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Recent calls for the decolonization of the academy demand recognition for diverse canons of knowledge. Asia's economic ascent also imparts rising confidence among Asian scholars and institutions to promote indigenous knowledge. While these global calls for emancipation are invigorating, decolonial scholarship is prone to sterile theorization, historical fixity, and an overt romanticization of the Global South. Drawing on my lived experiences as an Asian academic, I reflect on decolonization and Asian epistemology from five different spaces in my life: (1) Northern Europe, (2) Toronto, (3) Southeast Asia, (4) Kazakhstan and (5) the United Kingdom. I analyze these spaces by using the concepts of intellectual captivity and decolonization from Syed Hussein Alatas and Kuan-Hsing Chen. Specifically, the tendency for decolonization movements to descend into nationalism, nativism, and civilizationalism provides provocative insights on epistemic justice (Chen, 2010). I demonstrate how epistemology as practice can reveal a colonial mindset even among academics who engage in social justice discourse and international work. I also highlight examples of indigenous knowledge that reinforce inequality based on race, gender, sexual orientation and religion. As more individuals with hybrid identities (race, culture, and nationality) enter academe and pursue careers that require international mobility, it is imperative that decolonization moves beyond reductive categories of identity that reproduce stereotypes. I conclude with reflections on the role of comparative and international education research in decolonization movements.

This paper looks at the evolution of the girl's school story in "The British Girl's Annual" during the interwar period. The school story played a crucial role instructing young female readers about their gendered role within the school as a kind of microcosm for nation/empire. Most of these lessons focus on loyalty and leadership, topics especially important during a period when British global leadership is in flux. For during this interwar period, many of the dominion--especially Canada--began to push back against the strictures of colonialism and demand political and economic autonomy, demands which eventually culminated in the 1931 Statute of Westminster. Distributed throughout the commonwealth, "The British Girl's Annual" (renamed "The Canadian Girl's Annual" or "The Australasian Girl's Annual" in its respective countries) tracks this shifting political climate in its representation of female leadership and defense of nation in the girl's school story. In particular, the annual's turn to the Guide story (as a subset of the school story), focusing on themes such as robbery and the defense of school-as-nation, charts a sociopolitical turn inward and the eventual collapse of both global empire and "The British Girl's Annual" itself during the final years of this interwar period.

We function in an increasingly politicized environment, hostile to Socratic discourse and the pedagogies of education abroad. The classroom has become a battleground in which ideologies of right and left collide, making debate and dissent problematic. These pressures have distorted the ways in which we talk about our endeavors. We believe that international education is a social good with benefits that transcend individual interest and those of any single country. Yet, if we scratch beneath the surface of the rhetoric of education abroad, we unearth ideas that, inadvertently and unconsciously, mimic neo-conservative elitism and ultra-nationalism. The intent of this essay is to deconstruct those notions and to suggest that an urgent imperative is to revise our agenda, to use language that better reflects the principles that have motivated us to commit to education abroad. The issues analyzed here suggest that, in short, we do not believe what we say, nor do we say what we believe.

A major development in recent years concerning the growth of 'private English-speaking international schooling' has been the transition from a 'traditional' mode of activity towards a 'non-traditional' context. This is especially the case in Asia, where the majority of international schools now reside. Moreover, we find that in Mainland China two-thirds of the (approximately) 900 schools that might be thought of as international schools are now perhaps better classified as 'internationalised schools', catering largely for Chinese nationals and being taught by a largely local teaching force whilst delivering a fusion of international and national curricula in a profit-driven paradigm. A major challenge is to picture and theorise this changing, and increasingly very different, landscape. This paper offers a new imagery for discussion by using metaphor. Building upon the conflicting 'diluting' and 'decoupling' metaphors that have been recently introduced in the international schooling literature, we present here a conciliatory new imagery: that of 'dovetailing'. This alternative, third metaphor suggests that the changing landscape of international schooling in places including mainland China involves models of private bilingual international schooling that are pragmatically 'dovetailed' with national forms of schooling, fusing cosmopolitan sensitivities with the nationalist needs of the state. This metaphor is now ready to be developed and adapted in China and beyond.

The use of history textbooks in order to instill particular images of the nation and national identity has been widely recognized, with a proliferation of studies focused on the problematic content in textbooks. Yet, history textbooks rely on a range of other media like maps, graphs, illustrated timelines, and photographs, which also play an important role in visually signposting the nation. While some of these images serve primarily as a form of representation aligned with the text itself, other aspects of visual content distinctly and autonomously construct national identity. In this piece, relying on qualitative visual analysis, we point to the function played by images in symbolically constructing the nation in contemporary primary school textbooks in five post-Yugoslav republics, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Montenegro, Serbia, and Slovenia.

