Search

Copyright of Larq Journal for Philosophy, Linguistics & Social Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The review highlights the monographic study by Galushchenko, O. S. (2024). One hundred years of the Moldavian ASSR. Moldavian statehood east of the Dniester. LAMBERT Academic Publishing (ISBN: 978‑620-7-63910-6). The researcher makes an attempt to analyze the development of historical events by bringing new facts discovered in recent times to their coverage and analysis. The book is characterized by attention to the subjective factor, which, in the author’s fair opinion, played not the least role in the creation of Moldovan autonomy and its further destiny. As it seems, O. S. Galuschenko’s book touches another important problem, which goes beyond the limits of the Left-Bank Subnistria, namely, the formation and dynamics of Moldovan statehood. In the context of this problem, the events covered in the monograph are only a segment, but a fundamental one, in the development of Moldovan state identity, which received a special resonance in the last years of existence and after the collapse of the USSR, when the Moldovan community split into supporters of the preservation of Moldovan statehood and adherents of unification with neighbouring Romania. Understanding that the researcher did not set a special goal of highlighting the dynamics of Moldovan state identity, the reviewer, alongside with analyzing the merits of Oleg Galuschenko’s monographic study, attempts to shortly overview the issue of Moldovan identity, resonating differently in the minds of the inhabitants of the left and right coasts of Moldova with particular force and urgency, especially with the coming to power of the current president M. Sandu and the majority of her party dominating in the parliament of the country, who are oriented to the levelling of Moldovan values, joining the European Union (which will lead to the dissolution of Moldova in Romania), integrating with NATO, dragging the country into the armed confrontation of the collective West with Russia in Ukraine.

This paper addresses the historical development of the dis-courses and symbols that shaped the republican and national ideology around the political project known as the "Chilean road to socialism" promoted by the Popular Unity (UP) gov-ernment. The hypothesis argues that this ideology played a fundamental role in the process of ideological entrenchment and democratic legitimacy that contributed to the triumph of the left-wing parties in 1970. On the one hand, this ideology allowed the UP to fit in with the atmosphere of cultural na-tionalism of the period. On the other, it served to justify the democratic and institutional possibilities of the Chilean revo-lution. The analysis follows the development of these ideas in the Communist and Socialist parties between 1936 and 1973, paying attention to the particularities, common elements and divergences registered in the debate of both organisations. This period began with the formation of the Popular Front, as a milestone that prompted the left to adopt a republican and patriotic discourse, which was maintained over time until it was fully integrated into the political project of the UP. The study concludes that despite the Marxism and international-ism of the Chilean left, the appeal to republican and national history became constituent elements of their revolutionary project, which they outlined as a continuation of the inde-pendence process initiated in Chile in 1810.

Twelve Communist trade union leaders from nine nations in the prosperous post-war period are compared, on the basis of an in-depth Belgian example, in an attempt to define their common theoretical profile. Five major analogies, from family origins to the end of their careers, offer a hypothetical look at the militant career of twelve workers with little schooling who fought major socio-political conflicts with their factory workers and took on major responsibilities at the head of their union and party, not without encountering numerous problems and internal tensions. This analysis provides a glimpse into the ethos of a particular type of trade unionist and the environment that led them to surpass themselves and break through the glass ceiling of social reproduction, without betraying the aspirations and values of their class.

André Morizet, born of revolutionary unionism, magazine man, doctor of law, mayor of Boulogne-sur-Seine in 1919, joined the French Communist Party from its foundation. Driven by internationalism and concern for unity, he travelled to the young Soviet Russia in 1921 and brought back a book, Chez Lenine et Trotski, prefaced by the Commissary to the People himself, to the resounding audience. We analyze through the figure of Morizet the enthusiasm, hesitations and doubts that cross a part of the political intellectuals in the face of the birth of the socialist nation and the implications of the successes of the Bolsheviks on the international socialist movement. We show that already points in the work a critical detachment. Gradually, although playing a leading role in the new party, Morizet distanced himself from the party he left in January 1923. This difficulty to face a radically new reality, to express one’s point of view on a situation, in particular the balance of power, both national and international, in permanent and unpredictable transformation, is indicative of this period of the dawn of communism and constitutes the thread of our analysis.

