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It is indicated that a significant number of scientific works are devoted to the issue of defining the term, as well as the powers and characteristics of official and official persons. However, research in the field of public policy formation in the field of public administration and effective control over officials and civil servants who conceal administrative offenses is relevant and important for ensuring democracy, the rule of law, and citizens’ trust in government structures. Despite existing regulations and mechanisms that regulate the powers and responsibilities of officials, the problem of hiding administrative offenses remains a serious challenge. According to the principle of the rule of law, the state is obligated to ensure equality before the law and accountability for violations. In the modern world, issues of public administration and control over the activities of officials and civil servants are crucial for upholding the rule of law and fostering trust in governmental structures. The problem of concealing administrative offenses by officials has become pressing due to the expansion of their powers and responsibilities to society. This article undertakes a deep analysis of the legal definitions and legislative precision in defining the terms of officeholders and civil servants, their granted powers, and explores cases of concealing administrative offenses. Various aspects are examined in the article, specifically the delineation of powers vested in officials (civil servants) and the accountability of officials for their actions. The authors emphasize the necessity of establishing effective mechanisms for oversight and supervision to prevent impunity within governmental structures and ensure fair application of the law. All facets explored in the article aim to promote the development of legal culture, strengthen trust in governmental bodies, and ensure transparency and legality in society. The authors provide a detailed examination of the harm caused to the state and society by officials and civil servants through their actions of concealing administrative violations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the long duration of posttransitional authoritarian discourses of "national security" in Uruguay, in the five decades since the coup that led to a State terrorist regime. We posit that the current deployment of Cold war era discourses justifying state terrorism constitute foundational master tools that enable modern-day military and alt-right autocrats to conceal human rights violations and appropriate the liberal human rights discourse for illiberal political ends. Authoritarians of this new type use these resignified democratic discourses to perpetuate their power, gain influence, and legitimize their repressive illiberal practices. The article uses three public debates relating to the military's illicit actions in the dictatorship and their involvement in contemporary politics via the new military political party, Cabildo Abierto, to show how these authoritarian tools are deployed in political discourse. We analyze a corpus of texts from recent judicial documents with military "confessions," official withholding of secret archives, and law proposals presented in Congress. Our findings show that dictatorship-era discourses of "national security" are employed by contemporary military and right-wing political actors for the purpose of sustaining their power. We reveal continuities in dictatorship era discourse practices and strategies that contribute to the emergence of new autocratic social actors who enter the political sphere to capture state resources and protect their group interests. Our findings contribute to the exploration of discursive uses of the past in the present resulting in increased political polarization and autocratic tendencies in contemporary Uruguay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Guatemala ranks last in the region in terms of the penetration and perception of state corruption ranking 149th out of 180 countries. Therefore it has promoted anti-corruption initiatives such as the International Commission Against Impunity (CICIG 2007–2019). The CICIG was a unique public policy initiative worldwide with international community support and significant progress in reducing corruption. However what were the main failures encountered during the implementation process of the CICIG? This comparative individual case study analyzes two factors: sustainability and capacity building. The explanations for the CICIG’s disruptions are not understood exclusively as the absence of state capacity much less because of its design. My qualitative research delves into endogenous political contexts (client networks resilience). The research identifies some fissures in implementation and draws lessons that can be extrapolated to public policy in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of GeSec: Revista de Gestao e Secretariado is the property of Sindicato das Secretarias e Secretarios do Estado de Sao Paulo (SINSESP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article analyzes the relationship between degenerate and heroic art in Nazi Germany, as well as the presence of Nazi memorabilia in the Colchagua Museum in Chile. It highlights the importance of fascist aesthetics in the construction of national rituals. Additionally, the film "The Wolf House" is studied as a counter-archive of the Colonia Dignidad in Chile, exploring the relationship between childhood and totalitarianism. The text addresses two cases related to historical memory in Chile: Sangre y Mérito IV and El Museo de la Bruma, generating new interpretations and reflections on memory and impunity in Chile. [Extracted from the article]

