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Literature from various academic disciplines indicates that in recent decades, community resilience (CR) has evolved significantly in conceptualization and operationalization. However, the relevance and empirical inclusion of CR in social and health sciences research remain sparse and fragmented. This scoping review, therefore, aimed to assess the conceptualization of CR in social and health sciences research; determine the availability of tools measuring this construct; and identify the psychometric properties of available instruments. Findings highlight how CR has shifted from a peripheral ecological concept to a central goal in the psychosociological discourse. Though several common core elements were identified in the included literature, results indicated little consensus regarding the conceptual or operational definitions of CR. Furthermore, there is minimal evidence on robust metrics that comprehensively measure CR as a complex psychosocial construct. Review results thus highlight the importance, and provide pragmatic implications, regarding the inclusion of core elements of CR in community-based strategies and development efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper highlights the relevance of Marxian class analysis to understand the changing nature of agrarian classes under capital‐intensive agriculture. It is a methodological exercise that builds on Patnaik's labour exploitation index (E‐criterion) in three major respects to construct a new index, namely, the Modified Labour Exploitation Index (MEI), to differentiate peasant classes. First and most important, it incorporates the role of mechanisation, which, so far, has been ignored in the methodological attempts to differentiate within the peasantry. Second, it underscores the importance of non‐agricultural (and non‐rural) bases of simple reproduction in the countryside by incorporating hired‐out labour by agricultural households to the non‐agricultural sector into the classification criteria. Finally, it makes surplus labour exploited through land leasing empirically testable by using Marx's differential and absolute rent to differentiate between subsistence and commercial leasing. The new index is then empirically tested using primary data collected from rural Haryana, India. The paper argues that MEI is an effective criterion for understanding changing class dynamics, the shifting modes of the livelihood of the poor peasantry and the largely hidden accumulation processes in agrarian societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introductory article to the volume Che Lives! provides a general primer to Che Guevara's thinking and practice in world politics. Situating Che's historical significance as a radical agent and thinker in the 1960s, it canvasses the various politicised readings of his legacy, suggesting focusing on shared textual evidence and widely agreed thematic areas can limit this problem for analysis. The article argues that, despite some apparent changes to world order, that Che's thought remains highly relevant because the so-called 'philosophy of plunder' still dictates much of the global economy and relations between states just as it did in Che's time. Focusing on Che's dialectical method that brings together class exploitation and the operations of neo-imperialism, the chapter shows how Che is of continued relevance for contemporary social movements fighting for a just world. The article concludes with a chapter summary of each contribution to the volume. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to class theory, social class boundaries are akin to social mobility patterns. This study explores these patterns by looking at co-occurring occupations among siblings. The author uses data from Norway's population-wide registers to analyze occupational co-occurrences among siblings across 98 occupations. The association is analyzed in relative terms: how often occupations are held by both siblings compared to what would be expected if there was no statistical association between siblings' occupations. The Mobility Network Clustering Algorithm (MONECA) identifies groups of occupations that are strongly connected. The analysis shows that siblings tend to have the same occupation. Furthermore, non-manual and manual occupations are identified as two separate groups of strongly connected occupations. The analysis also shows a more differentiated structure in occupations, with increased tendencies for siblings to be in more narrow subgroups of the occupational structure. In the non-manual group, occupations in management, finance, business, and sales form a separate cluster from administrative workers, the professions, and cultural-artistic occupations. Beyond this, the occupational structure is differentiated into smaller subgroups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amid renewed debates and theorizing about informality and the role of informal workers in Africa and across the globe, there remains little in the way of class-based understandings of Africa's informal workers and of informal worker politics. Marxists, especially Analytical Marxists, have been slow to study and consider the role and potential role of informal workers in geopolitics and class struggle across the Global South, and Africa, in particular. Drawing on ethnographic field work and interviews conducted in Sierra Leone, and broader informal worker-led struggles and events across Africa and the Global South, this work argues for a renewed understanding of collective action and class formation among informal workers. JEL Classification: J0, J2, J6 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Enrollments in higher education have expanded greatly, but without elimination of all forms of inequality. Research in industrialized countries has shown that the path students follow in their transition from secondary school continues to be associated with their social class. This study provides quantitative evidence of that relationship in a non-industrial country like Chile. Multinomial logistic and linear regression of university admission data managed by the Department of Evaluation, Measurement and Registration describing 130,000 applicants