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This article addresses Oliver Cromwell Cox's criticisms of the application of the concept of caste to understand race relations in the southern states of the Unite States. It proposes that there are deep similarities in the experiences of Dalits in India and Blacks in the United States, but argues that these derive from the modern construction of caste and race in the conjunction of colonialism and capitalism. In each case, the problems do not derive from the resilience of 'pre-modern' social structures, but from modern structures of colonialism that continue in the post-civil war United States and post-independence India. They are problems of democracy, not problems to be solved by the application of democratic values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A literary analysis of the book "Interrogating My Chandal Life: An Autobiography of a Dalit " by Manoranjan Byapari is presented that explores the enduring social evil of caste in India. Topics discussed include the emotional and labor struggles of Dalits, the deep-rooted divisions among castes and the persistent challenges faced by lower castes and the socio-political dimensions of anger that arise from systemic oppression and misrecognition in postcolonial India.

Deras are generally perceived as an alternative socio-religious space frequented mostly by lower castes and economically weaker sections of society. They promise to make a significant difference to the lives of such vulnerable sections of society by lending them much needed spiritual, moral, and social support. Within the sprawling premises of Deras, downtrodden find a welcoming 'counter-public' enriched with social capital, which offers them an egalitarian domain free from the afflictions of caste discriminations, social exclusion, and subtle indignities often faced by them within the mainstream religious spheres. The growth of Deras thus may be seen as an index of subaltern socio-cultural and syncretic religious realms generating a rich haul of social capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is the fate of the rule of law in India that is transitioning to an ethnocracy? Drawing on a 'thin' conception of the rule of law, this article argues that the controversial Citizenship Amendment Act responds to the emergence of a political ideal that constructs the Hindu ethnos as central to the Indian nation. Drawing on a variety of sources that include pronouncements by leaders of the RSS, the ideological fount of India's ruling BJP, analysis of right-wing periodicals that function as a conveyor belt of social ideas, and the provisions of the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), this article highlights the core themes that motivate the will of the Hindu ethnos in respect of the contentious legislation: (i) the persecution of the Hindu minorities in India's Muslim-majority neighbours; (ii) the discrimination faced by Dalits in particular and (iii) the establishment of India as a Hindu Zion. In the first section, I elaborate the concept of 'ethnocracy'. The second section reflects on the fate of the rule of law in an ethnocratic India by analysing the social justifications for the introduction of the contentious CAA. In the third section, I situate these dynamics within India's broader transition to an ethnocracy, the political ideals that shape this transition, and the shared social norms that emerge from this transition, which feeds back to the rule of law in an ethnocracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A conversation between Bhagya Shree Nadamala, senior research fellow at the Indian Institute of Technology, English associate professor Priyanka Tripathi, Dalit academic Sowjanya Tamalapakula and Dalit feminist writer Gogu Shyamala about gender, caste and sexuality in India is presented. Topics discussed include Dalitness/Dalithood, patriarchies and the purity expectation on women, caste endogamy, gender dynamics in Dalit art, culture and traditional contexts, resilience and victimhood.

This article brings together theories of truth in legal anthropology and the anthropology of religion to highlight how legal institutions can co‐opt hate crime laws and reproduce patterns of sociopolitical oppression. Drawing on extensive ethnographic research on the social life of India's only hate crime law – the 1989 Prevention of Atrocities Act (PoA), which punishes violence against Dalit (ex‐untouchable) communities – the article argues that hate crime cases involve a clash between three different truth logics: attributive truth or credibility; formal juridical truth regimes defined by evidentiary technicalities; and a distinct mode of experiential‐discriminatory truth, which is defined by its processual character. As Indian police and judiciary conflate these truth logics in practice, they publicly and legally erase realities of caste discrimination and (re)construct marginalized communities like Dalits as greedy and unreliable narrators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A recent trend has confounded observers of India's political system. Dalits—a population that has historically been deprived of vital resources and socially ostracized by upper-caste Hindus—have increasingly given their vote to the Hindu nationalist movement led by the Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP). Why have some members of India's most marginalized caste come to support a party that has preserved caste hierarchies and catered to the socially dominant sections of society? This article explores this question through the case of Kerala, where Dalit support for the BJP is additionally perplexing given the state's history of left-led governments that have implemented far-reaching redistributive reforms that greatly benefited Dalits. Nevertheless, in recent years the Hindu nationalists have made significant inroads among Kerala's Dalit population. Drawing on two hundred interviews and eight months of ethnography, this article identifies two major factors driving Dalits' defection to the BJP. The first is linked to the communist parties' (CPs') agricultural land redistribution program which, despite being the most ambitious of its kind in modern India, excluded the majority of Dalits and reinscribed caste hierarchies. The second factor is the cultural discrimination Dalits face while working in the CPs, including being grossly underrepresented in the party leadership. The BJP exploits these grievances by providing representation to Dalit cadres who are embedded in strategic majority-Dalit neighborhoods. These cadres win popular support through welfare brokering and also by constructing a new narrative that portrays the CPs as casteist and the BJP as a more socially just alternative for Kerala's Dalits. This article makes sense of these findings by drawing on Nancy Fraser's concept of bivalent oppression to advance a novel Gramscian theory of "bivalent hegemony." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By treating the upper caste as an ethnographic category, this article shows what an endeavour of flipping the ethnographic gaze away from Dalits and onto the upper caste looks like. In studying upper caste victimhood, this article sees how being a victim acts as an important tool of mobilization and collectivization among upper castes. In interweaving cultural analysis and ethnography, I engage the complex relationship between regimes of affect, power, and caste as they implicate the production of a twisted, weaponized form of vulnerability. When contemporary Indian politics is saturated with narratives of upper caste pain, which thereby stand as a testimony to what it means to be a human, I understand upper caste affect via their wound to highlight the simultaneity of upper caste's humanity and their inhumanity. I argue that we should take seriously and examine upper caste 'woundedness' as it helps us better understand the embodied nature of caste and its relationship with violence. In doing so, I re-create modes of citation and knowledge production using a language which doesn't imagine the marginalized body to hold the burden of doing the work of pain, trauma, and violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study engages with debates on Tamil populism using insights from the field. The initial theorists of Tamil populism characterised it broadly into two — assertive populism propagated by the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), and paternalist populism promulgated by the All-India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (AIADMK). However, recent scholarship has strongly opposed this characterisation, arguing that Tamil populism approximates left populism. With these confounding views as the backdrop, we argue, through field insights, that one cannot discount the formulation of Tamil populism along assertive/paternalist lines. Secondly, we contest the recent formulation that the Dravidian Model approximates left populism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the characteristics of entrepreneurship among Scheduled Castes (SCs) in India using the 5th (2005) and 6th (2013) Economic Census data of the Central Statistical Office. The study employs the method of shift-share analysis to compare the growth of the enterprises at all India levels with that of SC-owned enterprises. The analysis reveals that the number of SC-owned enterprises has been increasing, with a significantly higher rate of change compared to the previous period. However, the prevalence of under-representation of SCs in the business field continues. The wholesale and retail trade, manufacturing and livestock are the three major activities in which SCs were concentrated. The emergence of new SC entrepreneurs has been influenced by several motivational factors, while there are also several factors that have a negative impact on the existence of SC entrepreneurs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Caste, an integral part of India's history and contemporary society, has traditionally marginalized Dalits, assigning them to the lowest rung of the caste hierarchy and frequently compelling them to engage in low-status work abroad. However, in the present era, Dalits have spread out around the world in search of better living standards and prospects. Although diaspora has been extensively studied by scholars, there has been less focus on the presence and impact of the caste system within the Indian diaspora, which is a crucial aspect of the South Asian diaspora. This study analyzes the personal stories of Thenmozhi Soundararajan and Yashica Dutt, who are both Dalits residing in the United States. They serve as tangible illustrations of the Dalit diaspora in the US. Their narratives offer significant perspectives on the obstacles and achievements encountered by Dalits residing beyond the borders of India. This article investigates the impact of Dalit migration on their perception of caste discrimination, development of Dalit identity, and commitment to advocating for their rights using a narrative inquiry approach. This research emphasizes that the impact of the caste system, which originated in India, now has a global reach. Despite encountering prejudice and discrimination, Dalits residing overseas have gained a greater understanding of these challenges through migration. This has allowed them to establish their cultural identity and actively support their rights even when living in foreign countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The life of people born in Dalit families is more challenging than others and the challenges upturn manifold if a downtrodden seek a livelihood in the field of entrepreneurship. Although, entrepreneurship is a risky affair for everyone it discommodes the Dalit community more. The paucity of societal support and resources, and above all lower caste label makes it highly troublesome for Dalit to cross the threshold of entrepreneurship and stay therein. Government and a few other organizations assure to provide all possible facilities and assistance to the Dalit aspirants through diverse schemes but many times these assurances are found outlying from