Search

Search engines, such as Google or Yandex, shape social reality by informing their users about current and historical phenomena. However, there is little research on how search engines deal with contested memories, which are subjected to ontological conflicts known as memory wars. In this article, we investigate how search engines circulate information about memory wars related to the Holodomor, a mass famine caused by Soviet repressive politics in Ukraine in 1932–1933. For this aim, we conduct an agent-based audit of four search engines—Bing, DuckDuckGo, Google, and Yandex—and examine how their top search results represent the Holodomor and related memory wars. Our findings demonstrate that search engines prioritize interpretations of the Holodomor aligning with specific sides in the memory wars, thus becoming memory warriors themselves.

Search engines play a gatekeeper role in current high-choice information environments. Considered a form of new media, users are still more likely to find and trust news found through search than social media sites. Indeed, search engines are one of the most utilised technologies to find political information, despite audits uncovering biases in their results, for example, towards national outlets over local ones. It is therefore important to keep in mind the potential of search results to affect public opinion. With this study, we investigate how Google search news headlines and snippets differ when varying migrant search terms (e.g., immigrant, refugee, expat). We employ computational text analysis methods as well as qualitative content analysis. Specifically, we employ an automated framework for detecting media frames, originally trained on Twitter data, and attempt to transfer it to news data; this framework allows for a categorization of data to frames of a generic-issue (economy, safety, health) and specific (hero:diversity, threat:jobs) nature. We evaluate its applicability for this novel data source and find that it performs well for frames related economy and security. Our next steps include analysing the results of other computational measures, namely, sentiment, agency and political outlet of the news item. We expect that sentiment and agency will complement the initial results we see based on media frames.

Search engines serve as information gatekeepers on a multitude of topics dealing with different aspects of society. However, the ways search engines filter and rank information are prone to biases related to gender, ethnicity, and race. In this paper, we conduct a systematic algorithm audit to examine how one specific form of misrepresentation bias, namely, sexualization, is manifested in Google's text search results about different national and gender groups. We find evidence of sexualization of women, particularly those from the Global South and East in search outputs. This is amplified by contextual advertisements pushed by Google in response to different search queries.

On 24 February 2022, Russia launched a large-scale invasion of Ukraine which since then has been consistently referred to by the Russian authorities as a special operation and not war. The purpose of this specific framing of the Russian aggression can be attributed to multiple reasons, but among the main advantages it provides to the Kremlin is the emphasis of power inequality between Russia and Ukraine as well as minimizing the concerns of the Russian population about the impact of the war on their lives. However, despite all the Kremlin’s propaganda and censorship efforts, it is still unclear what the dominant framing of the war is among regular Russian internet users and how they engage with different frames used in relation to it. To address this gap, we conducted an automated analysis of over 6 million public posts from VK, the biggest Russian social media platform, published between 14 February 2022 and 24 June 2022 and related to different ways of framing the war as well as the ways users engage with these frames. Our analysis reveals that the invasion was predominantly discussed in connection with the losses in the Russian army, and allusions to WW2 were also common. The users who posted about the war were older than average VK users and tuned in to pro-regime and pro-war content more frequently.

This study explores shifts in political trust during the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic in Switzerland, examining the role that media consumption and threat perceptions played in individuals’ trust in politics. We combine panel surveys taken before and during the first nation-wide lockdown with webtracking data of participants' online behaviour to paint a nuanced picture of media effects during the crisis. Our work has several findings. First, political trust, an attitude known for its stability, increased following lockdown. Second, consumption of mainstream news on COVID-19 directly hindered this increase, with those reading more news having lower over-time trust, while the relatively minor alternative news consumption had no direct effect on political trust. Third, threat perceptions a) to health and b) from the policy response to the pandemic, have strong and opposite effects on political trust, with threats to health increasing trust, and threats from the government policy response decreasing it. Lastly, these threat perceptions condition the effect of COVID-19 news consumption on political trust: perceptions of threat had the power to both exacerbate and mute the effect of media consumption on government trust during the pandemic. Notably, we show that the expected negative effect of alternative news on political trust only exists for those who did not think COVID-19 posed a threat to their health, while public service news consumption reduced the negative effect produced by government threat perceptions. The paper therefore advances our understanding of the nuanced nature of media effects, particularly as relates to alternative media, especially during moments of crisis.

With the increasing importance of online information environments, researchers have started investigating direct measures of online media use, such as online tracking. Most existing studies using tracking data have so far relied on commercial solutions, but these have limitations in terms of their costliness, replicability, and applicability to certain research questions. Hence, different research groups are developing their own tracking solutions for academic purposes. In this paper, we provide a critical review and classification of the existing approaches, apt to guide research decisions on the appropriate tracking approach and tool. First, we develop criteria to distinguish different user-centric desktop and mobile tracking approaches and tools (types of information, technical complexity, privacy implementation, user experience, and availability). Second, we describe different tools and approaches – separately for desktop and mobile tracking – with concrete examples and evaluate them using the aforementioned criteria. Finally, we discuss how different mobile and desktop tracking solutions can complement each other and provide recommendations for future research.

We examine the patterns of medical preprint sharing on Twitter during the early stages of the COVID-19 pandemic. Our analysis demonstrates a stark increase in attention to medical preprints among the general public since the beginning of the pandemic. We also observe a political divide in medical preprint sharing patterns - a finding in line with previous observations regarding the politicisation of COVID-19-related discussions. In addition, we find that the increase in attention to preprints from the members of the general public coincided with the change in the social media-based discourse around preprints.