Throughout world history, moles and birthmarks have occupied a special place as omens. Little is known of the cultural beliefs concerning the determinants of coercive control. In this ethnographic study of coercive control in Cambodia, the focus is on popular beliefs that moles are omens portending that men shall control women. Lachrymal moles (under the eye) signify women weeping as a result of misery. Penile moles portend men attracting, controlling, even abusing women. They have implications for reinterpreting an "insider" view of hegemonic masculinity and for culturally responsive interventions against gender-based violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the codification of international crimes in domestic law, the prosecution of international crimes committed during Guatemala's Internal Armed Conflict, and the challenges in implementing the Rome Statute for the International Criminal Court (ICC). It underscores the essential role of civil society in the fight against impunity through strategic litigation and memory initiatives, thus contributing to advances in justice. It exposes the impact of Inter-American Court of Human Rights' rulings demanding reparations for victims of international crimes as a catalyst for domestic prosecution efforts. Furthermore, the establishment of the International Commission Against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG) with the support of the UN represented a significant advance in justice. However, the abrupt end by the Guatemalan government of the CICIG was a significant setback. Ongoing challenges involve maintaining progress within Guatemala's criminal justice system, as many justice operators who had worked alongside CICIG faced criminalization and were forced into exile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To make international human rights enforceable on the ground, they must be localized. In the process, domestic stakeholders may attempt to contest or reshape the rights. Although norm localization has received much scholarly attention, prior publications have failed to explain which elements of a human rights treaty might be contested and why. Based on signaling theory, this article starts from the assumption that governments' commitments to human rights treaties raise corresponding expectations on the part of other states. Consequently, contestation is relatively more likely when a government considers the audience costs for backtracking on its commitments to be lower. The article goes on to suggest that expected audience costs vary for different treaty elements—primary, secondary, and tertiary—which in turn affects the relative likelihood of contestation. The article develops a novel approach to norm localization and applies it to the making of a treaty-transposing law against torture and enforced disappearance in Thailand. The case study largely confirms the model but also demonstrates the significance of local specifics, such as a history of impunity. The findings allow theoretical and practical conclusions for the legislative localization of international human rights law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to establish an overview of the phenomenon of corruption and the failure of anticorruption policies. Analytically the fight against anticorruption focuses on the possibility of collective action as a non-institutional, unexpected form of participation that can break with inertia, fear, passivity, and social inaction in the face of corruption. Under the hypothesis that the role of trust and integrity of individuals are conditioning factors for the construction of a collective action capable of dealing with corruption, the analysis allows us to deduce that the effectiveness of collective action in the fight against corruption will depend on their ability to shape decisions, over and above the incentives inherent to corruption and the reciprocal relationships of social groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has been 10 years since the attacks that led to the forced disappearance of a group of students from the rural school of Ayotzinapa, in the state of Guerrero and families have not been able to access justice and truth. Despite demonstrations of solidarity that went beyond Mexico's borders, the fate of the 43 students remains unknown until today. Although with the polemic construction of the “historical truth,” there were attempts in an initial investigation to close the case, with the international cooperation of human rights organizations and new lines of investigation it has been confirmed in the official Truth Commission (COVAJ) that it was a case of enforced disappearance, classified as a State Crime. This article aims to offer a balance of the investigation process not only analyzing the persisting impunity, but also taking into account the presence of external institutions as coadjuvants, such as the protest movement in Mexico and international solidarity in the face of serous human rights violations against the students and their families.