Pakistan, one of the eight countries comprising South Asia, has more than 212.2 million people, making it the world's fifth most populous country after China, India, USA, and Indonesia. It has also the world's second-largest Muslim population. Eberhard et al. (Ethnologue: languages of the world, SIL International, 2020) report 77 languages used by people in Pakistan, although the only two official languages are Urdu and English. After its Independence from the British colonial rule in 1947, it took much deliberation for the country to make a shift from its monolingual Urdu orientation to a multilingual language policy in education in 2009. This entailed a shift from the dominant Urdu language policy for the masses (and English exclusively reserved for elite institutions), to a gradual and promising change that responded to the increasing social demand for English and for including regional languages in the curriculum. Yet English and Urdu dominate the present policy and exclude regional non-dominant languages in education that themselves are dynamic and unstable, and restructured continually due to the de facto multilingual and plurilingual repertoire of the country. Using Bourdieu's (Outline of a theory of practice Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1977a, The economics of linguistic exchanges. Soc Sci Inform 16:645-668, 1977b, The genesis of the concepts of habitus and field. Sociocriticism 2:11-24 1985, Language and symbolic power Polity Press, Cambridge, 1991) conceptualization of habitus, this study analyzes letters to the editor published between 2002-2009 and 2018-2020 in a leading English daily of Pakistan. The analysis unveils the linguistic dispositions that are discussed in the letters and their restructuring through market forces, demonstrating a continuity between the language policy discourse and public aspirations. The findings also indicate the ambivalences towards Urdu and English in relation to nationalistic ideologies, modernity and identity.

Across continental Europe, educational research samples are often divided by 'migrant background', a binary variable criticized for masking participant heterogeneity and reinforcing exclusionary norms of belonging. This study endorses more meaningful, representative, and precise research by offering four guiding questions for selecting relevant, social justice oriented, and feasible social categories for collecting and analysing data in psychological and educational research. Using a preregistered empirical example, we first compare selected social categories ('migrant background', family heritage, religion, citizenship, cultural identification, and generation status) in their potential to reveal participant heterogeneity. Second, we investigate differences in means and relations between variables (discrimination experiences, perceived societal Islamophobia, and national identity) and academic motivation among 1335 adolescents in Germany (48% female, M[subscript age] = 14.69). Regression analyses and multigroup SEM revealed differential experiences with and implications of discrimination for academic motivation. Results highlight the need for a deliberate, transparent use of social categories to make discrimination visible and centre participants' subjective experiences.

The Japanese occupation of Malaysia during the Second World War has occupied a significant space in national history textbooks in Malaysia. The period has been associated with nationalist movements and independence from colonial rule. However, narratives of the Japanese occupation in school history textbooks have changed in terms of the importance given to the experiences of the three major ethnic groups in Malaysia (the Malay, Chinese, and Indian ethnic groups). This article presents an analysis of the Japanese occupation as portrayed in Malaysian national history textbooks from 1978 to 2020. It demonstrates a link between ideology and the state curriculum in Malaysia, which shows how cultural and ideological factors (namely, the political ideology of Malay dominance, or ketuanan Melayu) explain the changes made to the narratives in history textbooks.

One of the products of globalization in sociolinguistics is the emergence of transnational regimes in language policy, in which power is exercised across boundaries of traditional nation states. This paper engages with audit culture, a transnational policy mechanism which involves the continuous evaluation of nation states' performance through the use of purportedly neutral, typically quantitative instruments. As achieving broader visibility in public discourse is a key part of how such evaluations enforce language policy regimes, the paper presents an analysis of how an audit instrument, the Education First English Proficiency Index, was recontextualized in media discourse in Thailand over a 6-year period. The findings highlight an apparent discontinuity, as much of the neoliberal rhetoric in the audit instrument was not taken up in Thai media. Rather, the recontextualization was selective, with elements of the audit texts being integrated into an already established language policy regime in Thailand, built on nationalism and developmentalism. These findings point to the need to consider how language policy mechanisms like audit culture can facilitate synergies between hegemonic ideologies, particularly when they are recontextualized across different scales.

This study analyses discourses of Pakistan's national curriculum textbooks for grades 9-12 in the context of developing students' national belonging vis-à-vis inclusive education and global interdependence. Drawing on teachers' interviews and students' focus groups and participatory tools, it also problematises teachers' classroom practices and resulting students' responses in this backdrop. Theorising national belonging as a discursive social practice, the study benefits from Foucault's approach to discourse analysis. The findings highlight a complex interplay of several education system actors for constructing students' national belonging, emphasising an essential relationship between Pakistan and a particular version of Islam. Discursively positioned, the students perceive the world as Muslim versus Non-Muslim and display self-righteousness, evincing strong ethnocentricity towards fellow non-Muslims. The study underlines the implications for not employing education for fostering inclusivity and international collaboration and its consequences for long-term global sustainable development goals (SDGs), 2030.

This paper presents data from a qualitative research project with university students in China regarding how they interpreted and represented the government's newly stated direction into a "New Era". It also investigates how different forms of media, as well as ideological and political curricula and activities, informed student participants' unsystematical and sentimental national imaginaries. This research employs qualitative coding methods and textual analysis to interpret the meanings of 73 students' interview transcripts. The findings reveal that most participants in the study did not take up the governmental voice, but used their own imaginaries in reworking the meaning of related policies. Their national imaginaries had plural and inconsistent value orientations, articulating a fervent nationalist aspiration with the apathy of socio-political issues and an uncritical admiration of the west. University students' imaginaries were less informed by ideological and political education, but more by images offered and circulated via popular and social media. Adopting a critical stance, the research views popular and social media as largely shaped by commercial logic. These forms of media provide barren soil for critical reflections upon individuals' relations to the nation.