The article discusses the issue of bureaucratic leadership and economic reforms in the USSR during the administration of Yu. V. Andropov, the General Secretary of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The article analyzes Andropov's consistent policy in the Soviet bureaucratic system and his uncompromising position in the fight against corruption. In this regard, the article emphasizes the years of his leadership, in which the reforms of the Soviet economy occupied a significant place, trying to inspire confidence in the Soviet society and citizens. However, the totalitarian regime of the USSR and the bureaucratic system simply blocked the package of measures proposed by the General Secretary. An analysis of the works examining the personality and party and state activities of Yu. V. Andropov allows us to conditionally distinguish two periods of the formation and development of the historiography of the problem. The first, personifying the Soviet era, ended with the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. The second covers the 1990s, as well as the beginning of this century. Within the framework of the first period, the activities of Yu. V. Andropov were covered in various works devoted to the problems of modern Soviet history. Against this background, the position of Western researchers turned out to be preferable. In the West, the steady growth of interest in Yu. V. Andropov on the part of Sovietologists was mainly due to his activities as Chairman of the KGB. At the same time, it cannot be denied that, as a rule, the noted works were distinguished by their tendentiousness and bore the imprint of the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brian Simon (1915–2002), an influential Marxist historian and educationist in Britain, had been campaigning for comprehensive education from the late 1940s to the 1960s. In the early 1970s, followed by a rapid expansion of comprehensive schools since the issue of Circular 10/65, comprehensive education was under attack by the Conservative government and other conservatives. In the mid-late 70s, along with the conservatives and the New Right, left-wing intellectuals also undermined the public's confidence in comprehensive education. Faced with the crisis in comprehensive education, Simon continued to battle for it by shifting between different roles. Simon was not only involved in politics of education, but also dealt with ideological issues implicit in contemporary educational theories nationally and internationally which caused harm to comprehensive education. Despite this, very little research has focused on Simon's ideas and practice in relation to comprehensive education in the 1970s. Therefore, this paper aims to fill the lacuna. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides a retrospective analysis of the ways, mechanisms, and methods of development of atheism in Uzbekistan in the 30s of the twentieth century. It is explained how in the complex process of the formation of the communist worldview it influenced the consciousness of people and what an important role the atheistic education of the peoples of the former states of the USSR played. The struggle against religion is a necessary circumstance for building a socialist society. Modern Soviet atheist literature included studies aimed at a deeper understanding of the issue of scientific atheism and a precise definition of its place in the system of social and natural sciences, especially in the system of philosophical knowledge. Currently, the study of the connection between the theory and practice of atheism and the development of general problems of communist education is intensifying. Soviet philosophers who study the problems of the theory of scientific atheism face a difficult consequently: to find out how the content of scientific atheism, the forms and methods of its dissemination reflected those profound transformations in all spheres of people’s lives that took place in a developed socialist society. One of the results of the development of our country along the socialist path, which predetermined enormous socio-economic and cultural transformations, is the formation and steady growth of mass atheism. The disappearance of antagonistic classes in Soviet Union has led to the fact that the edge of the class struggle is turned outward. An enormous role in the spread of scientific atheism is played by the ideological activity of the Communist Party. Finally, the nature of the development of mass atheism, the content, forms, and methods of its propaganda has been and is being exerted and continues to be exerted by the political position of religious organizations. Questions of the formation of the Marxist-Leninist worldview are constantly at the center of the Party’s ideological and educational work, an important part of which is atheistic education. During the development of atheism, it? was associated with the activities of the Union of Militant Atheists, which arose from the cells of the society of friends of the newspaper "Bezbozhnik". The Union of Militant Atheists made a great contribution to the development of the theory and practice of anti-religious propaganda. Problem statement: The article focuses on the main question: what was the goal of the Communist Party for the development of atheistic ideology? With the help of what methods and mechanisms did they want to degrade the ideological worldview of the peoples of Central Asia? What role did the intelligentsia of Uzbekistan play in the spread of atheistic ideologies? Goal: study and analysis of the socio-political consequences of the spread of atheist ideology in Uzbekistan. Investigating the psychological impact of atheist ideology on the consciousness of the people of Uzbekistan. The aim of the study is to determine the concept of Atheism itself and to establish its relationship and mutual influence with the concepts of secular and religious culture, science, philosophy, religious tolerance, free thought, humanism, skepticism, and materialism, which have not been studied sufficiently to date. Method and outputs: Analysis with the help of what methods and mechanisms the leadership of the Communist Party propagated the ataxic worldview and ideology. To clarify this, methods of analysis, synthesis, generalization, induction, and deduction were used.