Copyright of Brazilian Journalism Research is the property of Sur le journalisme, About journalism, Sobre jornalismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aimed to discuss the approval of the 'National Framework on Human Rights and Business' law in Brazil, which takes a binding approach to establish the foundations for effective corporate responsibility regarding activities that violate human rights. The research employed the historical-dialectical method and the theoretical framework of Gonzalo Berrón's architecture of impunity studies. The article was structured into three sections corresponding to the pillars of shifting from a voluntary to a binding approach: subjective, objective, and substantive. The conclusions pointed out that the approval of Bill No. 572/2022 represents a milestone in ending the architecture of corporate impunity, positioning Brazil and Latin America in a leadership role, without waiting for wealthy countries to capitalize on and monopolize the discourse on human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Digital de Derecho Administrativo is the property of Universidad Externado de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores the issue of femicidal disappearance in Peru, focusing on the challenges faced by victims of gender violence in their pursuit of justice. It highlights the experiences of two elderly women who struggled to register as victims of sexual violence in the 1980s due to shame and humiliation. The article also discusses other notable cases of violence against women and girls in Peru, emphasizing the structural inequality and violence that impact marginalized communities. It connects femicide and violence against women to forced disappearance, emphasizing the importance of a historical perspective to comprehend the enduring nature of violence. The article further examines the link between extractive economic activities and violence against feminized bodies and territories, particularly in Indigenous communities. It concludes by mentioning the Truth and Reconciliation Commission's efforts to uncover historical truth and restore democracy in Peru. The text highlights the Cabitos 83 case, where justice was finally served in 2017 after more than three decades of demanding answers, revealing over 100 bodies and confirming the widespread and systematic nature of military violence. It also emphasizes the ongoing struggle for justice by ANFASEP and other women's groups in cases of human rights violations and femicide in Peru, underscoring the structural violence and discrimination faced by Indigenous women in their pursuit of justice. The text acknowledges the high number of missing women and girls in Peru and the challenges in prosecuting and sentencing perpetrators of violence against women. It concludes by discussing the denialist efforts to defend perpetrators of human rights crimes and the potential impact of a proposed bill that [Extracted from the article]

Britain's systems of imperial administration provided ample opportunity for self-seeking individuals to exploit. I argue that the career of Rupert Gunnis (1899–1965) in colonial Cyprus is one such case, in which even local laws were transgressed with impunity. His initial position as Aide-de-Camp to the Governor, Sir Ronald Storrs (1926–1932), established him as an influential member of the small British colonial community, affording him a power that he continued to exert as Inspector of Antiquities and informal adviser to the authoritarian Governor Richmond Palmer (1933–1939). Neither Storrs nor Palmer intervened to curb Gunnis's suspected activity in breach of local laws against the export of antiquities and against homosexual behaviour. The two probable offences were linked through the close relations that he developed with the island's Police force. Gunnis's high social standing in Cyprus and in Britain, achieved through assiduous networking, suffered after his falling-out with Palmer. In revenge, he challenged the Governor's position by participating in the nascent Cypriot movement in favour of a return to constitutional government. Gunnis's escape from Cyprus to avoid arrest brought an end to this unprecedented challenge to a Governor from one who had successfully manipulated the system to his own ends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article contains personal reflections on the author's time working on human rights issues in Nepal for Amnesty International, the United Nations (UN) Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) in Nepal, and with Nepali partner organizations over the last three decades. Starting from a point of view that human rights work is a highly contextualized practice grounded in international human rights standards, the article explores three intersecting narrative vectors in which human rights practice is constructed and motivated: 1) the self; 2) the state and non-state actors and systems; and 3) organizational and institutional affiliations and modes of action. The reflections are presented with a view to inform and inspire current human rights defenders in Nepal into some reflections of their own. The article focuses on the narratives of the self as "human rights practitioner" and "human rights defender" and the gradual professionalization ofhuman rights work, including practical (sometimes hard) lessons learned. It further explores the differences between working with a non-government organization versus the United Nations, and expands on the need for collaborative strategies, calling for more coherent work across ethnic and gender divides to ensure impact. International donors are urged to rethink their funding strategies, steering support towards longer-term work to address systemic human rights issues and to support more human rights work taking place beyond Kathmandu. