Search

Copyright of Millennium (03058298) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Most nuclear dyads are characterized by some degree of nuclear and conventional asymmetry. This paper argues that these asymmetries create an environment in which deliberate nuclear first use (DNFU) can be rational. This possibility has been discarded in the formal literature on nuclear escalation because of the common reliance on the assumption of mutually assured destruction (MAD). This paper develops a formal model that traces how and under what circumstances two types of DNFU are rational. First, nuclear imbalances and advancements in counterforce technologies create a damage limitation incentive for a strong actor. Second, conventional asymmetry creates an incentive for the coercive use of nuclear weapons by the weaker player. Moreover, this paper illustrates that these asymmetric conditions are a relevant characteristic in important and very different nuclear dyads: DPRK–US, Pakistan–India, and Russia–US. Thus, the model demonstrates the potential core drivers of DNFU in today's nuclear landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: As Covid-19 became a pandemic, numerous people were forced to stay at home, leading to increased intimate partner violence (IPV) in many countries, particularly in developing and least-developed ones. This paper aims to highlight the IPV based on 15 different cases formed from the practical evidence of five developing countries. Design/methodology/approach: The authors interviewed 15 women from five countries who were the victims of IPV during the early periods of Covid-19 outbreak. Due to geographical remoteness, the authors conducted informal telephone interviews to collect the participants' personal experiences. The conversations were recorded with participants' permission; afterwards, the authors summarized participants' experiences into 15 different cases without revealing their original identities (instead, disguised names were used). Findings: It was revealed that the women were the primary victims of such violence, particularly from their intimate partners (husbands). In most cases, such IPV, as reported by the interviewees, originated or increased after the pandemic when they were forced to stay at home, losing their partners' jobs or income sources. Originality/value: The authors summarized the causes of IPV and put forward a few action recommendations based on the interviewees' practical experience and existing literature. This paper will open a new window for research investigations on IPV during emergencies such as Covid-19 outbreak. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to analyse critically media headlines of leading Indian e-papers during the crisis of Pulwama phase igniting from 14th of February to 31st of March 2019. The study has included five newspapers from India. The research has examined role of concordance of lexicon and collocations for angling news headlines. The research design is qualitative in approach. For the analysis of news headlines Fairclough's 3-D model (1992) is employed to expose ideological representation through semantic devices (concordance and collocations). Theoretical framework includes selected features of Paul Chilton's Model of Deictic Space Theory (2004) like, Proximization, and Wieczorek's (2013) Clusivity to analyse the text. The results give deeper understanding of indian journalistic discourse that shows Concordance of use of words like terrorist/s, attack, JeM, dangerous and phrases like punishing Pakistan, threats of surgical strike, reflects the trend to be so grave and lethal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In May 1998, the two most important South Asian states overtly conducted their nuclear tests and thus marked the beginning of an era of nuclearisation in the sub-continent. This overt nuclearisation within the region led to a sense of optimism among scholars and policymakers which almost completely ruled out the possibility of an all-out war between India and Pakistan. However, exactly after a year the Kargil War erupts between India and Pakistan- a war that was fought between two 'nuclear power states' and since then has completely changed the equation and definition of 'warfare' between the two most important and strategically volatile states of South Asia. The year 2023 marks the 24th anniversary of the Kargil War, and the present paper makes an attempt to apprise the lesson that both India and Pakistan have learnt in the post Kargil War era, with specific reference to the techniques and modus operandi of warfare. Questioning the very definition of 'war' as developed during the Cold War era, this paper will try to look into pertinent issues how warfare between India and Pakistan has undergone a qualitative change in the post-nuclearisation phase. A closer scrutiny of the nature of war that took place in Kargil points to the fact that there exists a space below the nuclear threshold of both India and Pakistan that can be exploited for conducting a 'Limited War'- a theoretical prism that refutes the claim made by nuclear pessimists that any war between new nuclear nations will escalate to a nuclear level. Using qualitative methodology as its framework, based on the secondary literature and insights of interviews of policy analyst and experts the paper wishes to contribute a new debate within the discourse of India-Pakistan Relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In South Asia, India-Pakistan nuclear equation faces an intricate stability/instability paradox under the shadow of pervasive non-state actors. These actors are exploited by the bellicose nuclear rivals and used as proxies to bleed each other. The terrorist incidents may lead to a crisis that could escalate to the nuclear level. The ambitious belligerents—India and Pakistan—are embroiled in a vicious nuclear and conventional arms race. In conjunction, both lack any effective conflict resolution mechanism. Though, past strategic crises were managed beneath the panic of nuclear escalation and intervention by the international community. What if such a crisis develops again if a spectacular terrorist attack occurs, especially in mainland India. Indian decision-makers could castigate Pakistan by contemplating so-called surgical strikes under the impression that Pakistan has launched terrorists against India. This research paper critically analyzes how non-state actors and their use in sub-conventional warfare pose severe repercussions for nuclear deterrence stability in the absence of credible nuclear escalation control measures between India and Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies in the United Kingdom have shown distinctions in intergenerational co-residency between UK-born and foreign-born individuals, however, little research has examined how factors such as immigrant incorporation, economic adaptation, and kin availability shape household formation patterns among immigrants. This paper uses data from the UK Household Longitudinal Study (2009–2010) to explore differences in the likelihood of UK-born and foreign-born working-aged adults to co-reside with at least one parent, highlighting distinctions by life stage (age) at migration and gender. Results show that, regardless of life stage at migration, foreign-born women and men are less likely to co-reside with parents than UK-born, however, intergenerational co-residency is high among some second-generation immigrant groups, particularly UK-born Indian, Pakistani, and Bangladeshi individuals. These findings challenge cultural assumptions about household formation patterns and point to the need for additional research on how economic inequality, kin availability, and gender norms shape immigrant household composition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan and India have been repeatedly enlisted as the most vulnerable countries to climate change. Both countries face a series of common environmental issues owing to climate change, smog, drought and floods, to name a few. However, since the Uri attack in 2016, India has virtually suspended SAARC by not participating in annual summits. Since then, stern gridlock has been witnessed in bilateral relations between Pakistan and India. In this regard, the first half of the paper highlights common environmental issues faced by Pakistan and India and later suggests areas of cooperation to overcome these challenges. The qualitative analysis shows that common environmental challenges faced by Pakistan and India provide an opportunity to break the ice between two neighbouring yet antagonist countries and rejuvenate the bilateral dialogue process. The paper aims to highlight the importance of cooperation over common environmental challenges, which has the potential to end the deadlock between Pakistan and India and spillover cooperation in other areas of common interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