Nation-building in modern China at the beginning of the twentieth century had to manage the strain between ethnic nationalism and the claim of a multi-ethnic national identity. This study focuses on how history textbooks defined China and addressed this paradox. Based on the qualitative content analysis of eight popular middle school history textbooks about imperial China, this paper demonstrates how Han nationalism and the multi-ethnic nationality of China evolved in the textbooks. While these two features of national concept contradict each other, the thesis of Hanhua may serve as a bridge between them within the symbolic framework of Chinese nationalism.

The educational system in nineteenth-century Sweden was, as in many other industrialising states, segregated by social class. Children of the economically and politically marginalised classes were educated in basic primary subjects in the nationwide "Folkskola" (primary schools). From 1868 to the early 1940s, the government issued, subsidised, and distributed the "Läsebok för folkskolan" (Reader for Primary School; "the Reader"). Besides poems and songs, the Reader contained religious, fictitious, moral, and historical texts -- all wrapped in an explicit nationalist discourse. However, it also contained images and ideologies about social class which have remained unexplored. The representations and social vernaculars in the Reader about how children of the working poor should identify and conduct themselves in order to grow up as functional members of a bourgeois society have been more or less overlooked. This paper deals with the images of the poor and marginalised in the Reader. We suggest not only that the Swedish state reproduced a class-based society through a segmented school system, but that the social descriptions in the book were aimed to produce diligent and docile workers to serve the political and economic interests of the dominant classes.

When Israel, Jewish identity and education are each in a state of profound flux, Israel education for Jews will necessarily be dynamic. In response, an orienting prism is proposed which seeks that Jews inquire appreciatively into Israel with diverse Israelis, whilst using historical thinking. The aim is that there emerge numerous ethical paths to realize patriotic dreams to participate actively in the cosmopolitan world, thus enabling Jewish flourishing.

Following the lead of Israel Education: A Philosophical Analysis, Gringras first explores the idea of complexity in Israel Education, suggesting that inconsistencies are due more to emotional complexity than to the intellectual complexity of the subject matter. Due to these ideological and emotional complexities, Israel has become a wedge issue in the Jewish community abroad. Different perspectives, and different attitudes muddy the waters where disagreement undermines a "sacred" approach. Instead Israel educators should no longer aim to "transmit a broad … commitment" to anything but to the argument itself. The paper goes on to explicate how a pedagogy of argument might benefit Israel education. By centering the disagreement rather than the consensus, we invite the learner into an active involvement in their identity development that includes a dynamic engagement with Zionism's questions and Israel's answers. This approach does not suggest one stops teaching information about Zionism and Israel; it recommends altering its purpose. The educator would look to teach as much information the students might need in order to engage in a healthy argument about the topic. An ongoing commitment to holding a growth mindset, to learning multiple contrasting viewpoints, and to having the confidence and enthusiasm to argue for their perception of the collective good might describe the behavior of the ideal graduate: someone who enjoys a good argument about Israel.

This paper offers a philosophical analysis of Israel education as reflected in the Jewish education research literature. Six distinct conceptions are identified that all share an educational objective to engender personal and collective Jewish commitment with Israel as an integral value. This conceptual mapping revealed the need for writers on Israel education to clarify what they mean by the idea of Israel's "complexity" and to address the philosophical difficulty with the reliance of much Jewish religious identity outside of Israel on comprehensive liberalism. This paper addresses this philosophical challenge by outlining an alternative paradigm of Israel education called mature Zionism.

Identity Zionism as a Mature Zionist Approach to Israel Education Israel Education should be layered, accurate, factual, historical, and able to withstand the most exacting, objective scrutiny. But Israel Education, like all forms of Jewish education, should also instill pride, foster a sense of belonging, and inspire. ,Israel Education should cultivate a sense of Jewish citizenship, urging students, in Israel and throughout the Jewish world to take responsibility for themselves and their people. To achieve that, this article advances a vision of "Identity Zionism," emphasizing that Zionism is not just a political stance or a movement, but a journey of the Jewish soul from deep from within the Jewish soul -- and tradition. This approach is historically valid -- just as Theodor Herzl's Political Zionism addressed the Jewish Problems of the 1890s -- anti-Semitism and assimilation -- Identity Zionism addresses the most pressing Jewish problem -- and Western problem of today -- what the sociologist Emil Durkheim called "anomie." Going far beyond Israel advocacy, Identity Zionism offers Jews a sense of community and a sense of purpose, while also respecting them as individuals. In so doing, Identity Zionism resonates with some of the latest analyses of what young modern Westerners are seeking, be they Jewish or non-Jewish.

Everyone seems to agree that Israel education is complex. But all too often, the concept of "complexity" becomes a euphemism for the existence of unpleasant truths about Israel that challenge students' preconceived notions. I propose that instead of focusing on cultivating attachment to Israel, Israel educators should offer students an account of Israeli history grounded in careful historical research while preserving a vision of the Jewish future that remains compatible with national pride. Drawing on the work of Richard Rorty, Maxime Rondinson and James Baldwin, I suggest a new perspective on some of the tensions in israel education. National pride can be maintained by presenting a narrative that honestly acknowledges a nation's past, but inspires students to strive for a better future.