for the years 2015 and 2017 were used to estimate the probability of a member of a particular social class choosing a given university and academic field of study. The results show differences regarding law programs and science, technology, engineering and mathematics programs. Class differences were particularly important in the choice of university. Working-class students were more likely to apply to public universities, avoiding elite and especially private institutions. The findings provide further support for Bourdieu's habitus explanation of class reproduction. They suggest more attention to the level of segregation in Chilean higher education and the factors that produce it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Using data from 31 OECD countries, this study analyzes labor and capital incomes in the international manufacturing and finance sectors during the years 1995 to 2019. The study examines three periods: the years between 1995 and 2007, before the global crisis; between 2008 and 2019, during and after the global crisis; and the 1995–2019 period overall. In addition, the variables were subjected to general trend analysis, to analysis of the relative change between the beginnings and ends of the various periods, and to analysis of the annual average percentage changes. The results show that in both the manufacturing and financial sectors, the incomes of capital increased more than those of labor. Comparing the two sectors, it can be stated that between 1995 and 2019 the degree of class inequality in favor of capital saw a greater increase in the sector of manufacturing industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the variety of agrarian classes of labour and the challenges they face in organizing and pursuing their interests. By taking the cotton sector in Burkina Faso as a case study, it analyses how various 'classes of labour' organize and mobilize for collective action to raise their claims: poor cotton farmers and workers in the cotton factories. Poor and middle farmers recently came to the fore when they boycotted cotton production in large numbers. The study focusses on the boycott campaign, and more broadly on class struggle and collective action by farmers and workers, on interclass alliances, and on capital's attempts to play the classes of labour against one another. The boycott campaign provides an outstanding case to analyse the interests of the various classes of labour and of opportunities for rural–urban mobilization and alliances across classes of labour. I argue that poor farmers and factory workers along the chain of cotton production can be considered as various classes of labour that are not necessarily antagonistic to one another but, first and foremost, to capital. In order to achieve radical transformation in the agrarian context, what is needed are networks and organizations to establish interclass solidarity and alliances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article builds on the contributions of anthropologists of Europe in discovering, tracing and explaining the neo‐nationalist ascendancy of the last 20 years. It picks up on earlier publications to make a succinct case for a decidedly anthropological class analysis of this worldwide and world‐shaking phenomenon, with a view mainly on Europe and the United States. It suggests the usefulness of a notion of 'double devaluation' in understanding and explaining recent rightward shifts in popular politics in the Global North, encompassing both rural and urban spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores recent water protests across northern Mexico which emanated from the Mexicali Valley in Baja California, Mexico. Beginning in 2015, communal farmers and industrial labourers, among other groups, aligned under the banner of Defense of Water to protest the construction of a United States-based beverage production facility. Through interviews, participant observation and archival research, we study this social movement through a class-based, historical lens to show how the meaning of water presupposes and represents a century of class politics that has allowed seemingly disparate groups to find meaning and build alliances within it. It is this history that has allowed protesters to achieve shared goals.

This paper examines how intra- and inter-class relations mold the development process. Based on ethnographic fieldwork in the bauxite-rich, plateau of Gumla district in Jharkhand, a state in the eastern part of India, this paper uses an historical approach to trace the evolution of the relationship between a mining company and the local adivasi (indigenous) communities over the last three decades. It portrays how development in this mining region is operationalized through the use of compensation. This makes financial resources available to landowners, and in turn provides private capital an access to natural resources. Compensation, thus, unifies the opposing interests of capital and labor in their strife to maximize their share in the wealth generated by bauxite mining. Against the associational power of labor, private capital forges multiple alliances with power elites including the state. These alliances coalesce multiple power structures into what we term the architecture of control (AOC). Three main functions of the AOC are identified: erosion of labor's collective bargaining power, suppression and delegitimization of anti-mining voices, and the replacement of primordial loyalties by the market rationality, which facilitate capital accumulation. This paper argues that the tension between capital accumulation and reproduction of household constantly reconfigures the development process which essentially increases dependency of the local population on the market. The paper warns that the benefit-sharing mechanism will justify and deepen the exploitation of labor in mining industries, unless the working class reinvents its politics to free development thinking from the concerns of capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the role of class analysis in envisioning a better world, in both the past and the present. It critically reflects on class research conducted in the second half of the 20th century in Yugoslavia, and contemporary class