BACKGROUND: Work-related musculoskeletal disorders (WRMSDs) and ergonomic risk factors are very common in bakery workers. OBJECTIVE: The purpose of this study is to (1) assess the prevalence of musculoskeletal disorders among bakers because they use automated machines or traditional baking, and (2) to determine the strategies to prevent musculoskeletal disorders in bakers. METHODS: A systematic review of PubMed, Scopus, and Web of Science was conducted from the beginning to February 4, 2022, based on the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines. Mesh keywords and phrases were used to execute the search strategy. Information on MSDs and ergonomic risk factors in bakery workers was collected. Two reviewers worked independently on study selection, data extraction, and paper quality ranking. RESULTS: This study identified 14 papers from seven countries. Although the prevalence of MSDs in bakery workers has been studied, only a handful of them have been studied ergonomic risk factors, and the findings have been very limited. The association between different risk factors and MSDs seemed significant compared to many other occupational diseases. The traditional bread-baking system and lack of mechanization may increase the risk of MSDs in bakery workers. CONCLUSION: WRMSDs for bakery workers have been less studied than other occupational diseases. Our systematic review found several significant relations between the factors influencing the prevalence of MSDs. This study also showed the comparison of traditional and modern cooking systems with diseases of the upper limbs, shoulders, and back pain as possible fields for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses how Pakistani print news media framed two armed conflict that occurred between India and Pakistan post-Pulwama attack in 2019 using five framing categories; conflict, morality, responsibility human interest, and solution. Using census approach subset of data; 282 opinions and editorials were collected from a population of 1,321 published number of items. Results from content analysis showed that media published a significant amount of content in editorials and opinions regarding armed conflicts. Content analysis disclosed that Pakistani print media placed emphasis on the use of conflict frame, and the use of human-interest frame was seen slightly low in numbers across all the newspapers during framing of Balakot airstrike and Pakistani retaliation after the Pulwama attack. However, there was no significant difference found between framing categories used by print news media. Findings are discussed in the context of journalistic priorities in selecting specific frames during framing of armed conflicts that holds national and international prominence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While much has been written about how imperialist and Indian nationalist historiographies have approached 1857, scant attention has been paid to how it has been remembered in Pakistan. This article endeavours to explore the ways in which 1857 has been articulated by the state in India and Pakistan through a study of their commemorative postage stamps. On the face of it, India's emphasis on nonviolence and Pakistan's quest for an Islamic history make 1857 a misfit within the historiographies of both states. However, the paper outlines that during the centenary in 1957, both India and Pakistan commemorated 1857 while maintaining some discursive distance from it. While Pakistan chose to memorialise it as the beginning of its struggle for independence, India recessed it within the broader framework of independence itself. The paper goes on to demonstrate how this position has changed drastically over the years. In order to weave a composite and inclusive history of the country, India now celebrates the legacy of 1857 by appropriating it within the frames of national unity, patriotism, and anti-imperialism. Pakistan, on the other hand, uses 1857 merely as a means to segue into a discussion of reform efforts led by the subcontinent's Muslim elite, thereby relegating it to the background of the Pakistan movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Attacks perpetrated using acid are a particular form of interpersonal violence, possibly one of the most heinous manifestations of Intimate Partner Violence (IPV). Acid attacks are mainly motivated by extramarital cheating, marital conflicts, women's rejection of marriage proposals, and sexual advances. As these attacks are not well understood from a psychological perspective, we conducted a systematic review, following Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Review and Meta-Analyses (PRISMA) guidelines, of 284 articles identified, 13 were eligible for inclusion. Three main focuses were identified: "Risk and vulnerability factors," "Consequences and implications," and "Interventions and treatments." Acid attacks seem to be more frequent in countries where social and economic development leads to greater tensions over traditional gender roles like Bangladesh, Pakistan, and India. Identified risk factors were young age, low socioeconomic status, low educational attainment, ethnicity, unemployment status of the victim, alcohol, and drug use of the perpetrator. Among the main psychosocial consequences of acid attacks, isolation and social exclusion emerged. Additionally, the paper will discuss the role of mental health consequences and specific treatments from psychological, clinical, and medical-legal points of view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A literature survey was proposed, aiming at summarizing the state of the art and, consequently, the research potential, in the increasingly popular field of circular economy, specifically applied to the construction industry in South Asian countries (Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh). In particular, the role of a life cycle assessment (LCA) to support the circular building design concept in construction projects was investigated. This review organized 71 published papers that examined environmental building assessments, certifications for sustainable buildings, the awareness of sustainable buildings, and recent advancements in this field between 2005 and 2022. The review pointed out that half of the LCA studies used the cradle-to-grave LCA methodology for environmental impact assessment, while the other half used the cradle-to-cradle LCA methodology. Regardless of the recent research, the literature still lacks the cradle-to-cradle implementation of the LCA methodology in selected countries which is essential for implementing truly circular building strategies. Moreover, the literature showed a lack of interest and awareness among all stakeholders in the construction of environmentally friendly buildings. The main barrier to carry out LCA for building performance is the unavailability of a regional database, which was pointed out in the literature, as well as the criteria for certification that are not available or do not comply with the standards of the specific contexts of Pakistan, India, and