The ascendance of White Christian nationalism has profound implications for democracy and public institutions in the United States, including public education. This article explains the core beliefs and features of White Christian nationalism as a contemporary religiopolitical movement that seeks to fuse Christianity with civic life; delineates how and why it matters for educational research; and identifies how education scholars might begin to address White Christian nationalism, particularly by investigating how it can be unlearned. We argue that learning about White Christian nationalism can help educational stakeholders better understand current educational battles, such as banning books and discussion of critical race theory, and contextualize a wide range of pressing problems facing US education, especially problems involving educational justice and equity.

The rise in support for Scottish independence between the 1970s and the 2010s has shaped Scottish politics and policy profoundly. The rise provokes a paradox: in this same period, the average educational level of people living in Scotland has also risen strongly, and yet, at each particular moment in time, higher levels of education have been associated with lower levels of support for independence. Scotland is an interesting case of wider developments. Recent political science theories of national populism in many countries would also lead us to expect that a movement for national sovereignty would be based mainly on the support of people with minimal education. Why both independence support and educational levels have risen is investigated using a series of 20 surveys of the Scottish population from 1979 to 2016. Using a long-time series allows the effects of survey year and birth cohort to be disentangled, and to be interpreted in the light of educational expansion since the middle of the twentieth century and also the different periods of political socialisation of successive cohorts.

Cultivating "wenhua dacai" (great cultural talent) is a central goal of the ongoing "dujing" (classics reading) education movement, which is an integral part of the broad Confucian revival in contemporary China. Focusing on the concept of "wenhua dacai," this article explores three interrelated issues. First, as a term used in the context of "dujing" education, "wenhua dacai" refers to an idealized Confucian subject shaped by an interweaving of nationalism and cosmopolitanism. Moreover, it is expected not only to revive Confucian/Chinese culture but also to contribute to human cultural exchange. Second, the tendency of students to embrace individualistic virtues in their experience of classics reading poses a challenge to the lofty and sacred ideal of "wenhua dacai," which reinforces the need for rigid discipline in learners. Finally, contextualizing the idea of "wenhua dacai" into the general transformation of education in China can contribute to a more thorough understanding of it. This article concludes that the cultivation of "wenhua dacai" dreamed of by Confucian "dujing" education activists is constituted by paradoxical discourses and practices embedded in the ideological complexities of Chinese education.

This article explores how the idea of teachers as agents of change is historically constructed through the institutionalisation, secularisation, and normalisation process of professional teacher knowledges. Authors comparatively examine eighteenth-century Habsburg Monarchy literary sources and nineteenth-century US documents on the formation and expansion of public elementary teacher education institutions. The analysis highlights two points. First, the focus of teacher training was changed from the religious tradition to secularised practices by adopting modern science in teacher education; second, the construction of professional teacher knowledges in the form of "teaching methods" made it possible for the teacher to be a social agent. Despite the differences in time and place, teacher education institutions during the nation-building periods commonly adopted and used modern science for teacher training, emphasising sensory knowledge and empiricism as alternative means of professional development. Highlighting the training of teachers through modern science and methodical practices as a normalising process to make the "ideal(ised)" teacher, this study shows how teachers were constituted as a profession for the nation, whose salvific agential roles still remained in the scientific forms of teaching methods and secularised notions of teacher agency.

Characterized by specific and rigid boundaries of institutional practices and expectations in the academy, student writing is a synergistic literacy practice where students are required to construct generically diverse texts by yoking concepts with appropriate linguistic resources. This empirical study involving 196 first-year ESL students at a university in Sri Lanka explores why conceptual incongruities occur in argumentative essays constructed by them, and how they defend their arguments. We analyzed all their timed essays and noticed that 72 out of them contained conceptual incongruities. By "conceptual incongruities, we refer to instances where students" conceptualization process is not aligned or coherent with the essay topic. For our analysis of student texts, we have introduced two social cognitive perspectives: untutored competencies and tutored competencies. The former includes inherited, social, and ideological identities emerging from societal epistemologies whereas disciplinarity and interdisciplinarity constitute the latter. This empirical research demonstrates how students' conceptualization process is mediated by a labyrinthine repertoire of knowledge premised in students' untutored competencies and tutored competencies, signaling deviations from their essay topic.