reality. This empirical research article aims to provide qualitative insight into the previously published articles, research papers, and reports allied to the challenges of Dalit entrepreneurship. The thematic analysis technique has been applied for literature review using NVivo Software. The upshots of the study clearly depict that Dalit entrepreneurs are frequently confronted with severe difficulties, particularly due to the unfair conduct of various stakeholders. This research study will make a considerable contribution to the Dalit literature and outcomes will assist the policymakers to enhance the efficiency of entrepreneurial schemes to the expected level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article attempts to understand the content and aesthetic of the graphic novel Bhimayana: Experiences of Untouchability, in determining if its nature could be understood as a work of the avant-garde. In order to do so, the article will closely examine the aesthetic style employed by the author, the essence of the story, the content and the nature of its publication. These aspects will then be linked to the various understandings of the avant-garde to find out whether the graphic novel resonates with the principles of questioning ideas, methodologies and power structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dalits lack the bare necessities, such as living in substandard houses with constrained space and rooms devoid of the kitchen, bathroom, and sanitation facilities; with a minuscule living area and limited access to safe drinking water. These aspects of civic amenities are empirically examined with qualitative and quantitative approach in east Uttar Pradesh using significant variables such as housing conditions, access to safe drinking water and toilet availability in households. The article also discuss the dimension and level of civic amenities in Dalit households. Based on research-based field data and ethnography, poverty and a lack of civic amenities are the convoluted pathways and fundamental causes of Dalit families living in poor health, unhygienic conditions and without sanitation. The explanation justifies how Dalits' lack of public amenities, particularly in micro-settlements, intentionally manifests organized caste identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar (1891–1956), popularly known as Babasaheb Ambedkar, was an Indian jurist, economist, politician and social reformer who inspired the Dalit Buddhist movement and campaigned against social discrimination against untouchables (Dalits) while supporting the rights of women and labourers. This article examines how Ambedkar is characterized in Thai language academic and general writings published between 1975 and 2017. The paper is based on textual analysis that interprets the books and articles on Ambedkar in Thai language as primary sources for understanding his image and thought as portrayed in Thailand. Ambedkar's forward-thinking ideas on democracy impressed Thai writers because Ambedkar attempted to dispense with the caste system and promote liberty, equality and fraternity among underprivileged communities in India. Ambedkar also served as chairman of drafting committee of Constitution and leader of the Dalit movement and community. Furthermore, Thai writers see Ambedkar's ideas about Buddhism as qualifying him as a messiah or bodhisattva who revived a neo-Buddhist movement in India. Thai monks have served as significant intermediaries in narrating Ambedkar's interpretation of Buddhism to the Thai Buddhist community because they have direct experience such as studying and staying in India. Academics and famous writers have also conveyed Ambedkar's ideas about Buddhism and democracy, which qualify him as a modernist and maha manav [great man]. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the stories published in Arjay Navaria's anthology "Unclaimed Terrai." Cited are the concepts of Dalit chetna and Dalit realism in the context of Hindi Dalit literature, the unclaimed terrain of the quotidian affairs navigated by story characters, and an analysis of the precarious constructions of the self, embodied in the everyday occurrences marked with instability.

Scheduled Caste (SC) women, one of the most oppressed and neglected groups in India, have the highest prevalence of intimate partner violence (IPV), yet no study has analyzed correlates of IPV within this group, or analyzed them using nationally representative data. This study is an attempt to fill this gap. Information on 11,076 married SC women from the National Family Health Survey-4 was analyzed. Cross-sectional study design was followed. Binary logistic regression was applied to examine the factors associated with IPV. About 40% of married SC women in India suffered physical, mental, or sexual violence from their husbands. Alcohol consumption by husband (OR = 2.99, 95% CI = 2.62–3.41), employment status (OR = 1.26, 95% CI = 1.07–1.48), parity especially having 4 or more children (OR = 2.36, 95% CI = 1.82–3.06; OR = 2.10, 95% CI = 1.61–2.73) were associated with higher odds of IPV. Women from southern, eastern, and central regions of India were more likely to experience IPV. We conclude that there is a need to recognize the diverse experiences of vulnerable subgroups within SC women and undertake suitably designed targeted interventions to lower the high levels of IPV prevalent among these women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes an interview with Ambedkar, published in Filmindia, in 1942 as an insightful deliberation on the idea of decolonial cinema. The singularity of the interview derives from its anti-caste premise, occasioning the enunciation of the intersectional operations of caste in cinema as much as its being the only document in English (so far) that records Ambedkar’s views on the modern medium. His concept of cinema as corrective marks a significant shift in the way early cinema was perceived in pre-independent India. Contrary to the restorative function attributed to the modern medium during the time, Ambedkar found in it a potential