Bangladesh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Establishing a liberal government in post-Taliban Afghanistan allowed India to fulfil its foreign policy goal, i.e., investment in Afghanistan to acquire leverage for its anti-Pakistan agenda. However, the twenty-year war ended with the US withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021, resulting in the Taliban's rise to power, diminishing Indian influence and reversion of its interests. India halted its investment and diplomatic engagement with the Taliban government due to its previous position, which led India to compromise on its strategic interests outlined in the presence of US forces. To safeguard its strategic interests, India has resumed its diplomatic and economic engagement with the Taliban government at a critical time when other regional states are analysing the US' future course of action towards the war-torn country. Therefore, this paper examines how India evaluates the newly structured regional environment while finding a new role in Afghanistan. It also analyses the implications of India-Afghanistan re-engagement for Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The independence from the British rule was accompanied with partition of the Indian subcontinent on religious lines. Since partition in 1947, the two nation-states India and Pakistan have been hostile toward each other. Communalism has also been a major challenge in both these countries. The current study locates this continued hostility or the "enemy" narrative that the countries harbor not just of each other, but which also shapes the experience of a religious community within their territory. Limiting the inquiry to the Indian side, this paper explores the production of the "enemy" narrative through the discursive knowledge around partition and how it locates Muslims. The paper analyzes textbooks of two education boards in India and argues that the narrative excludes the contribution of Muslims in the nationalist movement, charts out an uncritical history of the demand for partition, and stigmatizes the Muslim community as "communal" and "unpatriotic." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

India's aggressive military doctrine exploits the questionable space for a limited war under a nuclear overhang. This doctrine is designed to dilute, if not fully compromise, the notion of nuclear deterrence. Indian military high command has often boasted about waging a conventional war against Pakistan. India's unilateral decision to repeal Kashmir's special constitutional status has further exacerbated the volatility of the hitherto conflict-prone environment in South Asia. India's doctrine manifests in the offensive deployment of S-400 missile systems along Pakistan's border, further supplemented by the positioning of Dassault Rafale fighter jets. While it might temporarily alter the region's strategic stability equation, Pakistan must rebalance this shift in its strategic stability. There is a need to review the notion of strategic stability as it applies to the region's nuclear balance of power. This paper analyses India's aggressive military doctrine fuelling its desire to wage a limited conventional war against Pakistan, examines the effects of growing military asymmetry, evaluates the impact of the short but swift military action in February 2019, and finally endeavours to determine the stabilizing impact of the nuclear deterrent on South Asia's strategic stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Strategic culture involves diplomatic ties, geopolitical orientation and political ideology involving the military. India's strategic culture orientates pro-nationalist policies, emphasizing the business progression of a specific class, discriminating in exercising minority rights, and imbalancing diplomatic ties with neighbouring states for regional hegemony. Indian leadership, from Jawaharlal Nehru to Narendra Modi, has kept regional dominance as a primary Indian strategic objective. More importantly, the Indian strategic community has carefully maintained narrative linking insurgencies with its neighbours, especially Pakistan. A cross-sectional analysis of Indian political doctrines explains how internal security challenges of India are shaping its strategic culture and stance towards Pakistan. It includes contextualizing the concept of strategic culture and modelling Indian strategic culture to the scope of research. The impact of Indian strategic culture on Pakistan is multi-dimensional, ranging from combat capabilities to international presence at international forums like the UN and FATF. The research proposes policy options and action points for Pakistan. The paper establishes three fundamental aspects. First, the Indian strategic thoughts are rooted in Kautilyian discourse. Second, linking Pakistan with insurgencies in India. Third, with the rise of Hindutva through the BJP with a conducive geostrategic environment, India has resorted to an offensive-defensive strategy towards Pakistan. With these interpretations, the research paves the way for identifying policy options for Pakistan while considering Pakistan's national interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the interstate reconciliation between India and Pakistan after the shock of Sino-Indian War of 1962. The post-1962 war political-security equations, particularly at the regional level, gave rise to a situation that necessitated India's reconciliatory negotiations with Pakistan over Kashmir. Though the rival parties engaged in a six-round political dialogue, the process ended up in a deadlock followed by spirals of armed clashes that culminated in the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965. The paper shows that this reconciliation process proved counterproductive because it was imposed from outside and the principal parties, in a window-driven haste and under the political-strategic constraints, could not mutually agree on to reconcile their political differences and settle the territorial dispute over Kashmir. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces Development Led Inquiry (DLI) as an approach to improve situations incorporating relationships between third sector organisations (TSOs) and agricultural scientists, universities, and the public-sector agricultural establishment. There is limited scholarly work on the role of TSOs in agricultural research. Current approaches appear premised on TSOs being researched upon, and recipients of research outcomes rather than partners in generation and application of new knowledge. DLI expands the boundaries of research systems and roles of TSOs as supporters within them. DLI builds on partnerships between NGOs, farmers' organisations, and women's associations; it integrates researchers and research organisations to develop, manage and report knowledge generation and application. DLI is dynamic and developmental with learning for all participants central to the process. DLI unsettles current power structures within research systems and sees research and knowledge generation as a supporter rather than leader of development. DLI is embedded in an inquiring systems approach and applies six interrelated conceptual systems thinking tools. The approach emerged from, and was applied in, a twelve-year agricultural research project in India, and was subsequently introduced to, and further developed in a research project in Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historians of Partition have focused upon the bitterly polarized yet vibrant public sphere of the last days of the British Raj, wherein newspapers representing Congress, Muslim League and Akali opinion vied for influence through increasingly hostile propaganda targeted at the 'other/s'. Such studies' focus on ideological battles and propaganda results in relatively less attention being given to what became of these papers once the British departed and the parties these papers espoused or opposed captured power. This paper will seek to revisit such assumptions by analyzing the