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In January 2010, Prageeth Ekneligoda, a journalist based in Colombo, Sri Lanka was forcibly disappeared. Since then, his wife Sandya has been searching for truth and justice while organising periodic protests to keep his memory alive in the public sphere. In some of these protests, she invokes Kali, the Hindu mother goddess of death and destruction, beseeching her to punish the perpetrators. Foregrounding public cursing as a form of memory activism, with its own aesthetics, this article makes three interrelated arguments. First, I argue that protest performances that foreground impunity can be analysed as powerful enactments of 'dissident memory' that challenge 'official political memory' and its manifestations in the 'memoryscape' of a nation. Second, I locate Sandya's protest performance within a broader local and global vein of gendered activism in contexts of mass disappearances that shifts the aesthetics and affective mood/register of the disappearance protest from grief and mourning to rage and vengeance, taps into memory differently, and intervenes in the postwar memoryscape from a different agentive location. Third, I argue that Sandya's increasing reliance on cursing must be apprehended as a response to continued impunity, which decentres the victims and survivors in favour of insistently centring and remembering the perpetrators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Beirut port explosion on the 4th of August 2020 added to the struggles of the Lebanese people who were facing a financial crisis, a global pandemic, and political unrest. We hypothesized that these compounded challenges would have significant psychological implications on emerging adults, including university students, already vulnerable to life's transitions involving self-discovery and independence. This qualitative study sought to investigate university students' experience of the Beirut port explosion. An online survey with two open-ended questions was administered between December 11, 2020 and January 14, 2021 in a private university with two campuses. Thematic analysis of 1,044 data items revealed four themes: (1) Experiencing emotional upheaval, (2) Realizing the fragility of life, (3) Overcoming adversity, and (4) Changing one's outlook on life. Responses revealed a number of emotions with a keenly negative valence. The collective's role in fostering social support was evident through decreased fearful reactions. Many lost trust in the judicial system and favored emigration over standing for justice. The limited requests for retribution are likely due to a sense of impunity and adaptation to cumulative trauma. We suggest that this adaptation offers a clearer understanding of life's purpose despite its frailty. The role of impunity and social support in influencing healing warrants further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Externalisation and the human rights violations it entails have received much attention in recent years from both advocates and academics. Since a key aspect of externalisation consists in people on the move staying in the Global South, the locus of litigation has broadened from externalising states in the Global North to also include accountability mechanisms in the Global South. Therefore, this article seeks to answer the following question: to what extent do the international and regional human rights regimes provide accountability mechanisms for violations of the human rights of people on the move in the context of externalisation? It does so through a comparison of externalisation policies in three different regions: the Mediterranean, North America and the Pacific. In each region, the analysis focuses on cooperation between an externalising state in the Global North and a neighbouring state in the Global South to illustrate the differences and similarities between the various contexts: Australia and Indonesia, the United States and Mexico, and Italy and Libya. For each context, the analysis examines the policies implemented by externalising states and their effect on the human rights of people on the move as well as states' substantive and procedural human rights commitments under the applicable international and regional human rights regimes. While there is no 'one size fits all', it shows that there are only limited accountability mechanisms available to people on the move affected by the externalisation of migration control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I analyse how different policing actors project their power and sovereignty in two informal settlements in Kenya: Mathare and Kaptembwo. Using the idea of permissive space, I unpack how power, relationships, and sovereignty issues are negotiated through everyday policing practices and repetitive public performances. I interrogate how the police, community policing bodies, boda boda (motorcycle taxi) riders, men and women, and young people interacted in different spaces of impunity as they exercised sovereignty. I show how they draw on historical claims to power negotiated over time that entitled them with authority over particular issues, such as carrying out street violence on suspected criminals. As a result, I establish how legitimacy and sovereignty are negotiated, contested, constructed, and reconstructed. We can only understand these dynamics if one looks at how actors negotiate their relationships with the state and each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Annals of Criminology is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