Scout Rally at Birmingham and Imperial Scout Exhibition organised in July of 1913 by the Boy Scouts Association constituted educational propaganda of the British Empire. The term "imperial", which was used in the British press, reflects the ideological meaning of this outsized event which gathered scouts from the United Kingdom and its dominions, and much smaller groups of scouts from Europe, including quite numerous groups from Poland. In the eyes of Poles, British "imperialism" or "patriotism" confronted as an ideal compared to Russian and German rule, and their attitudes were enthusiastically Anglomaniacal. This is the psychological key to understand the attractiveness of performing on the British arena for the representation of the young generation of Poles who were invited. For Polish scouts, the Scout Rally in Birmingham was an opportunity to demonstrate not only their skills but also patriotism as a function of political presence. This is how the Polish press understood these things, and which after the British -- what needs to be emphasised -- paid the most attention to the events in Birmingham. The most important Polish dailies publishing in Cracow, Warsaw, Poznan, and Lvov (now Lviv) closely followed the course of the rally, which was given the rank of success by a two-sentence "depeche" from London and a lengthy letter published in the "Czas" daily paper. The object of interest for the author of the article is the book written by the founder of Polish scouting, Andrzej Malkowski, which constitutes a noteworthy record of observations made by him during the Scout Rally as well as those made by other organisers of the Polish delegation's trip and of letters from journalists who accompanied this delegation and sent their correspondence to the Polish press from Birmingham, London, and Paris. Only one journalist broke out from apologetic opinions about the excellent performance of Polish scouts, who noticed shortcomings in performance and wrote about them. The article introduces the content of these letters and interprets and compares them. The opinion about the triumphant rally in Birmingham rooted firmly in Polish public opinion, constituting an important element of the founding myth of Polish scouting, which in the history of this movement is worth noting.

Conviviality has travelled and been taken up in various national socio-political and historical narratives. We aim to add to this by examining conviviality in Finland where discourses of 'Nordic innocence' regarding colonial histories and racism has created an illusion of 'Nordic exceptionalism' regarding race and racism. Here we position media as a form of societal curriculum and a site of learning that reinforce innocence and exceptionalism. We build on their work by using comfort to attend to the affective underpinnings through which these national discourses are maintained. Finally, we use a media example to show how Finnish media use a comfortable conviviality to create and ideal of unthreatening difference.

Prior to the 1980s, Turkey experienced a period of vicious political polarisation and even violent conflicts. The 1980 coup administration strived to reach an agreement regarding nationalism, religion, and Kemalism. Following the military coup of 1980, the Social Studies course was abandoned in secondary schools in 1985 and the National History, National Geography, and Citizenship courses were reconstituted. Thus, the word national was placed in the front of the History and Geography courses for the first time in Turkey. The notion of National Geography in National Geography lessons mostly highlighted geographical areas settled by Turks. The overall course content was shaped by Kemalist ideology. This study therefore critically evaluates the National Geography lessons taught in secondary schools in the aftermath of the 1980 coup. Official documents from the period and textbooks are the primary resources for this research.

This paper explores the governmentality in Macao's higher education (HE) by exemplifying how neoliberalism and Chinese nationalism simultaneously inform the governmental rationalities and technologies in the city. Like many other systems, neoliberalism has substantially shaped Macao's HE. However, owing to post-colonial identity, Chinese nationalism has become a significant driving force in the development of Macao's HE after the handover. On the basis of governmentality and a qualitative single case approach, this paper demonstrates how the neoliberal logic and nationalist discourses frame the governmentality in post-colonial Macao's HE. The paper further argues that the recent development of the Guangdong-Hong Kong-Macao Greater Bay Area signifies an intensification of national integration that is deliberately associated with a wave of marketisation in HE. These developments represent the economic and political imperatives of Macao's HE policy and provide insights into Chineseness in HE within the contemporary political context.

This paper aims to explain the path of higher education development and governance in (post-colonial) Hong Kong in light of the concept of hybridity. The paper begins with a historical review, delineating the establishment of major universities in Hong Kong, thereby illustrating how hybridity informs the trajectory of higher education development in the city. Considering the tensions and conflicts that emerged during the post-colonial transition and underlining the influences of managerialism and political activism, the paper draws on data from interviews with university council members and student leaders to outline the issues on university governance in Hong Kong. This paper argues that the response of the Chinese central government to the social unrest in the city represents a re-Sinification process that redefines the idea of the university in postcolonial Hong Kong.

This paper explores how Australian literature mandated for study in the Victorian senior English curriculum creates opportunities for problematizing central myths about Australia. We engage with Homi Bhabha's notion of ambivalence to demonstrate how representations of colonization, rurality and migration reflect discursive formations of Australia. We consider how each discourse serves a pedagogic function, essentializing a set of myths about Australia: as having redeemed the violence done to Indigenous Australians in the colonial period, as embodying a white, rural masculine ideal, and as a welcoming nation open to migrants. Here, we show the points of orientation these texts provide, in their rearticulations of "the scraps … of daily life", and further consider how the texts can problematize nationalist narratives.

Purpose: The goal is to explore the role of international education in a developing country's nation building in a mostly indigenous process. Design/methodology/approach: This study reviews China's history of international education set in the larger context of different nation building tasks in the past two centuries. Findings: The unique case of China with dramatic ups and downs in national fortunes in the past two hundred years serves to show that an open attitude to and an active engagement in international education are contributing factors for national prosperity. The case of China also serves to show that a self-determined agenda is of paramount importance in international education as a tool for nation building. Originality/value: Few studies so far have paid attention to the specific relationship between the internationalization of higher education and nation building, so the topic of the paper is an important one and a necessary addition to the existing literature. What has been the role of international education in China's national transformation? What contributions has international education made to China's achievement of nation building goals at different stages of this transformation process? What implications can other developing nations draw from China's case with regard to the role of international education in nation building? These are the questions the researchers hope to answer in this study.