The “Lyon Theses” are a unique document on the interwar European crisis and the changes in the mass parties inherited from the 19th century. The future secretary of the Italian Communist Party analyses the structural causes of the Italian political crisis, of which Fascism was the climax, and deduces the party’s mission and internal organization. The national crisis is referred to the formation of the risorgimentale State, with its specific coalition of ruling classes, and then to the disconnection of the main mass parties from the social needs of the subaltern classes: the industrial proletariat of the North and the peasantry of the South. Because of the social and geographical dualism that separates them, the Communist Party is charged with the historic mission of building the conditions for their alliance, which the industrial bourgeoisie and the urban petty-bourgeoisie, hegemonic under fascism, aim precisely to counter.

Existing scholarship treats congresses of the ruling communist parties in the Eastern Bloc as staged performances intended to manufacture support and signal new policy trends. This article, using the examples of extraordinary party congresses held during revolutionary times in Poland (1981) and the German Democratic Republic (1989) offers another per¬spective. It looks at the events as spaces where rank-and-file delegates could contest par¬ticular decisions of their organization, while simultaneously straying away from more radi¬cal forms of dissent. This article follows and compares the actions of delegates in both countries by highlighting how they disrupted the agenda of the congresses over the ques¬tion of elite corruption committed by former members of the party leadership and account¬ability for these wrongdoings. These episodes show that anti-corruption was a genuinely important moral preoccupation, as well as an argument for demanding change, and that, during the 1980s, ideas grounded in socialism still possessed major legitimacy.

Copyright of Colección is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica Argentina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The causes and consequences of the famine in the Tambov province in 1924—1925 are examined in the article. The relevance of the study is due to the need for a comprehensive study of the Russian peasantry of the “revolutionary breakthrough generation” (born at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries). The main attention is paid to the impact of famine on the social and political moods of the peasantry. In order to determine the factors that influenced the self-awareness of the villagers, the documents of the funds of the Russian Archive of Social and Political History and the State Archive of Social and Political History of the Tambov Region were studied. A wide range of documents of central and local party organizations and state security bodies are used in the article. The social practices resorted to by rural society for survival in extreme crop failure conditions are considered. Relations between the main social groups of the village are analyzed. Special attention is paid to the mechanisms of state aid to the starving. As a result of the conducted research, an increase in oppositional attitudes among the peasantry has been proven. An increase in religiosity and egalitarian tendencies in rural areas is considered characteristic. It was established that significant state aid contributed to the spread of peasant loyalty to the government.

The development of the modern Russian state along the path of building a democratic legal society necessitates the analysis and use of the positive experience of previous decades. Considering this and relying on factual material, a significant part of which is being introduced for the first time into scientific circulation and studies affecting this scientific research problem, we have attempted for the first time ever in the Russian historiography to analyze political processes and changes in Dagestan in 1980-s in dynamics and in comparison with similar processes in the whole country. At the same time, the article pays special attention to showing the regional characteristics of political development, primarily its religious and national component on the basis of the principles of science, historicism, consistency and objectivity. The author characterized these processes and concluded that stagnation was clearly manifested in the multinational republic in the first half of the 1980-s, as well as in the country as a whole. In the second half of the decade regional authorities made significant efforts to move from administrative-command methods to democratic methods of managing sectors of the national economy and strengthen democratic trends in political development.