"Silent power, audible impunity" examines conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) against male detainees, in Abu Ghraib and in Camp Breadbasket, following the 2003 invasion of Iraq by the US–UK coalition. The article explores three contributing factors to the abuse: the impunity of the Western perpetrators, the justification of the abuse through "War on Terror" narratives, and the gender norms within the military. It argues that it is imperative to ensure accountability for crimes against humanity, to cultivate a minimally harmful political discourse, and to address the impact of gendered discussions surrounding CRSV. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Retratos de Assentamentos is the property of Revista Retratos de Assentamentos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Mexico faces a severe crisis of violations of physical integrity rights. In the past fifteen years, hundreds of thousands of people have been killed, over one hundred thousand have disappeared, and torture continues to be widespread. Observers emphasize the role of impunity as a critical causal factor. Negligence and lack of capacity have been considered as causes of impunity. This article elaborates the role of 'active impunity', understood as the deliberate efforts by investigative authorities to undermine criminal investigations on cases of human rights violations. Observing 12 cases of violations of physical integrity rights in Mexico, occurring between 2008 and 2021 in seven states of the country, the article shows that active impunity takes place and identifies some of the mechanism through which it is produced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Individuals seeking accountability for enforced disappearances face significant evidentiary hurdles, due to an inherent information asymmetry between victims and the states that commit or enable abuse. The obstacles are even more profound in contexts of extreme violence and widespread impunity, like Mexico. In these situations, non-state actors such as drug cartels and other organized criminal groups often perpetrate enforced disappearances, acting alone or in collusion with the state. Cognizant of these challenges, in May 2023 the United Nations ("U.N.") Committee on Enforced Disappearances ("CED") promulgated a "Statement on non-State actors in the context of the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearances" (the "Statement"). Taking the ongoing crisis of disappearances in Mexico as its starting point, this Article evaluates the extent to which the newly released Statement will make a meaningful difference for victims and survivors before the CED. It considers how the CED has drawn from, and harmonized its approach with, other U.N. treaty bodies as well as international and regional courts to determine the boundaries of enforced disappearances under international law. The Article finds some promising developments from the perspective of victims. These advancements include the CED's understanding of state acquiescence and the role of structural impunity, as well as its willingness to shift the burden of proof given information asymmetries between states and victims. The CED's recognition that non-state actors can commit enforced disappearances, even when there is no link to the state, is also laudable. As the Statement explains, this may happen in situations of internal armed conflict, where non-state actors commit enforced disappearances as crimes against humanity, or where non-state actors exercise effective control or government-like functions over a territory. However, the Article also raises cause for concern. In particular, the Statement does not sufficiently close the divide between Articles 2 and 3 of the International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance (the "Convention"). It therefore perpetuates a troubling hierarchy in which only some victims will have access to the Convention's protections and remedies, including reparations. Through a multi-layered analysis, this Article contributes to an active scholarly debate about the modern contours of enforced disappearances under international law, while also seeking to advance the tireless work of survivors pursuing truth and justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ending the impunity of violence against women is a central part of the feminist agenda, but some are concerned that this focus on impunity has pushed feminism to become "carceral" by increasingly relying on criminal law and synergizing with the penal state. Whereas critics see this alignment with the carceral state as undermining the progressive ethos of feminism and ignoring other restorative possibilities, others argue that punishment is ultimately the only way to hold people responsible and address impunity in our current societal configuration. This Article engages with this conversation by tracing the parallel history of the idea of impunity as it developed in the Latin American human rights and women's rights movements. It argues that although the use of the idea of impunity was and continues to be hugely important in advancing the cause of women's rights, it has fostered an alliance between feminism and penal institutions that has brought internal tensions, criticisms, and paradoxes. However, rather than argue that feminism should move away from a focus on impunity to address this, the Article offers a concept of impunity which is broader than an exemption from punishment, and where the means to address it go well beyond criminal law. In light of the history reviewed, it is argued that impunity should be understood primarily as a failure of equality rather than a failure to prosecute and punish. This does not mean that impunity is disconnected from the enforcement of criminal law, but it does mean that a commitment against it need not yield a punitive agenda such as "carceral feminism." In the conclusion, this Article lists a series of reasons for feminists to struggle for such a re-definition of impunity, and for keeping an anti-impunity norm at the center of their concerns. To address it, however, they should rely on a diversity of mechanisms and advocate for a moderate use of criminal justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the world awoke to the horrors of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, Russia's military intervention into Ukraine's internal affairs had its roots in 2014 with the annexation of Crimea and the war in Donbas. Long before 2014, Russia had sought to influence Ukraine's electoral outcomes, foreign policy and political alliances, as well as exert economic coercion through trade wars. The overarching imperialist vision of Ukraine has long been evident in political addresses delivered by Russia's leadership and the narratives projected by state-controlled media. Much of the world community, however, perceived these actions through the lens of Ukraine as a post-Soviet country presumed to belong to the so-called Russian sphere of influence. Despite