trials and tribulations of the significant newspaper houses unfortunate enough to be located on the geographical frontlines of Partition and in major centres of communal conflagration. Through such analyses, I will seek to show that it was a combination of initial mob action, reinforced often by state repression and even popular reproach, that forced newspapers viewed as belonging to the 'other' party to move to safer (and greener) pastures. In the process, late-colonial India's once pluralist public sphere came to be partitioned into sections that broadly conformed to the ideologies that the respective Dominions' new rulers espoused. While aligning newspapers with the majoritarian public opinion, this Partition occasioned shifts of personnel and presses that would fundamentally alter the postcolonial press industry in West and East Pakistan, and to a lesser extent, in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents two algorithms for the large-scale automatic detection and instance segmentation of potential archaeological mounds on historical maps. Historical maps present a unique source of information for the reconstruction of ancient landscapes. The last 100 years have seen unprecedented landscape modifications with the introduction and large-scale implementation of mechanised agriculture, channel-based irrigation schemes, and urban expansion to name but a few. Historical maps offer a window onto disappearing landscapes where many historical and archaeological elements that no longer exist today are depicted. The algorithms focus on the detection and shape extraction of mound features with high probability of being archaeological settlements, mounds being one of the most commonly documented archaeological features to be found in the Survey of India historical map series, although not necessarily recognised as such at the time of surveying. Mound features with high archaeological potential are most commonly depicted through hachures or contour-equivalent form-lines, therefore, an algorithm has been designed to detect each of those features. Our proposed approach addresses two of the most common issues in archaeological automated survey, the low-density of archaeological features to be detected, and the small amount of training data available. It has been applied to all types of maps available of the historic 1″ to 1-mile series, thus increasing the complexity of the detection. Moreover, the inclusion of synthetic data, along with a Curriculum Learning strategy, has allowed the algorithm to better understand what the mound features look like. Likewise, a series of filters based on topographic setting, form, and size have been applied to improve the accuracy of the models. The resulting algorithms have a recall value of 52.61% and a precision of 82.31% for the hachure mounds, and a recall value of 70.80% and a precision of 70.29% for the form-line mounds, which allowed the detection of nearly 6000 mound features over an area of 470,500 km2, the largest such approach to have ever been applied. If we restrict our focus to the maps most similar to those used in the algorithm training, we reach recall values greater than 60% and precision values greater than 90%. This approach has shown the potential to implement an adaptive algorithm that allows, after a small amount of retraining with data detected from a new map, a better general mound feature detection in the same map. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The special status of Indian Occupied Kashmir has been abolished after the Bhartiya Janta Party's (BJP) government revoked Article 370 of the Constitution in 2019. The bilateral relations between India and Pakistan are marred by the Kashmir issue. Since independence, Kashmiris have been denied basic human rights including the right to choose and the right to life. India has pursued hard-lined policies to suppress Kashmiris' right to self-determination. The central argument of this paper is that Indian government has been trying to legitimize its occupation of Kashmir. In pursuit of this, it has been suppressing the voices of Kashmiris and committing human rights violations. The research investigates how Indian actions following the abrogation of Article 370 have led to grave human rights abuses in Kashmir. The study has adopted qualitative approach and used various reports and published literature on the matter. The issue has been analyzed from the lens of realism, constructivism, and balance of power theory. India has been using excessive military might and tactics like changing the demographics of the region to stabilize and legitimize its rule. It is the time when the international community should take notice of Indian belligerence and abuse of the internationally accepted Convention of 1990, the Covenant of 1966, and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948. The United Nations must intervene to stop the illtreatment of the Kashmiri people, who have been the victims of Indian defiance for decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to counter China’s rising influence, US is finding more allies in South Asia. As a result, it has been signing various agreements with India to strengthen its footsteps in the region. Due to the mutual interests and shared values of both the partners, they have come close to each other through the civil nuclear cooperation. This is causing a number of concerns for the neighbors as US-India partnership is proving highly beneficial for both of the states at the international arena. India is becoming a source of balancing power for the US to retain its influence in the Pacific and Indian oceans against the rising power, China and its allies. Contrary to this, India is also getting benefit from US in terms of strengthening its military capabilities using the state-of-the-art technologies provided by the US, posing many security implications for the adversaries and neighbors of India. India-US strategic partnership is causing a shift in balance of power in India’s favor which can be dangerous for Pakistan’s security. In this scenario, Pakistan can never afford to remain oblivious of the developments taking place between these two countries because of its security concerns. These developments can undermine Pakistan’s deterrent capabilities and can weaken its position in the Indo-Pak strife over the Kashmir issue. Consequently, Pakistan will have to work with China to strengthen its bond to counter the negative effects caused by the USIndia partnership. Also, it will have to rethink its foreign policy towards the eastern countries and will have to establish cordial bilateral relations with its neighbors. This paper covers all the aspects of bilateral partnership between India and the USA and its implications for Pakistan economically, politically, strategically and diplomatically. This research aims to analyze the emerging strategic partnership between the United States and India and its implications for Pakistan. Moreover, a descriptive-analytical method has been adopted to carry out this research work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to illustrate the relevance and importance of integrated deterrence in one of the most unpredictable regions of the world where India and Pakistan, have inched closer to crossing the nuclear threshold amid crises. Conventional asymmetry, offensive doctrines and the changing character of war impact South Asia's strategic stability. India’s existing doctrinal thinking, technological developments in the military domain and its temptation for a pre-emptive military strike demands a corresponding review of Pakistan’s doctrinal thinking. In this regard, Pakistan's shift towards integrating nuclear and conventional forces, effective diplomacy, and a quest for strong economy are integral for eradicating the probability of limited war in the region. The future of South Asian strategic stability lies in the practical implementation and adaptation of integrated deterrence by Pakistan into its doctrinal thinking and force posture, as