During Communism, party members and their relatives were typically privileged elites in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and the former Soviet Union (FSU). At the same time, secret police informants were often coerced to spy and report on their fellow citizens. After the fall of Communism, CEE countries and the Baltics underwent decommunization, unlike most FSU countries. This paper is the first to empirically distinguish between these two Communist party regime affiliations and study their long-term implications for the well-being and preferences of affiliated individuals and their relatives. In the FSU, we find that individuals connected to the former Communist party are more satisfied with their lives, but those linked to secret police informants seem to have lower life satisfaction than those without such ties. The life satisfaction benefit of having former Communist regime party connections in the FSU is, on average, equivalent to one month's household income. Simultaneously, the psychological costs of being an informant can amount to two monthly household incomes. In CEE countries, having informant connections is not associated with life satisfaction, but having links to the former Communist party is negatively correlated with subjective well-being. Formal and informal decommunization efforts are an important mechanism behind our findings. We also show that those connected to the former regimes differ from those without such connections in their preferences for democracy and market economy, levels of optimism, and risk tolerance, which provides suggestive evidence for the mechanisms underpinning our findings. Our results underscore that the former Communist regimes produced winners and losers based on the trustee status of their collaborators that decommunization efforts further shaped and solidified. Future decommunization efforts in the FSU may thus have important welfare implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing scholarship treats congresses of the ruling communist parties in the Eastern Bloc as staged performances intended to manufacture support and signal new policy trends. This article, using the examples of extraordinary party congresses held during revolutionary times in Poland (1981) and the German Democratic Republic (1989) offers another perspective. It looks at the events as spaces where rank-and-file delegates could contest particular decisions of their organization, while simultaneously straying away from more radical forms of dissent. This article follows and compares the actions of delegates in both countries by highlighting how they disrupted the agenda of the congresses over the question of elite corruption committed by former members of the party leadership and accountability for these wrongdoings. These episodes show that anti-corruption was a genuinely important moral preoccupation, as well as an argument for demanding change, and that, during the 1980s, ideas grounded in socialism still possessed major legitimacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Church in the World / Crkva u Svijetu is the property of University of Split, Catholic Faculty of Theology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Who comprised the political bureaus of the Eastern Bloc? There exists a wealth of literature on the former communist party elites, studying their personal biographies and group dynamics. However, we still lack an accessible resource cataloguing these individuals and documenting their personal and professional histories. This research note introduces new individual-level data on 787 candidate and full members from the ruling politburos of nine communist regimes across Eastern Europe. Along with compiling a centralized roster establishing who made up the politburos and at what times, I also code a range of descriptive variables for each elite, opening for better study of their comparative traits within and across space and time. These data are an important step toward more accessible documentation of the histories of ruling party elites in communist regimes, centralizing valuable information for future scholars to study, reference, and utilize. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study focuses attention on the legal and social factors affecting the formation of the group of so-called Slovak bourgeois nationalists, the fabricated allegations against them often based on real documents, and the overview of criminal procedure, together with its analysis. The author points out that issues pertaining to the constitutional position of Slovakia in the Czechoslovak Republic were addressed through repression of the Communist part of the Slovak intelligentsia. Further, the study demonstrates the existence of a power struggle among the political leaders of the Communist Party of Slovakia and points to the special dedication in the handling of the trials and the interpretation of laws. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article combines political analysis with ethnographic fieldwork to theorise Communist party's construction of political allegiance and their persistence of power in the democratic context at a local village level in the state of Kerala in India. We provide an inaugural scholarly conceptualisation of an empirical phenomenon, known in Kerala popular parlance as 'party gramam' or the 'party village', as the focus of analysis. As we explain, a 'party village' is an administrative unit where a particular political party dominates not simply electorally but in all lived experience. We posit that the concept of 'party village' is of specific value in our understanding of various forms of current (Communist) politics. The original ascendancy of communism in the village (as in many regions of Kerala) during the twentieth century was due to its progressive ideological challenge to feudal structures of class and caste oppression. However, in democratic post-independence India, the overwhelming dominance of Communist Party in the 'party village' presents the paradox of a party with an egalitarian ideology having adapted to a persistent Hindu caste hierarchy. After situating our work within the conceptual problematisations of political party competition, and in conversation with wider communist studies literature, we provide a background to the politics of Kerala and explain the unique phenomenon of 'party villages' in Kerala. We then provide an insight into the social and economic structures of one such village, explaining the salience of these structures in relation to political allegiances. Next, we illustrate the paradox of continued caste hierarchies in a Communist Party village, and the multiple ways in which Hindu religion and caste structures are important to performing individual identity in social settings. We dissect the various means through which the grassroots Communist Party apparatus in the village maintains its dominance by adapting itself to regressive caste hierarchies for political profit at the same time as laying claim to having challenged them. In our concluding section, we place our village observations in the longer frame of historical north Kerala village politics, noting the changes over time and offering theoretical perspectives upon them. In this sense, through a mix of empirical observation with historical context and theorisation, we highlight the importance and the implications of unconventional democratic dynamics more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Party control over Soviet Estonian literary life in the 1960s on the example of the Writers’ Union." During the Soviet era, literature was one of the main tools of communist propaganda. Consequently, writers were assigned a crucial educating, guiding and influencing role within the ideological project. As “engineers of the human soul” they were expected to not only communicate the ideological message, but also to construct and disseminate the Soviet worldview and help bring up “Soviet people.” One example of ideological guidance and direction in literary life is the interaction between the Communist Party and the Writers’ Union of the Estonian SSR. This interaction mostly consisted in Party guidelines, control and other forms of direction exercised by the Party through its officials and agencies at various levels, above all the primary Party organization of the Writers’ Union. The styles and forms of management developed and changed alongside the general political and social developments. By the 1960s, the time of stern management through Party decisions and rigid enforcement of the socialist-realist canon was over in literary life. The documents of the primary Party organization of the Writers’ Union cover a variety of topics – they discuss the administrative side of the primary organization, issues pertaining to individual writers, problems with publishing and censorship, creative questions, as well as the scope and essence of the social responsibilities assigned to writers. As is typical of the Khrushchev Thaw, the discussions were often quite informal and critical in tone, but the main ideological line and framework through which Soviet ideologists saw writers and literary life remained unchanged. From the point of view of the authorities, writers were still expected to be at the forefront of social change. From the writers’ perspective, however, there was much more space and opportunity within this framework to expand their modes of expression without coming directly into conflict with the authorities.