numerous historic and modern-day atrocities against those perceived to be part of its geopolitical periphery, Russia enjoyed political, economic and moral impunity. Too often, Western powers prioritized regional stability and trade with Russia over upholding the rule of law and respect for Ukraine's sovereignty. This was evident in the tepid reaction to Russia's annexation of Crimea and the instigation of war in Donbas. Settling for a state of 'negative peace' in the case of Minsk accords (2014, 2015) – rather than holding Russia accountable for its actions, revealed a lack of holistic understanding of Russia, Ukraine, and what it truly takes to achieve "positive peace". This essay offers a broader historical context for Ukraine's nation building and Russia's enduring and centuries-long colonial drives toward Ukraine. It argues that the Russo-Ukrainian war, beginning with the annexation of Crimea, marks a unique moment in the post – World War II international world order. This event poses a challenge to the current international legal framework while also presenting an opportunity to draw lessons for preserving the liberal world order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the relationship between institutional violence, gender and impunity in the case of the crime of femicide and rape. First, some aspects of the definition of impunity are analyzed and how it is linked to the notion of institutional violence contained in Mexican legislation. Secondly, some data are shown that illustrate the impunity of femicide and the crime of rape. Based on the foregoing, the existence of institutional gender violence is argued in the case of the impunity of femicide and rape, consequently, the lack of full access to public policies aimed at preventing, addressing, investigating, punishing and eradicating the crimes studied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this work was to analyze the urban crime complexity, taking as a case study the border city of Mexicali, capital of the state of Baja California, which, according to the Peace Index in Mexico, for four consecutive years has been placed as the least pacific. For this purpose, three indicators from economic analysis were used: location quotient, ubiquity and diversity, using the records of crimes that occurred in the period 2015-2019. The results show the existence of spatial patterns of crime diversity and stability in some districts of the city characterized by highly ubiquitous crimes, which overlap each other, generating areas with criminal diversity that remain stable over time. In this way, public insecurity covers the entire urban space, as a result of an environment in which high levels of impunity and the multiplier effect of organized crime prevail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article consists of a case study that analyzes intersections between the Brazilian and Palestinian contexts. The time frame is 2022-2023 to cover recent events. Among the main conclusions, we highlight that the Palestinian people and the favela population of Rio de Janeiro experience similar contexts of occupation, militarization, and police aggression, marked by impunity and state violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In 1983, the world ʼs first rehabilitation centre for torture victims opened in Copenhagen. Individual Chilean activists in European exile had already set up smaller psychosocial centres before. In the dictatorships of the Cono Sur and Central America, but also in other parts of the world, local human rights activists had also begun to join theory and practice of their struggle for liberation with the psychosocial care of survivors of socio-political traumatization processes. Liberation psychology, which also reached the founders of the first European centres through international solidarity, played a key role in this. The essay traces this intertwined history of liberation struggles, human rights work, international solidarity and the founding of therapy centres. From the very beginning, the fight against torture focused on the individual and social rehabilitation of survivors as well as the criminal prosecution of perpetrators. Today, however, many of the centres that have since been founded in numerous German cities have swapped this orientation for a self-image as pure care facilities. Additional political commitment focuses at best on supporting traumatized refugees in Germany. The authors therefore call for a revitalization of international solidarity partisanship in German psychosocial centres and for reconstructing their self-image of being part of the international human rights movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Roca: Revista Científico-Educacional de la Provincia de Granma is the property of Universidad de Granma, Departamento Editorial and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the last few years, the European courts - the European Court of Human Rights and the Court of Justice of the European Union - have provided increasingly refined interpretations of the concept of "prohibition of torture, inhuman and degrading treatment" which raises certain problems in the judicial practice of Member States and could lead to an increasing risk of impunity. This is also because the founding Treaties, together with the Accession Treaties, have the value of constitutional rules. On the other hand, in our opinion, the inappropriate conditions of imprisonment in Romania existing at the time of the judgments in question have improved and can no longer be considered as infringing this right unless in rare cases, given the efforts made b y the Romanian authorities in recent years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses a tragic incident in Guaymas, Sonora, where a protest against gender violence turned deadly. The involvement of the military and police in the incident is questioned, and President López Obrador is criticized for increasing their power despite promises to reduce it. The article highlights the ongoing issue of violence and impunity in Mexico and emphasizes the need for justice for the victims. It also raises concerns about the military's expanded presence and control in various sectors of society, which has led to the elimination of government trusts supporting social and cultural initiatives. Resistance against militarization is growing among feminist and community organizations in Mexico. [Extracted from the article]