research from selected countries of former Yugoslavia, in order to explore the place that class analysis as systemic critique occupied and occupies in a socialist and capitalist context. This approach is informed by Wright's (2015) evaluation of different forms of class analysis through the game metaphor. According to Wright, whereas Marxist class analysis questions "what game to play," Weberian class analysis engages with "the rules of the game" and Durkheimian class analysis examines "moves in the game." Our historical case study of Yugoslav scholarship on class during state socialism illustrates that, despite its role in sanctifying the status quo, class analysis also drew on both Marxism and Weberian inspired life-chances research as tools for systemic critique. On the other hand, our review of post-Yugoslav class research suggests that, currently, class analysis as an instrument for the critique of capitalism is not prominent. Indeed, in contrast to the late Yugoslav period in which sociology engaged class analysis in order to question what game should be played, the post-socialist 1990s and 2000s brought a silencing of Marxist left critique, while sociologists transformed their research into what Wright (2015) would describe as struggles over the rule of the game: problematizing the variety of capitalism that emerged in post-socialism rather than capitalism itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores recent water protests across northern Mexico which emanated from the Mexicali Valley in Baja California, Mexico. Beginning in 2015, communal farmers and industrial labourers, among other groups, aligned under the banner of Defense of Water to protest the construction of a United States-based beverage production facility. Through interviews, participant observation and archival research, we study this social movement through a class-based, historical lens to show how the meaning of water presupposes and represents a century of class politics that has allowed seemingly disparate groups to find meaning and build alliances within it. It is this history that has allowed protesters to achieve shared goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The National Agricultural Census (NAC) held in Argentina in 2018 shows that the concentration and centralization of agrarian capital in this country's heartland of grain and oilseed production is an ongoing process. An extensive academic literature has attributed this trend to the dynamics of capitalist development in agriculture in general and to Argentina's political economy in particular. Tying into these discussions and based on a case study, this paper argues that an analysis of how the growth of large corporations works in and through class differentiation helps to further explain the dynamics of concentration and centralization. This includes (i) examining the strategies of big companies to diversify capital functions across various value chain links and (ii) elucidating how they have established particular relations to smaller capitals, intermediate classes, and workers, as well as the related patterns of exploitation and appropriation of surplus value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines conflicting conceptualizations of the human subject in political ecology and geography: Foucauldian views of "subject-making" and Gramscian views of "the person". While Foucauldian work holds that the more complete exertion of power, the more coherent subject-making, Gramscian historical–geographical perspectives counter that, the more complete exertion of power, the more in coherent persons and their class-based collectivities. Outlining incongruities between these approaches, I argue that the "dark side" of Gramscian political ecology—with its emphasis on incoherence and fracture–allows geographers new nuance in understanding the human subject, although not without challenges to the actual writing of such scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on a case study of algorithmically controlled manual labour in German manufacturing and delivery logistics, this article develops the concept of cybernetic proletarianization. It does so by joining an empirical analysis of labour processes with theoretical class analysis. Thus, it reconstructs Marx's understanding of technical proletarianization as a dialectic between expulsion and reintegration of living labour in production processes. In the cases researched here, a qualitative and quantitative expulsion of living labour could be observed in different forms: First, deskilled flexibilization via digital instructions on working steps; second, a cybernetic mode of work intensification that is based on a permanent digital evaluation of the labour process; third, data-based automation, which builds on the data collected from the labour processes. This expulsion is counterweighted by a process of reintegration of devaluated living labour due to new highly labour-intensive forms of production and distribution, which are enabled by algorithmic work control. However, these processes are highly conflictual, resulting in different 'technopolitics from below', in which workers influence or even disrupt the processes of cybernetic proletarianization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Der Beitrag beschäftigt sich aus einer klassenanalytischen Perspektive mit der arbeitsweltlichen Dynamik der Corona-Pandemie. Auf der Basis eines Mixed-Methods-Designs, eines thematisch breiten arbeitssoziologischen Zugangs und von zwei Erhebungswellen des Arbeitswelt-Monitors „Arbeiten in der Corona-Krise" werden die Pandemieeffekte im April/Mai 2020 und im April/ Mai 2021 miteinander verglichen. Quantitativ zeigt sich eine bemerkenswerte Kontinuität in der Risiko- und Lastenverteilung. Die beiden „harten Lockdowns" unterscheiden sich kaum in den absoluten Betroffenheiten mit subjektiven Infektionsrisiken, wirtschaftlichen Lasten und verschlechterten Arbeitsbedingungen sowie im Zugang zum mobilen Arbeiten – und damit auch nicht in den vertikalen und horizontalen Klassenungleichheiten, die sich aus dem Zusammenspiel der Einzeleffekte ergeben. Zugleich deuten die qualitativen Interviews darauf hin, dass sich im Pandemieverlauf die Wahrnehmung der gesellschaftlichen