In the year in which the centenary of the PCB is commemorated, this article aims to analyze the performance of the Communist Party in the state of Amazonas in the period between 1944 and 1964 and, particularly, the performance of communists in union disputes and in the organization of the working class. Thus, we will briefly analyze the process of political reorganization of the PCB in Amazonas in the context of redemocratization and legality to, soon after, analyze the disputes that occurred in the union environment for the management positions of the main workers' associations, especially the Casa do Trabalhador do Amazonas (CTA).

This article points out the recognition, by the specialized bibliography, of the PCB as the majority representation of the working class electorate in its period of legality in the post-war period in the most industrialized regions of the country. It demonstrates how this condition was built in the practice of electoral campaigns, in the way of promoting the registration of new voters, of financing campaigns and in the launch of workers' and popular candidates. It argues that, due to this representation of the “demos”, the veto to the legal action of the PCB in 1947 and to its candidates by other parties in the following elections, constituted one of the central elements of the “internalization of the Cold War”, which restricted the democratic potential open from 1945 to 1947 to a liberal class order.

At the height of the Depression, more psychologists in the U.S. were awarded degrees than could find jobs. Master's level graduates were particularly affected, holding positions that were tenuous, and they rejected second-class membership offered by the American Psychological Association. In response to this employment crisis, two Columbia University MA graduates created The Psychological Exchange, a journal that offered graduates and established colleagues a forum for news, job ads, and for discussing the expansion of psychology to address problems of the Depression. This article describes the Exchange and its unique window into psychologists debating how to reshape their field. In 1934, it was used by young Marxists to launch The Psychologists' League, which agitated for colleagues who lost their jobs, tried to make research socially relevant, and connected with movements for the "social reconstruction" of society. It raised the consciousness of its members and sympathizers by linking to worldwide antifascist struggles while fighting antisemitism and nativism at home. While previous accounts make the League seem a spontaneous eruption, this article shows how members of the Communist Party created it, then controlled its agenda and activities. During the Stalin-Hitler pact they followed Stalin's anti-war ideology and the League became a shell organization. Its members, nonetheless, creatively mixed psychological concepts and political ideology, drawing in colleagues through discussion groups, demonstrations, and social events. Sources for this work include unpublished correspondence, a diary, and Federal Bureau of Investigation files that reveal more complex lives than previously portrayed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper looks at the persistence of egalitarian norms in post-Communist societies by focusing on the former members of the Communist parties in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) and Russia and their children. Using individual-level survey data, we distinguish between Russia and the CEE countries in this respect. While in the CEE there is some evidence that both former members of the Communist parties and their children have stronger preferences for redistribution than the rest of the population (the results for the children are more significant), in Russia, only children of Communists (but not Communists themselves) support redistribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By the mid-1930s, soccer had become one of the most popular sports in Argentina and in the world. Its influence as mass entertainment, but also as an amateur sport, had conquered proletarian homes. In view of this, the objective of this article is to analyze the way in which the Argentine Communist Party (PC) approached that phenomenon considering its change of political orientation towards the line of Popular Fronts, from 1935 to the origins of Peronism in 1946. If in the previous stage the PC had deployed a reactive discursiveness and practice to what it considered the "bourgeois sport"--opting to build its own clubes, leagues and football values-- from that period onwards we detect a transformation towards growing assimilation of professional football and a change of practice in the promotion of amateur soccer. Therefore, we attempt here to intertwine social and political history with the aim of addressing little explored dimensions in the study of the links between workers and the le? in the first half of the 20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thirty years after the collapse of the Soviet Union, some historical legacies of the communist system still influence individual political attitudes. This article explores how historical legacies influence individual political and geopolitical