooling. The remainder of both sexes wanted their children to have the same education as them (15 years). Only 10% of adolescent girls and 14% of boys wanted their child to decide their own marriage age. Most adolescents wanted a later marriage age for their children than their own experience. Lower educated and early married girls aspired for greater education for their children. More educated boys aspired for later marriage for their children. Discussion: Education norms have changed by a larger magnitude than marriage age norms. Adolescents are already attaining their education aspirations, but aspire for later marriage of their children, more so for their hypothetical sons than daughters. Since senior household members remain influential in marriage decisions, it may take time before adolescents' aspirations for their children become a new norm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Marriage during childhood and adolescence adversely affects maternal and child health and well-being, making it a critical global health issue. Analysis of factors associated with women marrying ≥18 years has limited utility in societies where the norm is to marry substantially earlier. This paper investigated how much education Nepali women needed to delay marriage across the range of ages from 15 to ≥18 years. Data on 6,406 women aged 23-30 years were analysed from the Low Birth Weight South Asia Trial on the early-marrying and low-educated Maithili-speaking Madhesi population in Terai, Nepal. Multivariable logistic regression models assessed the associations of women's education with marrying aged ≥15, ≥16, ≥17 and ≥18 years. Cox proportional hazards regression models quantified the hazard of marrying. Models adjusted for caste affiliation. Women married at median age of 15 years and three-quarters were uneducated. Women's primary and lower-secondary education were weakly associated with delaying marriage, whether the cut-off to define early marriage was 15, 16, 17 or 18 years, with stronger associations for secondary education. Caste associations were weak. Overall, models explained relatively little of the variance in the likelihood of marriage at different ages. The joint effects of lower-secondary and higher caste affiliation and of secondary/higher education and mid and higher caste affiliation reduced the hazard of marrying. In early-marrying and low-educated societies, changing caste-based norms are unlikely to delay women's marriage. Research on broader risk factors and norms that are more relevant for delaying marriage in these contexts is needed. Gradual increases in women's median marriage age and increased secondary education may, over time, reduce child and adolescent marriage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: To provide a comprehensive seasonal analysis of pregnant mothers' eating behaviour and maternal/newborn nutritional status in an undernourished population from lowland rural Nepal, where weather patterns, agricultural labour, food availability and disease prevalence vary seasonally. Design: Secondary analysis of cluster-randomised Low Birth Weight South Asia Trial data, applying cosinor analysis to predict seasonal patterns. Outcomes: Maternal mid-upper arm circumference (MUAC), BMI, dietary diversity, meals per day, eating down and food aversion in pregnancy (≥31 weeks' gestation) and neonatal z-scores of length-for-age (LAZ), weight-for-age (WAZ) and head circumference-for-age (HCAZ) and weight-for-length (WLZ). Setting: Rural areas of Dhanusha and Mahottari districts in plains of Nepal. Participants: 2831 mothers aged 13–50 and 3330 neonates. Results: We found seasonal patterns in newborn anthropometry and pregnant mothers' anthropometry, meal frequency, dietary diversity, food aversion and eating down. Seasonality in intake varied by food group. Offspring anthropometry broadly tracked mothers'. Annual amplitudes in mothers' MUAC and BMI were 0·27 kg/m2 and 0·22 cm, with peaks post-harvest and nadirs in October when food insecurity peaked. Annual LAZ, WAZ and WLZ amplitudes were 0·125, 0·159 and 0·411 z-scores, respectively. Neonates were the shortest but least thin (higher WLZ) in winter (December/January). In the hot season, WLZ was the lowest (May/June) while LAZ was the highest (March and August). HCAZ did not vary significantly. Food aversion and eating down peaked pre-monsoon (April/May). Conclusions: Our analyses revealed complex seasonal patterns in maternal nutrition and neonatal size. Seasonality should be accounted for when designing and evaluating public heath nutrition interventions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates how educational and geographic capital are assorted among households in rural Nepal, and how women's marital age may shape this distribution. Our focus on the timing of marriage adds a new dimension to studies of geographies of youth and marital assortment, while our emphasis on the physical and spatial attributes of households leads us to propose the concept of geographic capital, operationalised here as agrarian landholding and access to rural markets. Using data on 17,284 women from rural lowland Nepal, heat tables showed substantial pairing among uneducated spouses, whereas educated men married women with varying levels of schooling, partly because fewer women were educated. Multivariable logistic regression models showed that the odds of marrying an educated man increased substantially for women with secondary education, and vice versa. Educated women were also more likely to marry into households with geographic capital. However, landowning husbands tended to marry younger wives, perhaps because the natal home was prepared to marry daughters earlier in order to access this geographic capital. The youngest‐marrying women were least likely to marry into households with accessibility to markets. Our findings may help understand the decisions of both a woman's natal and marital household over the timing of her marriage, and the investment in her formal education. These patterns have implications for both spouses because capital not only shapes marital pairing, but also the spatial niche of the household within which women and their children will experience their life‐course. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: On average, boys grow faster than girls in early life but appear more susceptible to undernutrition. We investigated sex differences in early child growth, and whether maternal nutritional status and diet differed by offspring sex during and after pregnancy in an undernourished population. Methods: We analyzed longitudinal data from a cluster‐randomized trial from plains Nepal, stratifying results by child or gestational age. Children's outcomes (0–20 months) were weight, length, and head circumference and their z‐scores relative to WHO reference data in 2‐monthly intervals (n range: 24837 to 25 946). Maternal outcomes were mid‐upper arm circumference (MUAC), and body mass index (BMI) during pregnancy (12–40 weeks) (n = 5550 and n = 5519) and postpartum (n = 15 710 and n = 15 356), and diet in pregnancy. We fitted unadjusted and adjusted mixed‐effects linear and logistic regression models comparing boys with girls. Results: Boys were larger than girls, however relative to their sex‐specific reference they had lower length and head circumference z‐scores from birth to 12 months, but higher weight‐for‐length z‐scores from 0 to 6 months. Mothers of sons had higher MUAC and BMI around 36 weeks gestation but no other differences in pregnancy diets or pregnancy/postpartum maternal anthropometry were detected. Larger sex differences in children's size in the food supplementation study arm suggest that food restriction in pregnancy may limit fetal growth of boys more than girls. Conclusions: Generally, mothers' anthropometry and dietary intake do not differ according to offspring sex. As boys are consistently larger, we expect that poor maternal nutritional status may compromise their growth more than girls. Copyright © 2021 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Maternal nutrition promotes maternal and child health. However, most interventions to address undernutrition are only implemented once pregnancy is known, and cannot address broader risk factors preceding conception. Poverty and socio-economic status are considered systemic risk factors, but both economic growth and cash transfers have had limited success improving undernutrition. Another generic risk factor is low human capital, referring to inadequate skills, knowledge and autonomy, and represented by traits such as low educational attainment and women's early marriage. Few studies have evaluated whether maternal human and socio-economic capital at conception are independently associated with maternal and offspring outcomes., Methods: Using data on 651 mother-child dyads from the prospective Pune Maternal Nutrition Study in rural India, composite markers were generated of "maternal human capital" using maternal marriage age and maternal and husband's education, and 'socio-economic capital' using household wealth and caste. Linear and logistic regression models investigated associations of maternal low/mid human capital, relative to high capital, with her own nutrition and offspring size at birth, postnatal growth, education, age at marriage and reproduction, and cardiometabolic risk at 18 years. Models controlled for socio-economic capital, maternal age and parity., Results: Independent of socio-economic capital, and relative to high maternal human capital, low human capital was associated with shorter maternal stature, lower adiposity and folate deficiency but higher vitamin B 12 status. In offspring, low maternal human capital was reflected in shorter gestation, smaller birth head girth, being breastfed for longer, poor postnatal growth, less schooling, lower fat mass and insulin secretion at 18 years. Daughters married and had children at an early age., Discussion: Separating maternal human and socio-economic capital is important for identifying the aspects which are most relevant for future interventions. Low maternal human capital, independent of socio-economic capital, was a systemic risk factor contributing to an intergenerational cycle of disadvantage, perpetuated through undernutrition, low education and daughters' early marriage and reproduction. Future interventions should target maternal and child human capital. Increasing education and delaying girls' marriage may lead to sustained intergenerational improvements across Sustainable Development Goals 1 to 5, relating to poverty, hunger, health, education and gender equality., Competing Interests: The authors declare that the research was conducted in the absence of any commercial or financial relationships that could be construed as a potential conflict of interest., (© 2025 Marphatia, Wells, Reid, Bhalerao and Yajnik.)

