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The factors contributing to the strategic significance of a port can be comprehended by assessing its military, political, and economic capabilities. Accordingly, this study aims to determine and examine the strategic significance of Iskenderun port and its benefits to the Turkish Navy. To systematically comprehend and impartially assess the benefits and strategic significance of the port, other naval powers in the region are also examined. Based on an analysis of historical documents and secondary sources, argued this study that the Iskenderun port has the potential to act as a deterrent and give the Turkish Navy a psychological advantage in terms of controlling the sea and intervening in events in the Eastern Mediterranean. The Iskenderun Bay’s’ geographical advantages pose significant challenges for potential threats against the Turkish Navy and hinder the intelligence collecting efforts of hostile groups. It is important to emphasizes that Iskenderun port will allow for the ability to intervene in incidents using a reduced military presence inwith the context of force projection.

The People's Republic of China (PRC)'s rapid development of military maritime capabilities, and their harnessing under strong personalist paramount leader Xi Jinping to address ambitious national goals, is one of the most important subjects concerning great power security in the international system today. Understanding the key dynamics is thus inherently important. This article surveys Chinese-language publications, U.S. government analyses, and related research, and applies it to a larger framework that addresses both conceptual and empirical issues, considers comparative cases, and offers suggestions for further examination. Its findings are relevant to scholars and practitioners alike: China's military maritime power radiates outward, backstopped by a land-based "anti-Navy." Its Navy focuses on proximate seas--supported by Coast Guard, Maritime Militia, and survey vessel fleets; and extends into the farthest oceans. China's sea forces and the strategy informing them has become progressively less distinctive with time and distance--trends continuing today. Herein lies one of the greatest strengths, and limitations, of Beijing's dramatic military maritime development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since sustainability is completely critical for industry, this study puts forwards an integrated methodology based on Strengths, Weaknesses, Opportunities, and Threats (SWOT) analysis and Analytic Hierarchy Process (AHP) method to propose an export model for sustainable naval shipbuilding industry. This study, which includes real-cases and theoretical work, proposes a systematic approach to create export model for a sustainable naval shipbuilding industry by providing a roadmap for companies together with the external necessities to pursue a to-the-point export strategy. The methodology SWOT analysis is used to determine internal and external factors of the export potential for Turkish naval shipbuilding industry. Then, the AHP method is employed to prioritize the critical criteria and sub-criteria of naval shipbuilding projects in order to create a successful export model. The proposed model has been applied with a real case study to obtain a robust export model. Finally, a sensitivity analysis is also adopted to verify and extend usability of obtained results for soundness of the model. The obtained results of this study disclose that criterion "Resources" which includes sub criteria such as "importance of government-supported credit/incentive mechanisms", "presenting the offer with the financial credit package", and "the sufficiency of the company's capital", arises as the foremost important criteria for obtaining a successful export project methodology. While the criterion "Project Management" that includes sub criteria such as "ability to deliver in accordance with the project schedule", and "the ability to produce timely solutions to additional and unprecedented requirements" is also determined as the least favored criteria for reaching an export project model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The factors contributing to the strategic significance of a port can be comprehended by assessing its military, political, and economic capabilities. Accordingly, this study aims to determine and examine the strategic significance of Iskenderun port and its benefits to the Turkish Navy. To systematically comprehend and impartially assess the benefits and strategic significance of the port, other naval powers in the region are also examined. Based on an analysis of historical documents and secondary sources, argued this study that the Iskenderun port has the potential to act as a deterrent and give the Turkish Navy a psychological advantage in terms of controlling the sea and intervening in events in the Eastern