Following a period of close to a century when the Irish language was placed at the margins of the education system under British rule, there was a radical change in curriculum provision following political independence in Ireland in the 1920s. The importance of the Irish language in defining sovereignty, national identity, and nationhood in the Irish Free State was central to these curricular changes. Within months of the achievement of political independence, curriculum policy was revised to include provision for the teaching of the Irish language to all pupils in primary schools as well as the use of Irish as the medium of instruction in infant classes (the first two years of primary school). The education system became the linchpin in the political and cultural campaign to restore the Irish language as the vernacular. This paper critically examines how nationalist thinking in Ireland, which had its origins in nineteenth-century European discourses, impacted on curriculum decisions pertaining to the Irish language in the early 1900s. Focusing on the interrelationship between nationalism, language, and education, it traces the process and provisions of curriculum development in Ireland in the 1920s. Overall the paper argues that the influence of nationalism as understood in the wider European context of the time shifted emphasis in Ireland away from bilingualism (Irish and English languages) to the revival of the Irish language in the 1920s, primarily through the education system, to add political legitimacy to the new Irish Free State.

This article explores new nationalisms as part of the conflicting political interactions constituting the post-Cold war governance arrangements in higher education. Drawing on policy documents, archival sources and interviews and against the backdrop of a historical perspective on the university and the EU's role as an education actor, the article investigates the development from internationalisation to national protectionism in Danish higher education policy. The article suggests that current practices concerning the nation-state are reshaping international collaboration and that these new nationalisms are characterised by post-Cold War readjustments and displacements in the relation between the university, the nation-state and international alliances.

Methodological nationalism (MN) pervades higher education scholarship and practice, particularly in the arena of globalisation of higher education (HE) (Shahjahan and Kezar 2013). MN refers to the assumption that national boundaries define the natural category or unit of analysis for society. Drawing on affect theories, this conceptual article aims to problematise how the 'nation state' as a natural category (or container) pervades global HE practices and policies. Affect refers to emotions, responses, reactions and feelings that are relational and transpersonal, and an object's (e.g., nation-state) continuous emergence and unfolding in a world driven by intensities and feelings. Based on three real-life examples in/about South Asian HE, we demonstrate how the 'nation-state' category comes into being (and becomes 'sticky') through the experienced and imagined encounters among: (a) individuals, (b) national policy and (c) transnational actors. We show how, through imaginaries and practices, the 'global' manifested through using the 'nation-state', indicating a strong and evolving relationship between the two categories, informed by emotional and imaginative futures. We argue that an affect lens illuminates how MN is perpetuated as the nation-state becomes a naturalised container for (potential) encounters in the enactments of HE globalisation and moving beyond MN requires an ontological shift.

The centralized compilation and use of educational materials for the three subjects of language arts, ethics and the rule of law (ideology and politics), and history are important moves in the fundamental task of creating educational materials to build up the state's authority and instill virtue and nurturing the young. Here, centrally compiled educational materials for language arts have unique advantages with respect to strengthening education in the standard spoken and written Chinese language, enhancing the cohesion of the Chinese nation, and so on, and they play an irreplaceable role in forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation. Centered on the "Five Identifications," this study sets out from the three-dimensional perspective of cognitive factors, affective factors and behavioral factors, to build a framework for analysis of educational materials based on the connotations of the sense of community for the Chinese nation. The characteristics of the representation of the connotative factors of the sense of community for the Chinese nation in centrally compiled educational materials for language arts are: The educational materials comprehensively and emphatically embody the educational content of the "Five Identifications"; the educational content for the different types of identification comprehensively addresses educational objectives in the three areas of cognition, affection and behavior; and educational content on cultural identification is the most enriched. Among the inherent mechanisms for forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation through the centralized compilation of educational materials for language arts, the first is organically integrating the connotative factors of the sense of community for the Chinese nation on the basis of the patterns of the subject of language arts as well as curriculum standards; the second is to use cultural identification as a focal point in promoting education for the "Five Identifications," while highlighting the unique value of the subject of language arts; and the third is to comprehensively strengthen education for identification with the community of the Chinese nation centered on the text selection system, in combination with the design of form factors and educational activities. The main pathways for forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation through the centralized compilation of educational materials for language arts are: (1) Synchronously strengthening identification with the community of the Chinese nation in the process of improving students' language arts skills and accomplishments, based on the learning situation; (2) Creating three-dimensional educational objectives for education in the community of the Chinese nation on the basis of cognitive patterns, to build firm ideological foundations; (3) Applying diverse teaching methods and educational techniques to promote consolidation of the sense of community for the Chinese nation in language arts studies and in life. [Translation by Carissa Fletcher.]