this policy shift will help Pakistan develop a more cohesive, robust, and effective conventional response against offensive Indian military posturing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since India’s independence and partition from Pakistan, the relationship between Hindus and Muslims has been marked by continuous conflict and mutual distrust. The effects of the British divide and rule strategy that pitted Muslims and Hindus against one another became a hallmark of the relationship between the two communities in the postcolonial period. Such divisions were greatly exacerbated with the coming to power of those who believed in Hindutva or ethnic absolutism. Islamophobia became normalized. Many Muslim scholars have come forward to address this quandary, foremost among which was the late Wahiduddin Khan (1925-2021). This paper investigates Khan’s thoughts about communal harmony in post-independent India. I argue that Khan called for a reformation of Muslim minds, urging them to move beyond an isolationist mentality and find possibilities to develop their society within the status quo. Nevertheless, fraternity, correlation, and communitarianism are to be practiced obtaining religious harmony. Further, Khan’s understanding of the treaty of Ḥudaibiyyah as a panacea to reconcile religious harmony seems insufficient. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ideology and cinematic representation are crucially linked even though a film's positioning of itself with respect to dominant state ideology may differ thus contesting the idea that films always serve as ideological state apparatus. In this context, the paper reflects on the complex ways in which the ideological positioning – advertently or inadvertently – of cinematic representations of Partition in Hindi films of the 2000s interacts with dominant state ideology to frame the relationship between self and other with the terms denoting India/Hindu and Pakistan/Muslim, respectively. Through an analysis of the representation of the India–Pakistan border in four films – Pinjar (2003), Veer-Zaara (2004), Uri: The Surgical Strike (2019) and Kya Dilli Kya Lahore (2014) – the paper argues that mainstream Hindi films are largely reflective of the state ideology, although to varying degrees and at times in spite of themselves. In contrast, a low-budget film as Kya Dilli Kya Lahore completely subverts the dominant ideology through its sensitive but incisive critique of the border. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to analyse the economic impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on religious tourism in the Kartarpur Gurdwara Corridor between the Punjab States of Pakistan and India. The corridor was opened as a peace building initiative 72 years after the partition of India-Pakistan. In November 2019, thousands of Sikh pilgrims visited Kartarpur and Nankana Sahib in Punjab to celebrate the 550th birth anniversary of the founder of the Sikh religion Guru Nanakji, where he spent last 19 years of his life. The Government of Pakistan invested heavily to build the infrastructure facilities for connecting both borders for religious tourism. The two phases of development of Kartarpur created economic opportunities for the growth of bilateral trade, religious tourism, diplomacy, and peaceful relationships. However, the COVID-19 based travel lockdown caused devastating economic impacts on the Kartarpur religious tourism site and related businesses just four months after its opening. This paper highlights the importance of Kartarpur religious tourism and the devastating economic impact from COVID-19 on the niche spiritual tourism-based economy, employment, marketing, and peace associated with Kartarpur. Qualitative content analysis was adopted using quotes from internet sources to reach findings. Some opportunities are highlighted for a better understanding of global health issues, unified efforts to fight the pandemic and mutual support for spiritual tourism development among Indians and Pakistanis. Policy implications suggest that post-COVID-19, public-private partnership is needed to cooperatively plan, develop, and promote religious tourism, build awareness, and cooperate for common resource management for economic benefits. COVID-19 could be a cooperative stimulus for peaceful change through bilateral trade, travel, and tourism plans, based on responsible cross-border tourism for India and Pakistan; to create a mutually beneficial South-Asian economic success story. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In World and particularly in South Asia, violent extremism is associated with Muslims only. Quite the reverse, the Hindu extremism or Saffron terror in India is easily ignored. Bharatya Janata Party (BJP)’s rule under Narendra Modi for the second time has unleashed the political face of Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and Hindu fundamentalism. This paper examines historical development of RSS led Hindutva in relation to broader sociopolitical dynamics. It also attempts to provide an alternative point of view by concentrating on the rise of Hindutva and how its consolidation of political power in India has an impact on social development of South Asian people. First and foremost, the paper establishes Hindutva terrorism as a legitimate threat to regional political environment and people living in it. . Due to the fact that antiMuslim and anti-Pakistan sentiments are at the heart of Saffron terror, Pakistan must take counter- measures and raise awareness among regional and international leaders about the increasing influence of Hindu fanatics in the Indian society. Ultimately, the paper concludes that Hindutva violence and politics in nuclear-armed India is becoming permanent, and as a result, it will remain to have a significant influence on South Asian societies in the foreseeable future. In order to study and analyze this subject, both the qualitative and quantitative research techniques - including interviews and statistical charts - have been used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As India and Pakistan embark on developing more warheads, they will require more sophisticated delivery systems to the assigned targets. Since nuclear weapons tests in May 1998 just twenty-four years ago, the South Asian strategic environment has significantly changed. Both India and Pakistan strive for successful completion of their triad deterrent forces with all ranges of delivery systems. This paper explores the changing deterrent force patterns in South Asia and conceptualizes competing counterforce strategies in order to find out how such strategies raise the prospects of serious conflicts between India and Pakistan in general and challenge the South Asian deterrence stability in particular. To this end, the paper concludes that if India and Pakistan convert most of their deterrent nuclear forces while being ready to be deployed for action, the prospects for miscalculation and inadvertence get higher. However, if these South Asian nuclear rivals largely practice nuclear restraint, non-weaponized deterrence, and prevent a bigger Cold War type arms race through the establishment of some form of strategic restraint regime, then the possibility of nuclear conflict gets lower and serious conflicts in turn could likely be prevented in South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan and India are at war since their inception and independence: literally and verbally. It is the latter that most often leads to the former according to Pearce and Cronen's communication theory Coordinated Management of Meaning (CMM). This paper studies the repetitive and destructive patterns of communication between Pakistan and India, especially on important occasions such as their independence days' celebrations. The warring tones and armed conversation across the borders have aggravated the political tension between the two nuclear neighbours. The paper concludes that by applying CMM's principles of dialogic and cosmopolitan