preferences in three Ukrainian cities. We focus on the effects of parental and individual CPSU membership over individual support for EU/NATO membership, on perceptions of the Soviet period for Ukraine, and on the perceived legitimacy of the 11 May 2014 "Donetsk People's Republic" independence referendum. Using survey data collected in Dnipro and Kharkiv in 2018, and in Mariupol in 2020, we show that (individual or parental) CPSU affiliation is positively correlated with pro-Western attitudes, indicating that many former members of the CPSU and their descendants have reoriented their geopolitical allegiances from East to West. Or, alternatively, that they are relatively politically adaptive and that their allegiance to communism wasn't fully solid in the first place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Algeria in 1963, a year after the disappearance of the chair of Berber in the wreck of the colonial university, there was a brief flourishing of student demands for the “development of the Kabyle language” and the “creation of an institute for the teaching of Berber”. Formulated by a commission of the Fifth Congress of the Union générale des étudiants musulmans algériens (UGEMA), these were immediately abandoned without ever being submitted to the plenary session. In reconstructing this obscure episode in the light of many sources, including the accounts of participants, this article explores the attitude of the student movement, in the immediate post-independence period (1962–1965), to the question of Berber languages, which were spoken by a fifth of the population but which at the time enjoyed no explicit juridical status. It looks more generally at the positions of this movement on the linguistic problem in Algeria in a context in which the promotion of the “national language”, Arabic, had to reckon with the first questioning of the Arabo-Islamic unanimity imposed by the need for unity against the French occupier.I suggest that the burial of these proposals in favour of Berber languages should be interpreted in the light of the cultural doctrine of the Algerian Communist Party (PCA), then dominant within the framework of the UGEMA, and its general attitude towards the “socialist” regime of Ahmed Ben Bella. While pleading in favour of the promotion/modernisation of Arabic, the PCA recommended the protection not only of French but also of Kabyle, regionalist threats having been removed with the coming of independence. Inherited from the era in which it considered Algeria as a great ethnocultural mosaic, the party’s benevolence towards mother tongues was, nevertheless, confronted by the necessities of its support for the regime, which suspected the demand for recognition of the Berber-speaking community to conceal a project of national division. The PCA’s support for Ben Bella, which went so far as the wish to dissolve into a single great revolutionary party, extended its link with the radical nationalists begun in the late 1940s, radicalised during the War of Liberation (1954–1962) and pursued after 1962. It manifested itself in different forms within the ranks of the UGEMA, which came under communist influence from early 1963. This organisation would adhere to the programme of the FLN, established in 1962 as a single party, and mobilised students in support of the initiatives of the government (joint worker-management control, nationalisation, etc.), notably through voluntary service campaigns. In return, its organic autonomy was generally tolerated by the FLN, and it received subsidies and logistical support.The burial of proposals in favour of Berber languages at the Fifth Congress of the UGEMA would also carry the mark of the alliance of the communists with Ahmed Ben Bella. The openness to multilingualism by the communist cadres of this organisation would have been contradicted by the PCA’s commitments to the regime. Occurring amid the split in the student movement over the pace and priorities of Arabisation, this evasion would have been made easier by another factor: in newly independent Algeria, the minority status of non-written languages was assumed as a matter of course, so much so that only a few intellectuals demanded their recognition. From this viewpoint, the scotching of these proposals before they reached the plenary of the Fifth Congress did not spoil a certain harmony between the communists and the regime over the linguistic problem. Centred on a promotion/modernisation of Arabic that did not sacrifice the French-speaking community, the positions of the PCA in this area corresponded to official language policy. This, in spite of Ahmed Ben Bella’s declarations of Arabist principles, would work objectively not towards the defrancisation of the state and society but rather towards its bilingualisation through a measured promotion of Arabic.By contextualising as fully as possible a little-recognised mini-episode from the Fifth Congress of the UGEMA – and by illuminating, through this episode, the positions of the organisation on the linguistic question – this article emphasises the importance of university cultural debates for a better understanding of both the history of the Algerian student movement and the Berber claim in Algeria.