Mediterranean. The Iskenderun Bay's' geographical advantages pose significant challenges for potential threats against the Turkish Navy and hinder the intelligence collecting efforts of hostile groups. It is important to emphasizes that Iskenderun port will allow for the ability to intervene in incidents using a reduced military presence inwith the context of force projection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2018, Secretary of the Navy John Lehman admitted that the daring Ocean Venture operation of 1981 – when U.S. and Royal Navy ships as part of a wider NATO exercise proceeded north of the Arctic Circle and penetrated within bombing range of Soviet naval bases – was in fact a ‘bluff’ because various technologies necessary for U.S. naval forces to operate deep in Soviet waters were not yet ready. They eventually were, but what about the fleet that would use them? The Reagan Administration championed the construction of a 600-Ship Navy with fifteen aircraft carrier battlegroups as central to its defense buildup, but Lehman recognized that the fleet was only viable if he implemented reforms to limit rising weapons costs. The planners responsible for long-term analysis of the Navy’s budget countered that Lehman’s plans were unrealistic and pressed him to ask Congress for more money. This was impossible because it would have run contrary to the Reagan Administration’s wider defense policies, which focused on the defense of Central Europe, and upset the delicate budgetary truce between the U.S. military services. Ultimately, political and budgetary realities were as important as strategic imperatives in shaping the size and composition of the U.S. Navy during its 1980s ‘renaissance’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractJoint naval exercises (JNEs), an increasingly prominent sub-set of joint military exercises (JMEs) between states, vary across a range of dimensions. Yet insufficient attention has been given to comprehending their underlying purpose and the perceived advantages that states, along with their representatives, believe they gain from organizing or taking part in such exercises. This article delves into the objectives and perceived advantages of Japan’s JNEs in the Indo-Pacific to shed theoretical light on why states jointly exercise. With great power rivalry intensifying in the Indo-Pacific, the findings contribute to policy and issues related to the region’s emerging security dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ships are important targets for modern naval warfare detection and reconnaissance. The accurate detection of ships contributes to the maintenance of maritime rights and interests and the realisation of naval strategy. Synthetic Aperture Radar (SAR) image detection tasks play a vital role in ship detection, which has consistently been a research hotspot in the field of SAR processing. Although significant progress has been achieved in SAR ship detection techniques using deep learning methods, some challenges still persist. Natural images and SAR images significantly diverge in imaging mechanisms and scattering characteristics. In complex background environments, ships exhibit multiscale variations and dense arrangements, and numerous small-sized ships may be present, culminating in false or missed detections. To address these issues, we propose a novel SAR ship detection network, namely, a Wavelet-Driven Feature-Enhanced Attention–You Only Look Once X (WDFA-YOLOX) network. Firstly, we propose a Wavelet Cascade Residual (WCR) module based on the traditional image processing technique wavelet transform, which is embedded within an improved Spatial Pyramid Pooling (SPP) module, culminating in the formation of the effective wavelet transform-based SPP module (WSPP). The WSPP compensates for the loss of fine-grained feature information during pooling, enhancing the capability of the network to detect ships amidst complex background interference. Secondly, a Global and Local Feature Attention Enhancement (GLFAE) module is proposed, leveraging a parallel structure that combines convolutional modules with transformer modules to reduce the effect of irrelevant information and effectively strengthens valid features associated with small-sized ships, resulting in a reduction in false negatives in small-sized ship detection. Finally, a novel loss function, the Chebyshev distance-generalised IoU loss function, is proposed to significantly enhance both the precision of the detection box and the network convergence speed. To support our approach, we performed thorough experiments on the SSDD and HRSID, achieving an average precision (AP) of 99.11% and 96.20%, respectively, in ship detection. The experimental results demonstrate that WDFA-YOLOX has significant advantages in terms of detection accuracy, generalisation capability, and detection speed and can effectively realise more accurate detection in SAR images, consistently