communication, the two hostile states can avert the imminent danger of a nuclear war, and can achieve a peaceful and friendly coexistence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A terrorist attack on the Indian parliament on 13 December, 2001 resulted in a ten-month long military stand-off between India and Pakistan. Throughout this period, both sides conducted aggressive and provocative signalling by conducting missile tests, and through bellicose speeches, statements and press briefings. These signals were conveyed at various levels by the political, military, and bureaucratic leadership. This paper provides a theoretical framework about signalling, deterrence stability and the escalation risk grounded in the classical understanding on nuclear deterrence and escalation. The paper analyses the nuclear signalling during the stand-off in light of the theoretical framework. The paper tests the hypothesis that a high percentage of indirect signalling would induce instability into a nuclear crisis, and the large number of actors sending signals from either side would increase the likelihood of miscommunication. By sifting through media reports during the stand-off, an elimination exerci e was conducted and 72 signals were identified and analysed. The paper is divided into five sections and points to the limitation of the Cold War model to explain the South Asian strategic stability dynamics and the need to work out a model specific to South Asian strategic dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indus Valley Civilization flourished in India and Pakistan owing to its technological advancements dating back to the 3rd millennium BC. The present paper aims to trace the emergence of pyrotechnology through documenting the industrial settlements that have been excavated in recent years, as well as locating the potential trading network for the craft items being produced at these small settlements on the outskirts of major Harappan cities such as Harappa, Mohenjo-daro and others. The paper focuses on the excavated Harappan sites with special reference to the site of Binjor - 4MSR in India's Ghaggar riverbed region. The reconstruction of kilns and furnaces based on the excavated remains was considered through the experimental study, such as wheel motion and the quantification of fuel consumption in the production of pottery, including terracotta figurines, bead and metal objects. During the research, the author has documented more than 50 furnaces, attempting to find parallels between Harappan heat treatment and modern potters and smiths located on ancient mounds. The ethnographic similarities between Harappans and the contemporary villagers who continue to inhabit the archaeological mound have been emphasised. The research also examines whether the technology utilised by the Harappans has changed or not, ranging from pottery manufacture to metal smelting, and what can be deduced from these experimental approaches to comprehend the technological prowess of their artisans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post-9/11 dynamic global political developments and the growing Indo-US strategic partnership has compelled Pakistan to seek strategic partnership with China and geared at maintaining the balance of power in South Asia. India is maximising its resources under the umbrella of Indo-US strategic partnership and working with the US on various sectors such as security, defence and energy to pursue its aspirations to be a regionally dominant power and to possess a blue water navy. Pakistan unaided and alone cannot counterbalance India's regional ambitions. Thus, Pakistan with China established a strategic partnership to counter India's hegemonic ambitions in the South Asian region. This paper will raise some questions about the latest contours of this partnership. Prime amongst them is: what kind of role is this partnership playing in South Asia? The paper argues that a China-Pakistan strategic partnership built around the development of Gwadar Port and the China Pakistan Economic Corridor is playing the role of a balancer against India's regional ambitions in South Asia. India has some serious security concerns about these mega development projects apprehending their geostrategic importance not only for both countries but also for the entire region. A neo-realist theoretical approach is used to describe both countries 'strategic partnership' in this paper. The paper further argues that India's claim that the corridor route passes through the disputed territory of Northern Pakistan will not stop China and Pakistan from continuing the project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the associations between democratic performance, secular--traditional value orientation, and satisfaction with democracy in India and Pakistan through the lens of democratic performance and modernization theory. In an analysis of data from the 2012 World Values Survey, respect for human rights (one of two measures of democratic performance) has a stronger effect on satisfaction with democracy in India than in Pakistan. Freedom of choice influenced satisfaction with democracy only in India. Rather than having a direct effect, secular--traditional value orientation moderates the relationship between freedom of choice and satisfaction with democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jammu and Kashmir has been experiencing border conflict since the partition of India (1947) into two sovereign states (India and Pakistan). Four wars have been fought between them and still the issue has not been resolved. Uncertain firing, the continuous threat to life, unsettled life, and restricted living conditions affects the quality of life of the common people living in villages near the International Border (IB) and Line of Control (LoC). The number of ceasefire violations in 2020 was the highest number of ceasefire violations in the past 16 years. People on both sides are the worst sufferers of the military aggression between the nations. Children living in such a volatile context lack the required developmental opportunities and their future is highly jeopardized. A serious commitment to the peacebuilding and reconciliation process is the way forward. Reconciliation processes like the Tashkent Declaration (1966), the Shimla Agreement (1972), and the Peace Bus service (1999) have been initiated but could not sustain peace for a longer period. This paper highlights the reconciliation process between the two countries and the need for a sustainable reconciliation initiative to secure the future of coming generations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hybrid Warfare is gaining currency and posing new challenges to military thinkers and practitioners. The changes by the technological revolution, information and psychological operations, digitisation of the battlefield, and modernisation in conventional warfare have ceased to be the standalone option for applying force. These changes envisage the application of all Elements of National Power (EoNP), projected along a continuous span of activities, stretching from stability, security, reconstruction and terminating at armed conflict. The paper explains that hybrid warfare is the instrument of choice by the challengers, primarily India, to weaken Pakistan, subjugate it and either balkanise it or make it a flaccid state as the least desired objective. With hybrid warfare as an instrument of application against Pakistan, this article has attempted to dissect its contours and impact on Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anderson argued that it was not just the 'innovation' of nations as an entity that is important but also the material conditions. The extent of nationalism and patriotism used as a tool in mass media (printed texts and popular culture) in India and Pakistan is evidence of the persisting enmity between neighboring states, which popular culture not only depicts but also ends up reinforcing with its construction of 'the other' and 'the enemy'. The