Background and Objectives: Evolutionary research on the sex ratio at birth (SRB) has focused on explaining variability within and between populations, and whether parental fitness is maximized by producing daughters or sons. We tested predictors of SRB in a low-income setting, to understand whether girls differ from boys in their likelihood of being born into families with the capacity to invest in them, which has implications for their future health and fitness., Methodology: We used data from a cluster randomized control trial from lowland rural Nepal (16 115 mother-child dyads). We applied principal component analysis to extract two composite indices reflecting maternal socio-economic and reproductive (parity, age) capital. We fitted mixed-effects logistic regression models to estimate odds ratios of having a girl in association with these individual factors and indices., Results: The SRB was 112. Compared to the global reference SRB (105), there were seven missing girls per 100 boys. Uneducated, early-marrying, poorer and shorter mothers were more likely to give birth to girls. Analysing composite maternal indices, lower socio-economic and reproductive capital were independently associated with a greater likelihood of having a girl., Conclusions and Implications: In this population, girls start life facing composite disadvantages, being more likely than boys to be born to mothers with lower socio-economic status and reproductive capital. Both physiological and behavioural mechanisms may contribute to these epidemiological associations. Differential early exposure by sex to maternal factors may underpin intergenerational cycles of gender inequality, mediated by developmental trajectory, education and socio-economic status., (© The Author(s) 2022. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the Foundation for Evolution, Medicine, and Public Health.)

Background and Objectives: Women's nutritional status is important for their health and reproductive fitness. In a population where early marriage is common, we investigated how women's nutritional status is associated with their age at marriage (marking a geographical transfer between households), and at first pregnancy., Methodology: We used data from a cluster-randomized control trial from lowland Nepal ( n  = 4071). Outcomes including body mass index (BMI) were measured in early pregnancy and trial endpoint, after delivery. We fitted mixed-effects linear and logistic regression models to estimate associations of age at marriage and age at pregnancy with outcomes, and with odds of chronic energy deficiency (CED, BMI <18.5 kg/m 2 ), at both timepoints., Results: BMI in early pregnancy averaged 20.9 kg/m 2 , with CED prevalence of 12.5%. In 750 women measured twice, BMI declined 1.2 (95% confidence interval 1.1, 1.3) kg/m 2 between early pregnancy and endpoint, when CED prevalence was 35.5%. Early pregnancy was associated in dose-response manner with poorer nutritional status. Early marriage was independently associated with poorer nutritional status among those pregnant ≤15 years, but with better nutritional status among those pregnant ≥19 years., Conclusions and Implications: The primary determinant of nutritional status was age at pregnancy, but this association also varied by marriage age. Our results suggest that natal households may marry their daughters earlier if food insecure, but that their nutritional status can improve in the marital household if pregnancy is delayed. Marriage age therefore determines which household funds adolescent weight gain, with implications for Darwinian fitness of the members of both households., (© The Author(s) 2022. Published by Oxford University Press on behalf of the Foundation for Evolution, Medicine, and Public Health.)