for reconstitution. Cinema, according to him, held the possibility of reimagining a conceptual space that was taken over by Brahminical religion in India. Elaborating on four aspects of cinema in particular—its potential to reconstitute a liberating culture of joy in the place of an ensnaring culture of asceticism, its capacity for social reform, the exigency of narrative justice in the depiction of Dalits, and the fashioning of modern spectatorship, Ambedkar describes cinema’s possibility of conceptualizing an anti-caste, decolonial space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing from publications by Swami Achutanand and the Adi-Hindu Mahasabha press between 1916 and 1940, this article examines the role of this north Indian Dalit organization in creating language and categories of liberalism in the Hindi vernacular. The Mahasabha poet-activists published numerous song-booklets in a variety of Hindi song genres to intervene in ongoing discussions on the subjects of representation and equality which they characterized as mulki-haq and unch-niche. Histories of liberties in late colonial India have typically examined its emergence within dominant Hindu and Muslim middle-class groups. This article uncovers the unique contributions of Dalit poet-activists who recognized the value of liberal ideas and institutions in challenging caste and abolishing "Manu's Kanun" (lawgiver Manu's Hindu law codes). It highlights the methodological importance of mohalla (neighborhood) sources usually located in Dalit activists' houses in untouchable quarters. The chapbooks found in mohalla collections have enabled the writing of a new history of the Mahasabha's activism and of the initiatives taken by poet-activists in founding a new Dalit politics in northern India. I explore the emergence of a Dalit literate public which sustained the activities of the Mahasabha and which responded with enthusiasm to its articulation of the new social identity of Achut (untouched) and a new political identity of Adi-Hindus —original inhabitants of Hindustan (India). Offering a new methodological approach in using mohalla sources and song-booklets composed in praise of liberal institutions, this essay makes a significant contribution to the recovery of a forgotten Dalit public sphere in early twentieth-century India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Science and Engineering education are jewels of higher education. In India, among the pioneers of premium technical institutes, the Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs) are structurally designed to deliver global knowledge capital with a state-of-the-art curriculum and rigorous standards. Their capability to positively impact the global scale is visible, yet they are internally challenged. The constant interplay of inclusion and exclusion impacts the progress and performance of students. The study specifically examines the role of the social identity of caste in generating accessibility and mobility barriers in IITs. Although the affirmative action policy serves as a gateway for marginalised identities like Dalits, IITs ecosystem preserves the privileges of upper castes. Through IIT Delhi fieldwork, an attempt has been made to check how the gaps in affirmative action policies result in the exclusion of the marginalised in higher education. Educational mobility is restricted for Dalits students who battle against the indifference and caste hegemony of IIT Delhi. The study contests the idea of merit and castelessness in IIT Delhi by contextualising cultural capital with caste discrimination in India. It displays a contrast between the theory and practice of inclusion in higher education. The findings are useful for tracing subtle or indirect forms of discrimination operating in IIT Delhi that contradict the Indian constitution democratic ethos of equality and social justice. The findings will assist public policy and professional institutes of higher education to devise an inclusive strategy beyond government-sponsored affirmative action for sustainable education development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indo-Anglian Fictions, Particularly the fictions of the thirties, are immensely influenced by the ideals of Mahatma Gandhi, who fought for the cause of the under-privileged classes, the have-nots and the downtrodden, the marginalized and the defenseless. Apart from many other things these writers have mirrored the various incidents and happenings of the life and activities of Mahatma Gandhi in particular and the contemporary social and political, economic and religious upheavals in general. But their works, as we shall see, are not simply the collection of historical facts or events, they are highly literary saturated with poetic grandeur and artistic craftsmanship. Among the works dealing with the theme of either Gandhi or the contemporary freedom struggle are Mulk Raj Anand's Untouchable (1935), Raja Rao's Kanthapura (1938), K.S.Venkataramani's Kandan the Patriot (1932), D.F.Karaka's We Never Die (1944), Aamir Ali's Conflict (1947), Venu Chitali's In Transit (1950), K.A.Abbas's Inqilab (1955), R.K.Narayan's Waiting for the Mahatma (1956), Nayantara Sahgal's A Time to Be Happy (1955), and K.Nagarajan's Chronicles of Dekagram (1961). The present paper is a critical appraisal of the Gandhian attitudes and visions as employed in most of the writings of Indian novelists in English. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines Mahasweta Devi's significance as a leading literary advocate for the oppressed, particularly tribals, Dalits, and women in India. Her works, include Draupadi (1978), Mother of 1084 (1974), Rudali (1979), and Aranyer Adhikar (1977), highlight themes of subjection, resistance, colonialism, and feminism. The approach underscores Devi's utilization of her literature as an instrument for activism, challenging social, political, and economic structures that sustain injustice. Devi's works utilize clear language, symbolism, and reality to effectively condemn oppression, reverberating across generations and making substantial contributions to Indian literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Constitution of India prescribes provisions to safeguard the lives of the Scheduled Castes. Special Acts are designed to address the existing challenges related to discriminatory practices and brutal violence against them by the dominant communities. However, the protective legislations have seldom acted to restrain the increasing display of cruelty against the historically marginalised. Mundane normalised violence compels us to question the authority of caste and the functioning of the legal system in India. The persistence of caste-based violence highlights the inability of state and bureaucracy to create order in society. It is, therefore, necessary to understand the nature of the social dynamic, causes of violence against Dalits, and the working of administrative and judicial machinery. This article presents a detailed analysis of a caste violence that occurred in 2006 in the Bura Bartara village in Uttar Pradesh. It examines the usage of violence by the dominant Lodhi caste to maintain and reproduce the caste-based social order. Simultaneously, it attempts to theorise caste atrocity as a form of violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article highlights the connections, tensions and contradictions that materialise when postcolonial and Dalit lifeworlds are brought together in intra-active analysis. While a postcolonial critique offers important insights into the historical and ongoing workings of colonial capitalism, its implementation as a global design for liberation produces erasures that put Dalit lifeworlds at risk. The complexities and challenges of (not) belonging produced through a coloniser/colonised binary are highlighted by foregrounding theorising as embodied practice. In short, foisting the blame on colonialism produces a set of evasions that problematically reinforce notions of savarna innocence and ensure varna futurity. Through the savarna re-imagination of a national, homogenous 'Hindu' identity, Dalit lifeworlds are subject to a process of what Reghu (2010) refers to as 'inclusive exclusion,' wherein although the Hindu Order includes Dalits, it excludes them from the dharmic domain of caste Hindus. For the Dalit subject confronted by the affective intensities of caste hierarchies, this movement towards savarna innocence is profoundly disconcerting, as it relieves savarna responsibilities for onto-epistemic violences that predate colonialism and, more urgently, for the ongoing violences sustained through a refusal to be accountable. Contemporary analysis must attune to how the varna ideology intermingles with colonial capitalism to reconfigure relations; however, the article argues that this requires moving away from the totalising claims of postcolonial critique. The essay concludes by welcoming and proposing theoretical heterogeneity as a potent strategy to generate space for staying with the trouble of (not) belonging, potentiating meaningful alliances that make Dalit lifeworlds possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Twenty-first century Indian literature has been enriched overall by Dalit feminist literature written originally in regional languages and available in English translation. What are the contributions of South Indian Dalit women's writings to literature and to feminism? How is the representation of women in South Indian Dalit literature redefining the images of women in contemporary literature? These questions are answered through an analysis of Bama's Karukku, select short stories by Gogu Shyamala and Joopaka Subhadra, and select poems by Swaroopa Rani, Sukirtharani, and Vijila Chirappad. Using Dalit feminist theory, we examine how the texts analyzed here represent the standpoints of women living through the reality of intersectional oppressions. Borrowing the metaphor of the sharp double-edged palm frond invoked in the title of Bama's Karukku, we argue that the sufferings endured by Dalit women on one hand, and their strength and resistance on the other, transcend simplistic narratives of heroes and victims. By showing remarkable courage, persistence, and clever use of traditions in the face of patriarchal caste oppression, the characters encountered in these texts are contributing to new models and images of women. This argument is established through an examination of two recurrent themes in these writings: Dalit women's response to sexual violence and their defiance of traditional gender norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the byzantine hallmarks of India is its caste-ridden social structure. Dalits are known as Shudras and therefore designated as untouchables. This marginalised subaltern community has long been suffering from identity crisis. They have been searching for their identity for a long time, either by embracing other faiths or by revolting against the caste hierarchy. The prominent social reformers like Jyotiba Phule, Sabitribai Phule, Ambedkar and other notable luminaries fought for the rights and identity of the Dalits. Being a Dalit, Ambedkar made himself educated and became the architect of the Indian constitution. He ran several movements to dismantle the vogue of untouchability shaped in the name of caste identity. Narendra Jadhav's Outcaste, a Memoire, is a dramatic piece of writing which underscores the struggles of Damu and his offerings for the quest of identity. Damu took part in every Dalit movement activity organized by Ambedkar. He has been deeply inspired by the slogan 'educate, unite and agitate' hoisted by Ambedkar. He provided well education to his children who inculcated their position in their chosen careers and succeeded in finding their identity and space in the Indian society. Dalit people have their voice for claiming their identity through their literature which ascertains that subaltern can also speak. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the way caste is captured within the dominant and popular scholarly tradition of post-colonialism. It will also explore how Ambedkar's anthropological emphasis on the centrality of sociocultural relations for understanding caste dynamics opens up the limitation of a post-colonial understanding of caste. In doing so, the paper is oriented to advance a Dalit-centric historical anthropology of caste. The focus on the relationship between competing discourses on the histories of caste will provide critical insights into how Dalit movements negotiate with various politics of knowledge to develop varied pathways of progress for Dalits and other marginalized communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The right-wing extremists, BJP and RSS, have a long-term mission to construct a Hindu nation bound by Ramrajya, a political model derived from the epic Ramayana. In its nationalistic project, the Hindutva desires to incorporate Dalits. For achieving the same, it usurps Dalits by appropriating Ambedkar – through strategically eroding his radicalism. Additionally, it uses Ramayana as a cultural tool to de-ideologize Dalits. It promotes Ramayana as an egalitarian epic to Dalits – for subsuming them within the Ramrajya politics. Dalits are losing political consciousness and they are disoriented by the Hindutva. In this article, I explore how a Tamil film named Kaala, directed by Pa. Ranjith, has countered these efforts of the Hindutva in the popular culture. In Kaala, Ranjith challenges the Hindutva's appropriation of Dalits by re-creating Ambedkar's radical legacy on the big screens. In the film, he re-narrates the epic from an Ambedkarite perspective to counter the Hindutva's efforts in de-ideologizing Dalits. Ranjith is a radical director who makes various transformations in Tamil cinema. His vision is to carry forward Ambedkarite politics in the popular culture. In this article, I explore how he effectively counters the Hindutva. To accomplish the objectives of the study, I use Ambedkarite framework as an analytical tool. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dalits, as ex-untouchable caste groups, are at the bottom of India's hierarchical social structure and are on the margin in the social, educational, cultural, political, and economic spheres of society. Land is one of the vital resources which does not merely determine one's socio-economic condition but also regulates social position in society. The historical marginalization and exclusion of Dalits denied them land ownership, which affects their socio-economic well-being. Therefore, the denial of Dalits from access to land ownership is not merely visible in their measurable socio-economic condition but also in their social position in society. However, over the period, the social and political mobilization of Dalits has emerged as a tool against structural discrimination and social exclusion, which contributed to their social and economic well-being. Therefore, drawing upon the experience of Lok Sangharsh Samiti (LSS) – an informal social group of Dalit community which was formed in 2002 for land rights in the District of West Champaran, Bihar, the article argues that collective struggle, informal collaboration, and social mobilization of Dalits contributed enormously to their land rights; and thus, Dalits are making a claim for social justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Dalits" are a historically marginalized caste group in India. In this study, we examine the impact that the institution of caste has on career change. Focusing on the shift from science, technology, engineering, and mathematics (STEM) to non-STEM careers, we ask why members of the Dalit communities in India leave their STEM careers. To present a comprehensive understanding of this career change, we also examine the factors that facilitate their retention in STEM careers. Deriving data from in-depth interviews with 42 STEM scholars from the Dalit communities in India, we illustrate their organizational experiences that are based on casteism. Qualitative data analyses were done using the grounded theory method. Results suggest that while caste operates in a unique way to drive away Dalit scholars from their STEM careers, doing gender plays an important role in their retention within the same careers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The southernmost Indian state of Kerala has recently experienced a massive engagement with rap music, unlike another region in the global south. These raps have been at the forefront of addressing social, ecological, and political issues. In India, caste is a significant social, political, and ecological issue that greatly hinders cultural sustainability. Caste, a deeply ingrained social hierarchy, significantly influences access to natural resources, living conditions, and environmental health, perpetuating social inequalities. Though caste and nature are interwoven inextricably, their discussions in the academic space are limited. However, discussions on the ecology of caste have found their space in the rap music of Kerala. This paper focuses on how this new-age digital manifestation explores human and intra-human relationships within the context of caste and has generated a discourse of resistance in the process of reclaiming Dalit rights and agency as ecological beings. The theoretical framework of Dalit hip hop ecology devised through the integration of 'hip hop ecologies' and 'Dalit ecologies' aids in conceptualising the relationship between caste, environment, and rap music. This brings in a new dimension of reading Dalit environmental politics through the lens of music, exploring its resistive and transformative potential as these raps not only reflect but also challenge and resist caste-based environmental injustices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Latin America, conservation is a subject that cannot be understood outside of the social processes that determine the different conceptions, uses and customs related to nature and water. Mexico is an example of ecosystem diversity, where rural populations see their homes and ecosystems threatened by the uncontrolled advance of urban sprawl. In addition, the lack of governance in water matters leaves both