The cause of ethnic unity progress is a foundational cause for forging a sense of community for the Chinese Nation, and progressive education for school ethnic unity is an important, integral part of the cause of ethnic unity progress. Progressive education curricula for school ethnic unity are school curricula explicitly stipulated by the state. It is an important, integral part of the system of school thought and politics curricula and a completely new curriculum form. Progressive education curricula for school ethnic unity plays a critical, important role in firmly establishing the correct view of the motherland, ethnicity, culture, and history for students of all ethnicities and is also a basic path and vehicle for building a common spiritual home for all ethnicities and firmly molding a consciousness of the community of the Chinese nation. There is a solid theoretical foundation, rich practical explorations, and real need for building progressive education curricula for school ethnic unity. Properly building a system of progressive education curricula for school ethnic unity with Chinese characteristics is an important responsibility for education workers in the new era. [Translation by Jeff Keller.]

Forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation is an important innovative thesis put forward by General Secretary Xi Jinping. It is a continuation, development, and innovation of Marxist ethnic theory with rich, deep content. Systematically looking at the key theories of General Secretary Xi Jinping's important accounts of forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation with regards to the background of the era, the significance of their status, the characteristics of their content, and their practical requirements and deeply studying and understanding their spiritual nature and practical requirements can promote the high-quality development of ethnic affairs work in the new era and unite the people of all ethnicities in commonly striving to realize the Chinese Dream of the great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation. [Translation by Jeff Keller.]

This article argues that it is important to understand militarism in schools as an affectively felt practice that reproduces particular feelings in youth and the society. The analysis draws on affect theory and especially feminist scholarly work that theorises "militarism as affect" to consider how militarism is affectively lived in schools. In particular, the article examines the ethical and political implications of affective militarism in schools and suggests an 'affective methodology' for exploring militarism's affective logics in schools. It is also suggested that resisting militarism in schools involves a serious ethico-political dilemma, namely, how to engage with the value of honouring fallen soldiers without inadvertently condoning the moral and political ideology of militarism. In seeking insights into the affective dimensions of militarism in schools, it is crucial to identify the complicated, productive "and" ambivalent intersections between militarism in schools and broader moral and political economies of military cultures.

Forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation is the main line of ethnic affairs in the new era, and also a hot topic of research in theories about the Chinese nation today. The scientific connotations of education about forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation includes three aspects: conceptual content, theoretical content, and practical content. The core of the conceptual content lies in forging the conscious sense of community for the Chinese nation, to internalize the concept of national unity. The theoretical content includes the theory of ethnic affairs with Chinese characteristics in the new era and the theory of modernization of national governance. This focuses on the "discursive consciousness" of forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation to give national unity a sound basis. The practical content of forging a sense of community for the Chinese nation includes using education about national unity, national unification, and national rejuvenation to forge a sense of a united community for the Chinese nation, to make the ideal of national unity apparent in action. Only with a comprehensive and in-depth understanding of the scientific content of education about the sense of community for the Chinese nation can we effectively implement the ideal of the community of the Chinese nation "that shares good or ill, that shares honour or disgrace, that shares life or death, and that shares a common destiny." [Translated by Desmond Cheung.]

Patriotism is controversial in moral education across contexts. In China, patriotism is highly politicised by the government and heavily promoted in education. In the last few decades, the moralisation of patriotism, which refers here to the framing of patriotism as a virtue, has become the focus of teaching patriotism in China. This paper demonstrates how patriotism is moralised and promoted in Chinese moral education textbooks. The paper begins by providing a theoretical introduction to patriotism in moral education and defending a rational approach to teaching patriotism given its controversial nature. Then it elaborates on the Chinese context of teaching patriotism and analyses patriotism as part of moral education in Chinese textbooks. Our findings indicate various ways in which patriotism is promoted in Chinese education as a non-controversial virtue and moral duty. Finally, the paper discusses the limitations of this way of teaching patriotism and argues for the adoption of the rational approach as an alternative.

International education is a popular educational strategy among middle-class and affluent families in China and is pursued at increasingly younger ages. Yet, we do not know the implications of this family strategy for the identities and worldviews of privileged Chinese youth and what this may mean for the future of the Chinese nation-state, given the important role of the middle and affluent classes in the trajectory of a nation. To investigate this question, the current study draws on data collected at two high schools that cater to socioeconomically advantaged Chinese families: an international school in Beijing and a standard curriculum school in neighboring Tianjin. Despite unusually high levels of international travel and contact with non-Chinese groups, students at the international school were markedly similar to their counterparts at the standard curriculum school in identities and worldviews. Overall, findings suggest that families that engage with international education for strategic purposes cultivate mundane and strategic forms of cosmopolitanism in their children, as opposed to moral-ideological cosmopolitanism or a sense of global citizenship. Consequently, this study raises issues with arguments that international education will result in more globally-oriented individuals, and with theories that pit the forces of globalization and cosmopolitanism against the nation-state.

By examining the widespread enthusiasm for education during the Japanese occupation of Korea (1910-1945), this article sets out to contribute to historiography on so-called 'education fever' (kyoyungyol), which so far has largely concentrated on researching the period after 1945. In the 1920s and 1930s the term was used to describe a multifaceted phenomenon that was driven by a striving for upward social mobility and the idea of national self-strengthening. Based on a wide range of sources including newspapers and journals, official documents as well as missionary reports, the article argues that 'education fever' was, on the one hand, closely linked to Korean nationalism, whose proponents made frequent recourse to the ubiquitous phenomenon in order to strengthen Korean political power through education. On the other hand, despite efforts to restrict school access, colonial authorities to a certain degree were forced to respond to these demands for education, highlighting Korean agency in the process.