exhibiting superior performance and application value in SAR ship detection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how China draws upon the strategic theories of Alfred Thayer Mahan and Julian Corbett to shape its emerging naval doctrine and force posture in the Indian Ocean region (IOR). It traces Mahan's emphasis on sea power and naval supremacy, as well as Corbett's concepts of maritime communications and balancing maritime forces with terrestrial capabilities. The article analyzes China's accelerated naval modernization, including its aircraft carrier program, and its increasing military presence across key maritime chokepoints and archipelagic chains stretching into the IOR through port access facilities and security partnerships. It argues that Beijing synthesizes a hybrid maritime strategy that combines Mahanian principles of decisive naval dominance with Corbettian advocacy for controlling sea lines of communication to protect economic interests. While facing limitations in achieving complete control, China appears poised to acquire significant deterrent capabilities countering US regional primacy. This analysis sheds light on China's multifaceted theoretical framework motivating its drive for greater power projection into the Indian Ocean. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although the strategic value of the Spanish and Portuguese Atlantic islands for the Third Reich during the Second World War has been the subject of several studies, certain issues remain unknown. One is the link between the strategic re-evaluation of these islands and Spain and Portugal's neutrality. The other is the role of the different Atlantic archipelagos in the German strategy after 1940. To respond to these questions, the author consulted primary sources in the Bundesarchiv-Militärarchiv and other archives elsewhere, as well as the most relevant bibliographical references. Worth highlighting among the conclusions is that the Spanish policy of non-belligerence significantly influenced German interests concerning the Atlantic islands during both the summer and autumn of 1940, as well as in later periods during the conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

British strategy during the First World War has long been a contentious issue, and whether the nation's sea power could have been used to greater effect lies at the heart of the debate. This article presents new evidence to show that both Winston Churchill and Admiral Lord Fisher, the key figures in the Admiralty in the opening year of the war, focused on implementing a naval offensive against Germany throughout their time in office. The first stages of this operation came within hours of execution in May 1915. This revelation sheds new light on the wider British strategic approach and on the significance of the fall of the Fisher-Churchill regime for Britain's grand strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

CONFLICTS PAST, PRESENT, AND POTENTIAL The Sea in Russian Strategy, ed. Andrew Monaghan and Richard Connolly. Manchester, U.K.: Manchester Univ. Press, 2023. 272 pages. $21.95. In 1989, Bryan Ranft and [...]

In the dynamic realm of international relations, maritime security holds enduring significance, particularly within the ever- evolving Indo- Pacific sphere. This research article aims to assess the trajectory of maritime security in the Indo- Pacific region up to the year 2040, with a specific emphasis on the shifting geopolitical landscape. Given the escalating strategic significance of the Indo- Pacific, comprehending the diverse challenges affecting the area is of utmost importance. Accordingly, this article examines the roles of pivotal actors such as China and the United States in addressing both existing and potential traditional and nontraditional security concerns through the lens of Alfred Thayer Mahan's theory of sea power. It seeks to illuminate regional cooperation mechanisms and their efficacy in addressing security challenges, notably considering emerging technologies' impact on naval strategies, cybersecurity, and environmental concerns. Finally, by navigating the intricate waters of regional security challenges, this research endeavors to outline potential strategies and solutions to safeguard maritime interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Beginning in 2016 Iran's naval posture in the Persian Gulf changed from a defensive-offensive strategy, which had been in effect since 2001, to an offensive one. This was reinforced in 2019–2020, when, in response to the Trump administration, Iranian military strategists determined that any potential confrontation with the country's adversaries is likely to take place at sea rather than on land or in the air. After the end of the Iran–Iraq war, Iran's naval strategies can be divided into three, each coinciding with different periods: defensive (1988–2001), defensive-offensive (2001–2016) and