the ecosystem and people in a situation of vulnerability. The aim of this research was to determine the ecological and social indicators of the state of conservation and management of the springs within Mexico City's Conservation Soils, through: ecological quality, biological diversity and the perceptions of rural-urban communities of water management resources. The springs were found to still conserve elements of good ecological quality and unique traits, making these sites hotspots of local diversity. However, ongoing activities endanger its integrity, such as in situ water extraction, the lack of local organization for water management resources and the poor presence of government institutions to support it. The establishment of a citizen and government participation system for water management is recommended, considering local economic development, socio-cultural complexity, ecosystem richness and fragility, and the socio-ecological context in which these water distribution mechanisms are established. Such actions should include a census of water bodies and the economic activities that depend on them, the ecological evaluation of actively used springs, and water distribution agreements at the local level that consider the previous points. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'Pasmanda' is arguably the most explosive term that the more recent anti-caste discourse in India has produced. It is assembled from the Persian words pas ('back') and manda ('left behind'), thus describing somebody 'at the back' (of society), who 'has been left behind'. Like 'Dalit', 'Pasmanda' is essentially a political term, which means that it only comes into being and develops significance if people decide to acquire it and to identify themselves as different and as discriminated—in this case as lower-caste and 'Dalit Muslims'. 'Pasmanda' is hence intrinsically reliant on being communicated and mediated so as to enable its acceptance among the signified and to normalise the creation of a respective reality through a newly collectivising identity. This essay approaches 'Pasmanda' as 'a term to think with', in tracing the very possibility, among deprived and discriminated groups, to openly communicate, negotiate, and mediate this identity that challenges claims of religious (comm)unity and demands for national loyalty. This possibility varies greatly even across north India. As I examine 'Pasmanda' through three different local prisms, the term thus also becomes a dialectical index for the political conditions of its realisation: the conditions of its emergence and, however increasingly precarious, its thriving (in the state of Bihar) as much as the conditions for its suppression (in the capital Delhi) and even of its complete absence (in the state of Gujarat)—i.e. of the conditions that render Pasmandas non-existent. A different form of regional comparison thus emerges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A caste is one of the conventional four social strata into which Hindu society separates its members. The scriptures from ancient India make reference to it. The four classes are the Brahmins (priestly people), the Kshatriyas (rulers, administrators, and warriors; also known as Rajanyas), the Vaishyas (artisans, merchants, businessmen, and farmers), and the Shudras are the lowest of the caste system (laboring classes). However, an individual of the lowest class in traditional Indian society falls outside of the Hindu caste system and is subject to severe social restrictions. This commentary is divided into three parts; the first part highlights the caste system, the second part examines the constitutional and legislative safeguards for them, and the third part illustrates the current social disparity of Dalits in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Divya Cherian's book, "Merchants of Virtue: Hindus, Muslims, and Untouchables in Eighteenth-Century South Asia," provides a detailed examination of the influence of merchant castes in the kingdom of Marwar in western India during the eighteenth century. Cherian's use of archival records reveals how merchant castes played a role in transforming local governance and creating a new Hindu identity that was defined against Dalits and Muslims. The book highlights the growing ability of the state to surveil and discipline its subjects, while also acknowledging the limits of its enforcement. Cherian's study offers a nuanced understanding of caste mobility among elite and middle classes, as well as the history of discrimination against religious minorities and disadvantaged castes. [Extracted from the article]

"The Vulgarity of Caste: Dalits, Sexuality, and Humanity in Modern India" by Shailaja Paik explores the intersectionality of caste and gender dynamics in India. The book focuses on the experiences of stigmatized Dalit women, particularly Tamasha and Lavani performers, who are essential to perpetuating caste patriarchy. It examines the historical context of caste society and the control over women's sexuality and reproduction, as well as the challenges faced by marginalized communities in reshaping the idea of India. The book offers a critical perspective on the social, political, and cultural processes that perpetuate caste and gender-based oppression and exploitation. [Extracted from the article]

Deras are generally perceived as an alternative socio-religious space frequented mostly by lower castes and economically weaker sections of society. They promise to make a significant difference to the lives of such vulnerable sections of society by lending them much needed spiritual, moral, and social support. Within the sprawling premises of Deras, downtrodden find a welcoming ‘counter-public’ enriched with social capital, which offers them an egalitarian domain free from the afflictions of caste discriminations, social exclusion, and subtle indignities often faced by them within the mainstream religious spheres. The growth of Deras thus may be seen as an index of subaltern socio-cultural and syncretic religious realms generating a rich haul of social capital.