paper analyzes two films, Pakistan's Ghazi Shaheed (1998) and India's The Ghazi Attack (2017), which are war-at-sea and submarine films, respectively, To answer the research questions: How do these movies depict 'imagined' community and 'blind' nationalism? How is this depiction of 'imagined' community and 'blind' nationalism, similar or different in the two movies made on the same theme, given the backdrop of war and its outcome? In my analysis of the two films, I explore two facets of the concept of blindness: first, referencing Anderson's definition of being unable to see the community members or enemies, and the blindness one experiences while underwater in a submarine. The paper argues that these 'imagined' communities find their stronghold in religion, culture, language, and ways of being in order to justify the existence of separate nations despite being part of the same landmass and empire for centuries. The 'submarine' is both an abode for men at sea and a weapon run for the enemy. The submarine, as a patriotically charged body at sea, serving the idea of nationhood, is an extension of the nation's body in water, unable to see but functioning on the perception and identity gained from the 'motherland'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Indus River dolphin (Platanista minor) is a severely threatened species of freshwater dolphin that occurs only in the lower Indus River system of Pakistan and India. The dolphin's range has declined by 80% since the 1870s, and total species abundance is estimated as approximately 2000 individuals.In 2007, a remnant population of Indus dolphins was discovered above Harike Barrage, in the Beas River in India, 600 km away from all other individuals of its species. This paper provides an overview of the conservation status of Indus dolphins in the Beas River, details the threats they face, and suggests priorities for their conservation and management.Between 2011 and 2022, 40 dolphin direct count surveys were conducted. Indus dolphins occur only in the lower third of the Beas River and reported counts have been from one to eight individuals. The data do not indicate an increase in abundance, and instead suggest a potential decrease; however, sightings of calves continue to be reported annually indicating reproduction is still taking place.Threats to the Beas River dolphin population include accidental entanglement in fishing gear, pollution, escapement downstream of Harike barrage, altered and depleted river flow regimes' and the effects of a very small population size. Urgent conservation measures are essential if this small, but important satellite population is to persist.Recommended management actions include the complete removal of fishing nets from dolphin habitat, reducing pollution, ensuring adequate river discharge to sustain aquatic ecology including dolphins, evaluating and monitoring dolphin movement through Harike barrage and into canals, and engaging riverside communities to protect dolphins. In addition, the possibility of conservation translocations to supplement this population with individuals from larger healthy populations elsewhere in the range of the species should be explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Disasters is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines how the shared cultural and spiritual heritage of Guru Nanak is intertwined with the political tensions and violence that have defined the complex relationship between India and Pakistan. We argue that that Nanak is the only thinker/spiritual leader who is equally respected both in India and Pakistan. This strong and rare commonality between India and Pakistan could be the agreed basis, despite all other differences, for conversation and dialogue between the two countries. We suggest that such dialogue can remove mistrust and foster peaceful and mutually beneficial relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

INTRODUCTION People with severe mental illness (SMI) tend to die early due to cardiovascular and respiratory diseases, which may be linked to tobacco use. There is limited information on tobacco use in people with SMI in low- and middle-income countries where most tobacco users reside. We present novel data on tobacco use in people with SMI and their access to tobacco cessation advice in South Asia. METHODS We conducted a multi-country survey of adults with SMI attending mental health facilities in Bangladesh, India, and Pakistan. Using data collected with a standardized WHO STEPS survey tool, we estimated the prevalence and distribution of tobacco use and assessed receipt of tobacco cessation advice. RESULTS We recruited 3874 participants with SMI; 46.8% and 15.0% of men and women consumed tobacco, respectively. Smoking prevalence in men varied by country (Bangladesh 42.8%, India 20.1% and Pakistan 31.7%); <4% of women reported smoking in each country. Smokeless tobacco use in men also varied by country (Bangladesh 16.2%, India 18.2% and Pakistan 40.8%); for women, it was higher in Bangladesh (19.1%), but similar in India (9.9%) and Pakistan (9.1%). Just over a third of tobacco users (38.4%) had received advice to quit tobacco. Among smokers, 29.1% (n=244) made at least one quit attempt in the past year. There was strong evidence for the association between tobacco use and the severity of depression (OR=1.29; 95% CI: 1.12-1.48) and anxiety (OR=1.29; 95% CI: 1.12-1.49). CONCLUSIONS As observed in high-income countries, we found higher tobacco use in people with SMI, particularly in men compared with rates reported for the general population in South Asia. Tobacco cessation support within mental health services offers an opportunity to close the gap in life expectancy between SMI and the general population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kashmir issue, a source of tension between Pakistan and India has numerous aspects and is termed by many an international dispute. The conflict not only hampered Indo-Pak relations but also precipitated regional instability. This is the reason that foreign policy of Pakistan since her inception remained India centric. Although both states share borders but never remain on same page when it comes to the viable solution of Kashmir dispute. Interests of Kashmiri population will have to be respected to make any decision long lasting. This paper by adopting narrative approach explains number of conflict management techniques to find any feasible solution but all efforts ended with the beginning of new conflict. With the indigenous freedom movement and India's massive military response, Kashmir dispute has entered a new phase. The paper finds that possible viable solution of Kashmir disputes is impeded by Indian stubborn and uncompromising attitude; therefore, mediation by third party is essential. The paper argues that any approach to settle this multifaceted conflict necessitates different but interconnected trajectories or unending interactions and negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aadha Gaon1 published in 1966 is widely known as Rahi Masoom Reza's magnum-opus. Reza's absolutely intricate narration captures the essence of Indian society and how the social praxis changed post India's Partition in 1947. Reza unveils that communal harmony was an element of Indian society even when at the surface level certain political parties were advocating the formation of Pakistan. The society co-existed and though there were minor disagreements among people, there was resilience and acceptance for each other regardless of religious differences. This paper broadly studies the dynamics of the Indian society represented by Reza and also grapples with the idea of 'Home' proposed by him in his works. Is home just a physical entity or is there more to it? How does the collective feeling of the co-existing society add up to his idea of 'Home'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Kashmir conflict, ongoing for over seventy years, is no closer to a resolution. The separatist insurgency that had emerged in the late 1980s, along with attendant military action, has claimed over 50,000 lives till date. However, the three major parties to the conflict, the Indian state, the Pakistani state and the Kashmiri separatist movement continue to have mutually-intractable positions. How might these positions be reconciled? Eqbal Ahmad's proposal attempts to reconcile the three positions through the prism of "maximum autonomy with divided sovereignty." This essay extrapolates Ahmad's proposal, and presents two distinct facets to the solution: Azad Jammu and Kashmir and Gilgit-Baltistin to become full territories within the Pakistani state; the Jammu region and Ladakh to become full territories within the Indian state; and the Kashmir valley to become an independent Kashmir state. The independent Kashmir state would share its sovereignty, to a limited extent, with India and Pakistan. This paper extrapolates the contours of Ahmad's proposal, particularly in the context of previous attempts by India, Pakistan and Kashmiri separatists to force a resolution in their favor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