Risiko- und Lastenverteilung verschiebt. In den stark betroffenen unteren Klassen bildet sich nämlich ein Spannungsverhältnis zwischen dem Stolz auf die eigenen Beiträge zur Pandemiebewältigung und den verfestigten Klassenungleichheiten in den Arbeitsfolgen heraus. Letztere werden zunehmend als Missachtung der eigenen Leistungen und als Angriff auf die menschliche Würde erlebt. The paper addresses the work-life dynamics of the Corona pandemic from a class analytic perspective. Based on a mixed-methods design, a broad thematic approach and two survey waves of the Work-Life Monitor "Working in the Corona Crisis", the pandemic effects in April/May 2020 and April/May 2021 are compared. Quantitatively, there is remarkable continuity in the distribution of risks and burdens. The two "hard lockdowns" hardly differ in absolute levels of subjective infection risks, economic burdens, deteriorated working conditions, nor do they differ in access to mobile work – and thus they do not differ in the patterns of vertical and horizontal class inequalities resulting from the interplay of these effects. At the same time, the qualitative interviews suggest that perceptions of the social distribution of risks and burdens shift over the course of the pandemic. Particularly in the lower classes the entrenched inequalities in the pandemicʼs implications are increasingly experienced as a disregard for their own efforts from the early stages of the pandemic and as an attack on their dignity as human beings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Chinese cyberspace is vibrant with new expressions created and disseminated by Internet users. Generally light in tone, they have been viewed by numerous media scholars as constituting a playful and satirical form of speech which exemplifies "grassroots" netizens' carnivalesque resistance against the authoritarian party-state. Adopting a critical sociolinguistic perspective, the article focuses on the textual constructions of two online buzzwords diaosi and shamate to illustrate the ambivalent class orientation of Chinese Internet discourse. It argues that while the diaosi wordplay appears to signify an underprivileged or grassroots identity, its discursive construction is in effect characterized by an intermediate position which oscillates between identifying with the economically dominant and recognizing the truly subordinate social groups in contemporary China – such as rural migrant workers. The social stratification and hierarchy of Internet users, as well as the simultaneous cooption of digital culture by institutional forces must be taken into account so as to fully evaluate the political implications of playful online practices in China and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two years after Erik Olin Wright’s death, this article rereads one of his most famous works, Class Counts. This book, published in 1997, can be considered at the same time a contemporary classic of scientific Marxism and the manifest of neo-Marxist class analysis. The objectives of the article are manifold. Firstly, it contextualizes the author’s theoretical contribution in his biography, emphasizing his complicated relationship with sociology as a Marxist. Then, it focuses on the book’s specific contribution in terms of conceptual work, also looking at the theoretical implications of the empirical results. Finally, it reflects on the resilience of the heuristic capacity of Wright’s categories to understand social inequalities in contemporary society.

Copyright of Österreichische Zeitschrift für Soziologie is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article offers three interrelated critiques of Bourdieusian class analysis. First, Bourdieu replaces classes on paper with capitals on paper. He offers a false break from Marx in an effort to make capital more ‘relational’ via a theory of social space, but in doing so he neglects capital’s fundamental relation to labor. Second, Bourdieu offers a theory of domination without exploitation. Bourdieu’s classes live against one another, but it remains unclear how some classes might also live off of others. Third, and as a consequence of the first two missteps, he emphasizes position over production. Bourdieu typically sees ‘production’ as a form of ‘position-taking’ and as something best examined toward the top of social hierarchies. By largely ignoring labor and exploitation, he generates a theory of positions at the expense of a theory of production. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the increased attention paid to the separate effects of cumulative stress and protection on offending, the extent to which distinct clusters of risk and protective factors exist and have unique effects on justice-related outcomes is under-studied. The current study examines for unique clustering of Adverse Childhood Experiences (ACE) and Positive Childhood Experiences (PCE) and the extent to which they predict juvenile recidivism. The sample consists of a cohort of youth adjudicated delinquent in Florida who received a community-based sanction. The study first utilized latent-class analysis to identify distinct classes based upon the youths' ACE and PCE exposures. Next, two sets of regression models were estimated; the first investigated correlates of class membership and the second assessed whether class membership predicted recidivism. Seven distinct classes of ACE/PCE clusters were found, composing 9.9 % to 20.5 % of the sample each. Relative to the class with low ACE and low PCE, those with low ACEs and high PCE evidenced 27.5 % lower rearrest rates, as did the Moderate Risk/Moderate Protection group. Not only do distinct groupings of ACE and PCE exposures exist, but these groups have different likelihoods of future offending, where a youth's cumulative protection appears to be more important than their risk level. This has important policy implications as it offers further support for the use of strength-based treatment approaches. • This study identified unique groupings of cumulative risk and protective factors. • Group membership was predictive of likelihood of reoffending. • The groups' overall level of protection, but not risk, predicted reoffending. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]