The concept of national identity in the nation-state is influenced by ethno-cultural identity. However, the decline in understanding and awareness among the younger generation in Indonesia has led to a national identity crisis, especially in the border areas. This research becomes a pioneer study investigating the forms and teachers' involvement in strengthening students' national identities at the border areas. The ethnographic approach reveals the depth of teachers' involvement, including students and school communities on the Indonesia-Malaysia border. This study shows that teachers' involvement is mainly through cultural festival activities, in which ethno-cultural identities that contain knowledge of ethnic groups in Indonesia are introduced. The teacher's success brings psychological changes shown in students' awareness and behaviour. This study provides insights and solutions that can be used to reduce the impact of the crisis and reflect views related to national identity. As input, ethno-cultural identity is paramount to strengthen the concept of national identity in the nation-state, especially for the younger generation.

'Christian pyrexia' and 'education fever' have contributed greatly to the empowerment of women in Korea and helped with the transformation of Korean society more broadly. This article begins with an overview of the Confucian gender constructs and delimiting social expectations of women in the pre-modern period. It then focuses on the changing socio-political landscape in the late nineteenth century, which set the stage for the arrival of Protestant missionaries, who would transform the educational system. "Han'gul," the 'vulgar' script of women, was soon the evangelising tool of the Protestants who established various institutions to educate 'modern' Korean girls and women. This radically transformed their place in society, from passive bystanders in a history that had ignored them. The fever for Christianity, linked with education as a tool for equality amidst the burgeoning of nationalism, was palpable in schools set up in Korea as the dark period of Japanese rule drew near.

Linguistic plurality is a situation in which a speech community speaks more than one language. It is a complex sociolinguistic phenomenon that helps explain the complexity of human nature. Human beings cannot exist in isolation and are therefore inclined towards interaction and transaction. The need and desire to interact leads to language contact, where two or more languages co-exist and are constantly used by people who share definitive interests. Linguistic homogeneity is illusory, since there is hardly any linguistic community that is absolutely monolingual. Despite the complexity of linguistic diversity, the world has recorded tremendous developments in the arts, sciences, and technology. This highlights the strength that lies in diversity. The utilitarian nature of multilingualism can be explored for the growth and development of human society, as language is a key factor in development. Although multilingualism might pose a threat to nationalism, it is apparently the basis of nationhood in Nigeria, having existed even before colonization. The purpose of this paper is to explore the importance of linguistic plurality for sustainable development. This study uses a descriptive and qualitative methodology, heavily relying on the nativist theory and the framework of Role and Reference Grammar (RRG) as its major underpinnings. Drawing from these frameworks, the paper observes that language acquisition occurs naturally with the presence of the Language Acquisition Device (LAD), and consequently, languages are used to perform functional roles. The scope of this work is limited to multilingualism and sustainable development in Africa, with particular emphasis on Nigeria.

This paper looks at the role of English in Brunei and the sociocultural structure of Bahasa/language in Brunei Darussalam. The aim of this research is to critically analyse sociocultural theory from Vygotsky's "peak psychology" approach and understand depth-knowledge of sociocultural theory from other scholars' perspectives. The scholars' views on education, language and sociocultural importance-related topics have been analysed by Barry, Goode, Jones, Haji-Othman, Sharbawi and Gardiner. These scholars' ideas give a better understanding of the sociocultural importance of Bruneian's individual development. For this research, a qualitative method applies and collected data is critically analysed in detail. This research has the potential to discuss the link between language evolution and Bruneian sociocultural development. The "Citizenship Acts 1961" is relevant to discuss the theoretical concepts like, 'nationality' and 'ethnic identification' from the Bruneian context. To put it in a nutshell, the ratification of "Melayu Islam Beraja" or "Malay Islamic Monarchy" and the impact of linguistic diversity in Brunei consist of a Bruneian identity. In bilingual education policy, Bahasa Melayu and English have a major role in the child development. Although a balance of regional languages and English is essential to maintain the "Bruneian" identity. Brunei is a small country but it is diverse, multilingual and multicultural.

Citizenship education in Denmark is considered as having a long history, not least as an important part of the folk high school tradition. More recently, it has become an important ingredient in the process for immigrants to obtain Danish citizenship. The focus of this paper is to analyse how the above types of citizenship education build on a particular imagining of the nation by engaging with the tradition and content of citizenship education as linked with the folk high schools and the preparation for the citizenship test. This is analysed within a critical interculturalist perspective and with Denmark as case.

Intercultural communicative competence has been offered as an open-minded replacement for ego-centric biases stemming from dogmatic national prejudice and its associated self-aggrandisement. While being a commendable proposal, its implementation in foreign language education has not been a widespread success story. Recent attempts to theorise intercultural communicative competence seem to emphasise negotiability in communication at the expense of some persistent issues, such as (cultural/national) identity. This article examines the prospects of intercultural communication in Iranian language policy as a country with a history of troubled encounters with foreign powers, culminating in protectionist approaches to nationalism, identity and the treatment of Others.