This article discusses the prevalence of sexual violence committed by state security forces in El Salvador. The author highlights the limited reporting on these crimes due to closed legal proceedings and the rarity of news coverage on sexual crimes in the country. The patriarchal violence within the police force is described, with instances of harassment and abuse being ignored or met with threats. The military also lacks gender equality initiatives and sexual harassment protocols. The article emphasizes that this abuse disproportionately affects youth and those living in low-income neighborhoods with gang presence. The fear of retaliation and lack of trust in institutions contribute to the underreporting of sexual violence. The author calls for social programming, decreased militarization, and accountability for abusers to address this issue effectively. [Extracted from the article]

he issue of delegating the authority to kill humans to artificial intelligence in wartime is one of the most challenging emerging disciplines, as it raises numerous legal issues. This is the first time that legal knowledge has encountered a phenomenon that, despite being created by humans, is independent of humans in thinking and decision-making, and it may be possible after multiple stages that even the creator of the system cannot comprehend or control its operation. Therefore, this article discusses the obstacles that the International Criminal Court must overcome to apply direct criminal responsibility and the doctrine of commander's responsibility in cases where artificial intelligence weapons have led to the killing of civilians and war crimes, as well as the steps that should be taken to overcome these obstacles. Following a documentary approach and a descriptive-analytical analysis, this article concludes that the current provisions of the statute regarding artificial intelligence need to be revised due to the emergence of a concept called the gap in responsibility, which is caused by the unique nature of artificial intelligence. To adapt to the new conditions, the international community must require manufacturers to provide maximum transparency and prohibit producing certain types of artificial intelligence. Regarding the possible killings caused by the use of artificial intelligence weapons with the ability to self-learning after production, the court statute must explicitly and exclusively specify the rules of criminal responsibility so that the existence of AI weapons does not lead to impunity.

The issue of violence seems to be the key to defining and interpreting Colombia’s troubled history. This is also reflected in the extensive scholarly on the causes, the timeline and the methods by which such violence has been perpetuated. In 2016, the Colombian government and the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia (FARC) signed a peace agreement after decades of armed conflict, but violence and land issues continue to pose challenges to the real implementation of the agreement. One of the most dramatic chapters in the history of violence in Colombia is that concerning the extermination of Unión Patriótica, the party born in 1984 after the peace agreement signed by the governement of Belisario Betancur and the FARC. From its debut in the political arena until the 2000s, but especially during the 1980s, the party was the target of a cruel campaign of stigmatization and of a plan of extermination that produced more than six thousand victims. Recently the Interamerican Court issued a ruling in which it recognized the responsibilities of the Colombian state in the plot of violence, including symbolic violence, against the Unión Patriótica party. This essay aims to reconstruct that historical chapter, starting with the reconstruction of the context within which the extermination plan matured, a context of impunity and political terror unleashed against an "internal enemy" seen as something to be eliminated.

Despite the studies on defending journalism and coming up with various practices to protect journalists, still, the Philippines ranked as the third worst country in impunity versus journalists in the 2016 Global Impunity Index released by the Committee to Protect Journalists. In 2017, 2018, and 2019, it ranked fifth in the same impunity index. Then, the country ranked 7th and was still consistently part of the Top 10 rankings for the past three years, 2020, 2021, and 2022. This shows that the number of threats against journalists remains significant. This study deals with quantitative approaches to determine the threats and intimidations that selected women journalists face and provide course of actions which media companies may use to at least lower the ranking of the country in the impunity index. Results reveal that the most common threats and intimidations received by the women journalists in line of doing their duty are: blackmailing from sources, threats of physical violence, and public humiliation/ threats to humiliate (even in online platforms). Likewise, women journalists prove that they experience forms of harassments like receiving offers of sexual favors from their sources and employers in exchange of promotion and information privileges. To address these issues, corrective, preventive, and developmental actions are proposed to be implemented in respective media companies. Among these actions, the formation of a gender and development unit, ethics investigation committee, and local cybercrime division in the company are evaluated as the most acceptable and feasible actions for the women journalists. It is imperative that these recommendations be taken seriously and implemented to ensure a safer environment for women journalists in the Philippines and to safeguard the freedom and integrity of journalism in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]