Drawing together members of the American Communist Party and a variety of non‐Communist progressives in the common cause of racial equality, labor rights, and antifascism, the National Negro Congress represented a visible example of the Popular Front (1935/1936 – 39) in action. This article explores how a Popular Front alliance came into being by tracing the events of 1935 that led Communists to eschew their prior sectarianism and non‐Communists to recognize the value of collaboration with their now‐former rivals. It also contends that contrary to what some recent scholarship argues, from the outset the Communist influence on the NNC's formation and operation was considerable — even decisive — and that after the signing of the 1939 Hitler‐Stalin Pact, the party's new antiwar stance and its numerical dominance at the NNC's third conference in 1940 led to the collapse of the Popular Front alliance. Understanding the rise and fall of the NNC as a progressive coalition requires a critical evaluation of the role of the Communist Party in the NNC's accomplishments and failures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the overturning of the 'colour bar' in a Manchester pub in 1953. Led by Black boxer and Communist Len Johnson, the resistance and ultimate success in breaking the 'colour bar' tells much about Black agency, the relationship between anti-racism and the Communist Party, and the making and unmaking of race in modern Britain. The article outlines Johnson's life up until 1953 and the history of the 'colour bar' in Britain that shaped Johnson's career trajectory. In Britain, formal 'colour bars' existed, like that in boxing, but it was far more common for informal ones to operate that were only revealed through resistance to individual impositions. In the post-war years, Johnson spent much of his time challenging these unwritten 'colour bars' in Manchester as well as creating a new and explicitly anti-racist space, the 'New International Club'. Such actions were part of a vibrant and dynamic politics led by Black activists in 1940s and 1950s Manchester. This piece shows how Johnson's Communist Party membership was both central to Johnson's activism, which included hosting Paul Robeson in Manchester to the consternation of the Pan-Africanists, as well as how the Party itself held back on its commitment to fighting for racial equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Music draws influence from its surroundings and thus, with its political and social setting, becomes a part of the dynamic relationship. The aim of this article is to investigate and introduce this particular feature in the context of Chinese culture and explain, with the help of Zheng Qiufeng's song cycle "Four Seasons of Our Motherland", how politics play a part next to folk music elements, enchanting melodies, and patriotic lyrics. The song cycle in question was chosen as an example of how politics can be subtly included in the musical plot. It is one of the very few Chinese song cycles, the most well-known one, and made unique by the inclusion of minority characteristics from different Chinese regions together with its distinctive ideological mission. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After a brief interlude of legality ending in 1947, France and Italy faced violence fuelled by Communist organisations; the most important took place from the autumn of 1947 to the autumn of 1948 and greatly impressed governments and public opinion, sustaining fear of a Communist uprising. Facing this challenge to public order were resolute Ministers of the Interior Mario Scelba and Jules Moch. Their policy gained them the reputation of resolute anti-Communists going beyond the limits of democratic legality. This paper questions this simple picture. In fact, for centre-right and centre-left governments ruling these two countries, emergency powers were linked to the state of (civil) war and both ministries' policies relied mainly on the application of the existing penal code and the mobilisation of existing forces. Moves to strengthen repressive laws depended on a long and uncertain parliamentary process and, without wide political consensus and solid parliamentary majorities, they often proved to be too little or too late. Judiciary repression was sometimes inefficient, leaving the Ministries infuriated by impunity. With the fear of world war peaking in 1950, there were legal efforts to thwart possible Communist support for a Soviet invasion; but those did not appear any more fruitful than prior attempts, and faded when internal matters seemed more urgent than the declining "Red Threat" in the 1950s. This study also highlights the fact that the repression by the Italian state, relying on former Fascist laws and sometimes infringing on civil liberties, was more violent than in France. Casualties caused by law enforcement persisted even after the decrease of Communist activism, underlying the historically higher level of social and political confrontation in Italy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay radically re-conceptualises architecture as a psycho-social subject entwined with the psychology of its creators and inhabitants. Seeking to understand the psychology of architecture, it discusses innovative, transdisciplinary, practice-based methods derived from psycho-social studies, psychoanalysis, and conceptual art, to explore the consciousness and unconsciousness of buildings. It then tests those methods on a case-study example – Oscar Niemeyer's Communist Party headquarters in Paris – to speculate how psychological profiling may lead to a deeper understanding of the entangled human/non-human relations within a building, while also revealing potentials for therapeutic adaptation or reuse. The essay's principal contribution is the re-conceptualisation of architecture as having profound and active psychological dimensions – the awareness and management of which potentially impacts upon liveability and lifespan – aided by a set of methods with which to reveal those psychological dimensions. It thus expands the scope for processes of architectural practice and contributes to transdisciplinarity within conceptual art. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Church in the World / Crkva u Svijetu is the property of University of Split, Catholic Faculty of Theology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of History / Habaršy Tarihi Seriâsy is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyses electoral politics as a field of citizenship education in a post-fascist democracy. Considering the rivalry between Communists and Catholics in Cold War Italy, made famous by the novels of Don Camillo e Peppone, it asks how they competed for the education of voters by approaching them directly through the media and face-to-face communication. It thereby dissects the different notions of democracy that informed their practices, while simultaneously emphasizing the commonalities which emerged from mutual observation and communication between these two ostensibly isolated 'subcultures'. This look at pedagogical endeavours during election campaigns, which also targeted their own members, reveals how these two camps defined and spread the norms and values that shaped a vital civil society in post-fascist Italy. Driven by a shared sense of mission as moral agents of a new democratic order, Communists and Catholics through their competition established 'democratic' values and rules of conduct among their voters. The article also considers the difficulties that arose from this specific relationship between parties and voters as teachers and pupils of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do militants expelled from the Communist Party ever leave it behind? Jorge Semprún was a Communist resister captured and sent to Buchenwald, where he worked in the sui generis Communist organization there. He spent almost two decades in the party, half of those years organizing the Communist underground in Franco's Spain. Expelled in 1964, he became an anti-Communist who held on to what he valued as a Communist at Buchenwald and in the underground. In the decades after the fall of the Berlin Wall, Semprún came to see in what he had learned at Buchenwald a harbinger of the European project he was making his own. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the activities of the Catholic Church in the regions of Montenegro inhabited by the population of ethnic Albanians, from 1945 to 1955. In the preparation of the paper, we have predominantly used relevant historical sources stored in the State Archives of Montenegro and relevant literature, which give various information about the subject of the Catholic Church. The aim of this paper is to point out that in the first decade of socialist rule in Montenegro, the Catholic Church was active among the Albanian population, not allowing the Communist Party to question its prestige in the area, and achieve significant influence among Albanians of the Catholic faith. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the issues of reorganization of the party and Soviet apparatus of power and management in the BSSR on the basis of the production principle. It is noted that such a reorganization looks quite logical and is a continuation of previous managerial innovations – the creation of two relatively independent management structures of the most important spheres of economic activity - industry (Councils of National Economy) and agriculture (territorial production collective farm and state farm administrations). The separation of party and Soviet bodies according to the production principle completed the formation of a new managerial political and economic system. In this reorganization, one of the constitutive characteristics of the Soviet power and management model is clearly manifested – the fusion of the party and Soviet apparatuses, the orientation of the party organs to direct and concrete management of production. The short-term functioning of the new management system does not allow for a balanced assessment. The problems that arose during this short period are not seen as insurmountable – they could have been resolved within the framework of the existing planned centralized economy. In the BSSR (as in the RSFSR), they concerned primarily the service sector of the population and only slightly affected the management of industry and agriculture (in particular, the management of local industry by rural regional committees and regional executive committees). As solutions already in 1963 both purely organizational measures (changes in the structure of regional executive committees) and steps to expand the rights of local authorities and management (district and village Councils of Workers' Deputies) were proposed.

The article deals with the process of creating a new festive culture in Czechoslovakia after the communist coup d’état. The analysis of the topics presented on the pages of Rudé právo helps to show how Christmas celebrations, which had a long tradition in Czechoslovakia, began to be incorporated into a new framework of values, and also that New Year celebrations gradually acquired their own heroes, rules and norms. Attention is also paid to the selection of gifts and the festive meal preparations of the Czechs and Slovaks which were carried out in a difficult socio-economic situation in the country. Also analysed is the assistance — from the state, state-owned enterprises, public organisations and individual Czechoslovak citizens — to the most vulnerable segments of the population. The characteristics of the seasonal decorations of homes and city streets are examined. The place of Ded Moroz (Father Frost) in the festivities is determined. The article shows how new ideological attitudes and values, as well as the standard of living of the population are reflected in the Christmas and New Year celebrations.