offensive (since 2016). The intensification of the US military presence in the Persian Gulf and issuing threats against Iran have played a central role Tehran's adoption of an offensive naval strategy. Features of this new strategy include the development of ballistic and cruise missile programmes; development and deployment of drones in naval manoeuvres; the use of air defence in supporting naval operations; deepening Iran's military presence in Persian Gulf islands; ensuring the ability to disrupt the flow of energy; conducting naval manoeuvres in collaboration with trans-regional powers and continued use of proxy warfare. Tehran believes the new strategy will help it better prepare for international threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Humiliated India after wars with China and Pakistan in 1962 and 1965 respectively compelled its policymakers to focus more on Eastern and Western borders. Indian excessive military expenditures on borders on account of territorial disputes with China and Pakistan enfeebled its naval power vis-à-vis China. The rise of China as an economic giant, by and large, brings geo-economic and geo-political dividends in its favor. China's Belt and Road Initiative BRI and its Sting of Pearls strategy put India in hot water. India, arguably, is unmatchable with China in military modernization but leaves no stone unturned to complete with Beijing in naval race. New Delhi is a crucial strategic ally of the US and also is a part of Quadrilateral Security Dialogue QUAD, a group dominated by the US to contain China. The growing convergence of interests between the US and the India in the containment of China in the Indo-Pacific and Indian Ocean buttresses the Indian naval power build up. Meanwhile, India under Modi regime compared to other regimes has made a rapid headway in naval expansion. Modi government has a six fold naval strategy encompassing increasing naval spending, fortifying command and control structure as well as the infrastructure of the navy force, adding to its naval capabilities and capacities, making active maritime diplomacy, carrying out exercises in the Indian Ocean and keeping the choke points open. This paper, thus, will analyze Indian naval modernization under the Modi regime. The paper will also gauge the implications of Indian naval modernization for the region in general and Pakistan particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is well known that during the 1930s and the 1940s intellectuals in Japan, an island state, devoured geopolitical theories constructed in a typical 'land power', Germany. Not only did this fad contradict the geographical reality of Japanese territory. It was also at odds with Japan's contemporary national identity as a maritime state. This article highlights intellectual path dependence as the key to explaining this conundrum. The initial decision that paved the way for the adoption of the German tradition of geopolitics was made shortly before the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War by political scientist Onozuka Kiheiji, who consciously opted for the geographical ideas of Friedrich Ratzel instead of the naval strategy of Alfred Thayer Mahan as a theoretical guide and justification for empire-building. This article illustrates how the choice made by Onozuka induced his students, who became leading intellectual figures after World War I, to follow the evolution of German geopolitics and to propagate the ideas of Karl Haushofer at the beginning of the Pacific War. The article ends by briefly describing how the Geopolitik tradition was overcome by the formation of a new maritime national identity after the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A gray zone conflict that emerged after the Russian annexation of Crimea was an element of the Russian strategy of establishing and consolidating a new and more favourable internationally recognized maritime order in the Black Sea, Kerch Strait, and the Sea of Azov. Empirical data shows that Russian superiority over Ukraine and inferiority vis-a-vis the West shaped a double asymmetry of its tactics of projecting power against Ukraine while avoiding confrontation with the West. Eventually, Moscow reached a point where the gray zone tactics could not secure its objectives. The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 signalled the exhausting coercive potential of a gray zone conflict. Although, despite of transition to conventional warfare, we found continuity of 'gray zone' tactics of double asymmetry and denying responsibility in the Russian playbook. Hence, a possible de-escalation of the Russia – Ukraine war may likely return to a gray zone conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mahan, Corbett, and the Foundations of Naval Strategic Thought, by Kevin D. McCranie. Annapolis, MD: Naval Institute Press, 2021. 344 pages. $42.95. For more than a hundred years, Alfred Thayer [...]