No other issue has influenced the India–Pakistan relationship more adversely than the Jammu and Kashmir dispute. To understand the discourse surrounding the dispute, and how it has evolved within the foreign policies of both countries, this research undertakes a critical discourse analysis of both countries' official statements at the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) between 1948 and 2020. The findings of this study are crucial to not only understanding how the two states have been internationalizing the Kashmir dispute but also what lessons can be learned from the past as both countries attempt to slowly reengage with one another. Our analysis points to the fact that both India and Pakistan's stances on the Kashmir dispute, despite their varying phases throughout the conflict, have essentially remained the same. We argue that, despite seeming to have converged toward some form of resolution during the first decade of the twenty-first century, the current context of India–Pakistan relations presents a worsening trajectory that has not been witnessed since their last major war in 1971. In highlighting the cyclical, almost scripted nature of this debate, this paper attempts to suggest ways to break free from age-old tropes and help pave the way toward more meaningful ways to redefine the issue in light of a radically altered geo-political context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Polish Journal of Management Studies is the property of Czestochowa University of Technology, Faculty of Management and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Data from authentic sources i.e. Government Annual Reports, published research papers and various cooperative organizations of the country were collected and analyzed using ARIMA (Auto Regressive Integrated Moving Average), ADF (Augmented Dickey-Fuller Test) to arrive at definite conclusions for the scientific fraternity in the field of Animal Reproduction. The sole objective for giving information is to get the momentum of developmental activities further in one of the most important technologies i.e. Artificial Insemination (AI) which has changed the country from a milk deficit to a milk surplus and taken the nation on top of the milk producing countries of the world with 209.9 million tones followed by USA, Pakistan, China and Brazil. Presently India is performing 81.9 million AI's annually with a lower conception rate of about 35% in 2021. Per capita milk availability per day, Productivity, AI coverage, Expansion of AI, Conception rate, Milk production growth rate, Milk processing status, Milk prices and Farmer's gain per litre of milk produced have been 427 ml, 5.65 litres, 30%, 16 million farmers, 35%, 5.8%, 20.50% of the total milk produced in the country, Rs 35/litre for cows and Rs.52/litre for buffaloes, respectively. Hence, the profitability of the fluid milk for farmers is negligible considering the current market infrastructure in the country. It is concluded from the study that the AI programme must be continued in campaign mode till it reaches about 80% of the breedable bovine population with a continuous programme of producing High Genetic Merit (HGM) bulls in the country and their availability to semen stations for semen production which will answer the future need of the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A majority of Western feminist studies has dealt with women from the third world as a homogenous entity of poor and passive victims without agency, who need saving and thus need to be spoken for. Chandra Talpade Mohanty and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak have both underscored the urgency of seeing and dealing with third world feminism in terms of a genre that is different in socio-cultural background from Western dynamics, and they emphasize the importance of being wary of the ways in which Western feminism creates the 'discursive homogenization and systematization of the oppression of women in the Third World' (Mohanty, 1991). In this paper, I am going to investigate Pakistani Muslim women activism and the ways in which these women emerge from being a benign presence in a masculinist culture to occupying spaces of resistance, challenging patriarchal notions and stereotypical images of women, and thus becoming a guiding force for other women. I argue that even when Muslim women activists struggle in their respective domains to bring the voices of women into light, they are kept imprisoned in the double bind where they are judged by patriarchy at home and are perceived as victims who need saving in the western hegemonic discourses. Malala Yousafzai and Sharmeen Obaid Chinnoy are globally celebrated yet are extremely controversial in their home country. Both are accused by their fellow Pakistanis of being complicit with the Western agenda of maligning Pakistan and defaming their country. This reaction points to the double bind (Spivak) that this paper aims at highlighting, namely the ways in which women's resistance to patriarchy at home is then taken up by Western media and public as a justification for imperialist surveillance and stereotypical images of these women as victims and objects to be 'saved'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The existence of corruption threatens all aspect of a society, be that social, economic or political. Corruption is more pronounced in developing countries; however, it attracts very little attention from decision-makers. This paper analyses the social implications (health and education) of corruption in India and Pakistan. According to the Corruption Perception Index Report (2019), these countries are perceived to be the most corrupt ones. Corruption has been researched enormously with respect to its economic and political consequences, but not much attention has been given to its social implications on human rights. Corruption violates human rights directly or indirectly. Therefore, this paper aims to elaborate the links (direct and indirect) between corruption and human rights and focus on the consequences of corruption on health and education; it also aims to present anti-corruption policies to curb corruption in the investigated countries. The research employs a systematic literature review method (PRISMA-P 2015) that identifies currently available research, selects and assesses contribution, analyses and synthesises data, and presents pieces of evidence with a justified conclusion. It also encourages researchers to apply PRISMA protocols in future researches. The results show that more than 80% of the reviewed articles argue that corruption is one of the invincible reasons for the people's dire social condition in India and Pakistan; moreover, corruption remains ignored, which shows that there are gaps to understand how corruption can extremely dent the right to education and health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]