This article shows how untouchability was framed as an ethnographic problem largely through a racial and Brahmanical perspective by looking at some of the main interventions made by British and Indian social scientists on this topic, such as H.H. Risley, G.S. Ghurye and Radhakamal Mukerjee. Dalit traditions, knowledge and theories about their origin were discarded and suffered an epistemicide. Reassessing the history of untouchability as an ethnographic concept is critical as the influence of these theories can still be perceived not only in common understandings about the origin of Dalits but also in the way sociology and anthropology are practised in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Bengal famine of 1943 is one of the most catastrophic and violent outcomes of British colonial rule in India. Recently, there has been a surge in understanding the famine from an anti-colonial perspective. However, the relation between the impact of the famine and caste-based subalternities has not received adequate attention. The immediate concerns that arise with the task of filling this gap are ethical-methodological and narrative: even from the lens of caste-subaltern consciousness, how does one arrive at and share stories of the famine, and can they ever be 'recovered' and 'represented'? This paper narrates the story of fieldwork-filming, carried out as part of ongoing research in artistic practice, which attempts to understand and engage with caste-subaltern (especially Dalit) experiences of the Bengal famine of 1943 and to explore methodologically how these experiences can be creatively and collaboratively imagined and negotiated. The paper proposes that there is a need to shift away from 'recovery' and 'representation' of the 'authentic' caste-subaltern experiences of the famine and towards negotiated imagination. To illustrate and make a case for this shift, this paper provides a detailed description and analysis of methodological processes and their implications that emerged during the fieldwork-filming. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the shifting and contemporary manifestations of menstrual taboos in central Kerala, India, particularly through the evocation of zoomorphic language and symbolism. It specifically focuses on a seemingly commonplace metaphor, pattiyayi (has become a dog), and argues that its connotative and cultural meanings have negative consequences for the construction of gender in Keralan society. The metaphor likens a menstruating woman to a dog. Further correlations between dogs and rabies patients culturally place the three categories – the domesticated carnivore, the person with a stigmatized illness, and the menstruating woman – as liminal entities, equivalent by association. Additionally, examining dog idioms (patti) in Kottayam that refer to the Dalit castes, the paper elucidates how idiomatic expressions evince societal juxtapositions of menstruating women with socially disparaged castes. These allegorical concurrences also draw attention to how the body and its organic activities and the propensity of certain bodies to incur permanent and internal pollution are at the root of symbolic denigration and gender and caste hierarchies. Furthermore, through the Foucauldian perspective on language, the paper links the dog metaphor to a micro theory of power by signifying the role of gendered power relations and the coalescence of discursive and material processes in historically shaping it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Dhananjay Rai's book, "Contested Representation: Dalits, Popular Hindi Cinema, and Public Sphere," provides a comprehensive analysis of the portrayal of Dalits in mainstream Hindi cinema and its impact on Indian society. Rai examines a range of films to demonstrate the evolution and reinforcement of stereotypes in the portrayal of Dalit characters. The book also explores the reactions of Dalit communities and their efforts to reclaim their narratives. While the book has strengths in its in-depth analysis, interdisciplinary approach, historical context, and engagement with Dalit voices, it has weaknesses in its limited focus on Bollywood films, complexity of the subject matter, and lack of contemporary examples. Overall, the book is a valuable resource for those interested in the intersection of cinema, caste, and the public sphere in India. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores patterns of caste solidarity and religious practices among North Indian Dalits in Mumbai during the COVID-19 pandemic. Drawing from ethnographic data, it demonstrates how respondents experienced specific vulnerabilities due to their ethnic and caste identities. Following this, solidarities based on caste emerged to strengthen social cohesion and offer a sense of future possibilities. Additionally, on account of the ontological insecurity caused by the pandemic, a renewed collective sense of religiosity emerged, helping local people to manage their precarious existence and mitigating pain. The article concludes by arguing that community solidarity and religious re-assurance mechanisms, given the absence of state support, were their only hope to cope with the pandemic and to navigate COVID-19. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to understand how Dalits stand to be impacted by the 2020 Amendment to the Karnataka Land Reforms Act, 1961 as caste remains invisible in the legislation, the amendment is examined in the context of post-independence land reforms, and the implications of the legislation on Dalits in rural south India are studied. The research draws on 2013–15 survey data from three villages to show that Dalits are predominantly landless, lack access to agricultural tenancy but form an overwhelming majority of agricultural labour in rural Karnataka. The impacts of the amendments on the livelihoods of Dalits must be considered. The structural transformation envisaged by the state through such a land reform should enable a reduction in inequality rather than promoting exclusionary growth [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]