"The Sea in Russian Strategy" is a book that explores the importance of the maritime sphere in Russian government policy and strategy. Despite being a landlocked state with limited year-round ocean access, Russia recognizes the challenges and opportunities presented by the world's oceans and seas. The book covers various aspects of Russian maritime power, including naval warfare, economic interests, and future fleet development. It also highlights the shift from a defensive to a more offensive naval strategy. Overall, the book provides valuable insights into the history and future of Russian naval and maritime strategy. [Extracted from the article]

This article traces the evolution of Türkiye’s naval strategy from a defensive coastal-based concept to an assertive one within a broader geopolitical perspective. The shift began during the Cyprus crisis of the 1960s and was made possible by the Navy’s desire to return to the seas. The “Toward Open Seas” strategy of the 1990s and the development of the Turkish defense industry in the 2000s under the AK Party government further enabled this shift. By 2015, the Navy had become more active and was mobilized under a comprehensive strategic reorientation, reflecting its expanded role beyond coastal defense. It examines the various contextual factors that have influenced the transformation of Türkiye’s naval forces, including the intra-institutional context under the Turkish Armed Forces, the discursive context regarding dominant geopolitical narratives, and the geostrategic context concerning the operationalization of Turkish naval strategy. The article’s main aim is to contribute to the existing literature on Türkiye’s naval strategy by drawing on primary sources that have not yet been fully examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In less than three decades, the People's Liberation Army Navy developed from a minor coastal-defence force into the largest naval force in the world. China's rapid rise in seapower has gained significant attention from established naval circles, academia, and the public. In their efforts to explain this development, analysts have often referred to 19th-century naval history, seeking to connect China's maritime developments to the ideas of influential naval strategists like Alfred Thayer Mahan and Julian Corbett. However, in doing so, these naval thinkers are often used to make a case about long-term developments or strategic implications regarding China's alleged grand strategy. This paper seeks to turn this methodology around by solely focusing on the reflection of those naval theories—in their own right—against China's maritime strategy. In doing so, it aims to historicise China's 21st-century maritime strategy by testing to what extent it is reflected by the ideas of the navalists that are often presumed to influence Chinese strategic circles. It is argued that while on a grand-strategic level, Chinese strategic thinking seems to reflect the essence of Mahan's seapower argument regarding its focus on the interconnectedness of maritime commerce and national power, a closer analysis reveals significant discrepancies in terms of both implementation and the broader strategic mindset regarding China's geostrategic situation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Early-Modern war absorbed large material resources, including manpower, warships, guns, ammunition and supplies, but there was one key element of warfare that was quite immaterial: information. This article analyses Spanish naval intelligence and deals with the production, collection, and management of information within and through the navy. To examine this complex issue this paper will focus on the Spanish naval intelligence system during the American Revolutionary War (1776–83). By the 1770s and the 1780s the Spanish navy had developed and improved an efficient framework that provided decisive information for the mobilisation of its naval forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Large-scale military platform procurement is an essential but understudied component of the policy studies of megaprojects. Procurement decisions in this area, from ships to aircraft, are examples of a specific type of often very expensive purchases which feature complex multi-actor and multiyear processes characterized by high degrees of conflict between actors over purchases and planning horizons. This study of military procurement efforts of this type demonstrates the importance of maintaining policy 'alignment' between governments and service providers for successful megaproject procurement to occur and suggests several strategies for accomplishing this that can be applied to similar large-scale but nondefense-related projects, ranging from hydroelectric dams to high-speed railway development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This is the second article in a study examining the influence of naval geostrategy as a driver influencing Russian policy and military strategy in the Black Sea region. By the mid-2010s, Russia featured a much-improved geostrategic situation in the Black Sea theater as compared to the beginning of the century. Nevertheless, substantial weaknesses remained, some of which Russia has been able to neutralize during the conduct of its 2022 invasion of Ukraine. Following an examination of Russian military actions during the Russo-Ukrainian War, the author concludes that the application of military force by Russia in parts of Ukraine and the wider Black Sea region follows a long-term rationale and that Odesa and Mykolaiv, located at the western Black Sea littoral, remain core concerns for Russian military planners, despite the Russian military's current defensive posture at most sections of the front in southern Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

May I be allowed to wish the rising generation of American naval officers all success in the noble profession they are entering, and to express a hope that America, and [...]