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We argue that the distribution of -n in Czech positive and comparative adjective cannot be captured by specifying its context for insertion. It can, however, be captured under the assumption that "n" is a portmanteau marker and when it does not surface, it is because the root of the adjective realises the relevant projections.

Based on their morphology, Czech adjectives can be divided into at least three classes. The first class of adjectives has the suffix n in between the root and the agreement marker, e.g., jem-n-y ́ ‘smooth.' The second class of adjectives has the suffix k, e.g., leh-k-y ́ `light'. In the third class, the obligatory agreement marker attaches to the bare root, e.g., slab-Ø-y ́ ‘weak.’ The absence of a stem marker is depicted by the Ø in the first column of Table 3. In this paper, we present an analysis of these three classes in Nanosyntax (Starke 2018), relying on the notion of root size (Caha et al. 2019).

There are three ways of deriving verbs in Dutch: through zero marking (e.g. adem), through suffixation (e.g. modern-iseer), and through prefixation (eg ver-breed). We focus on the prefixed verbs, contrasting two views. According to the first view (De Haas & Trommelen 1993), prefixed verbs are left-headed: the prefix is responsible for the change in category, i.e. [V ver [A breed]]. The second view (Neeleman & Schipper 1993) holds that prefixed verbs are right-headed, and involve a zero verbalizing suffix, i.e. [V ver [V [A breed] ø ]]]. We present evidence for the second view, in line with the position of Neeleman & Schipper (1993), but we in addition argue that the causative-inchoative ambiguity of many of these derived verbs requires the introduction of an additional head in the structure. Finally, we present an interpretation of these heads in terms of the nanosyntactic mechanism of phrasal lexicalization.

We investigate the pairing of adjectives and adverbs in Central Morava Czech. We propose a Nanosyntax treatment.

We argue that the allomorphy of Czech comparative adverbs can be captured in a model with split comparative head (as in Caha De Clercq Vanden Wyngaerd 2019, Studia Linguistica) and a split adverb head.