Search

Scholarship examining how Indian Americans navigate US racial hierarchies as “ambiguous nonwhites” (Kibria 1998) demonstrates the role of transnational processes of Hindu nationalism in shaping how Indian Americans respond to the challenges of racism and marginalization. Yet, our understanding of its role in shaping how second generation Indian Americans understand their ethnoracial identities, particularly in the context of an increase in Hindu nationalist policies and support for nationalist ideology in India, is limited. To expand the current scholarship, I examine how 1.5 and 2nd generation Indian Americans understand their ethnoracial identities in the present-day context. Through semi-structured interviews with 20 1.5 and 2nd generation Indian Americans, I argue that Indian Americans rely on experiences of otherness and cultural signifiers, such as language and religion, to construct and contest the “symbolic boundaries” (Lamont and Molnár 2002) around what it means to be American, Indian, and Desi. Specifically, I find that Hindu nationalist notions of Indian that privilege a Hindu and Hindi-speaking identity shape the meanings Indian Americans place on cultural markers and in how Indian Americans construct an “authentic ethnic identity” and draw and contest boundaries around Indian and Desi identity.

How do self-identified LGBTQ+ individuals with familial migration histories understand their intersecting identities in relation to transnational discourses and networks? While scholarship has explored the overlap of sexualities and migration, few have specifically examined the influential roles of the family and nationhood in their analysis. Using semi-structured interviews with 33 self-identified LGBTQ+ people who have migration histories within their families, this research documents how sexuality emerges as a way to conceptualize feelings of belonging to nation-states in their lives. My findings introduce fractured nostalgia as a framework through which belonging, assimilation, and (trans)nationalism can be understood in the lives of LGBTQ+ individuals with migration histories.

Syftet med denna studie är att undersöka innehållet i Sverigedemokraternas principprogram för att skapa en förståelse för inslag av radikal högerpopulism i partiets politiska ideologi, så som den kommer till uttryck i dessa texter. Forskningsfrågans relevans grundar sig i den splittring som identifierats bland forskare som sysslar med Sverigedemokraternas politiska ideologi och hur den bör definieras. Trots att Sverigedemokraterna är Sveriges näst största parti, vilket medför ett stort politiskt inflytande, finns alltså en osäkerhet bland forskare om partiets ideologi och intentioner. Det är vanligt förekommande att Sverigedemokraterna beskrivs baserat på deras ställningstagande i enskilda politiska frågor, exempelvis frågor om invandring, men i den här uppsatsen presenteras en analys av Sverigedemokraternas beskrivningar av Sverige, världen och politik i allmänhet. Mitt syfte ska besvaras genom en riktad kvalitativ innehållsanalys. Det material som analyseras är Sverigedemokraternas partiprogram/principprogram från åren 1996, 1999, 2003, 2011 och 2019. I analysen utgår jag från ett teoretiskt ramverk baserat på Jens Rydgrens beskrivningar av radikal högerpopulism. En idealtyp för radikal högerpopulism formuleras med syftet att förenkla och förtydliga ideologins olika grundbultar. Resultatet visar att Sverigedemokraternas principprogram innehåller radikala högerpopulistiska tendenser under alla år, men det identifieras också skillnader som indikerar att principprogrammens primära fokus varierar under åren. Partiets invandringspolitiska ståndpunkter är centrala delar som går i linje med ideologin i samtliga program, där en intolerans inför olikheter och stark etnopluralistisk nationalism identifierats. De radikala högerpopulistiska tendenser som identifieras förekommer i en sådan utsträckning, även 2019, att studiens resultat kan tolkas som stöd till påståenden om att radikal högerpopulism kan användas för att beskriva Sverigedemokraternas ideologi. The purpose of this study is to examine the content of the Sweden Democrats' party program in order to create an understanding of potential elements of radical right-wing populism in the party's ideology, as expressed in these texts. The relevance of the research question is based on the division identified among researchers of the Sweden Democrats' political ideology and how it should be defined. Even though the Sweden Democrats are Sweden's second largest party, which entails a large political influence, there is still a great deal of uncertainty among the public as well as experts about the party's ideology and intentions. It is common for the Sweden Democrats to be described based on their stance on individual political issues, for example issues of immigration, but this essay presents an analysis of the Sweden Democrats' descriptions of Sweden, the world and politics in general. My purpose is to be answered through a targeted qualitative content analysis. The material that is analyzed is the Sweden Democrats' party programs from the years 1996, 1999, 2003, 2011 and 2019. In the analysis, I use a theoretical framework based on Jens Rydgren's descriptions of radical right-wing populism. An ideal type for radical right-wing populism is formulated with the aim of simplifying and clarifying the core of the ideology. The results show that the Sweden Democrats' party programs contain radical right-wing populist tendencies between the years 1996-2019, but differences are also identified which indicate that the primary focus in the party programs vary over the years. The party’s immigration policies align particularly well with the ideology in all programs, where an intolerance towards differences and a strong ethnopluralist nationalism have been identified. The radical right-wing populist tendencies that are identified occur to such an extent, even in 2019, that the study's results can be interpreted as support for claims that radical right-wing populism can be used to describe the ideology of the Sweden Democrats.

This thesis studies how mínzú (ethnic) agency is effectuated through propaganda literature among Muslim minority cadres in the Yānqí Huí Autonomous County of the Xīnjiāng Uyghur Autonomous Region of North-West China in the 2010s. The aim is to understand to what extent and in what ways mínzú identification can have a socio-politically significant impact on the activities of mínzú cadres in a restrictive environment and in a medium where mínzú agency is controversial and difficult to implement. The thesis is motivated on the one hand by studies that presume the “monolithic” nature of cadres that speak the language of the Party-State, and on the other hand by studies that too readily presume that the invocation of Party-State orthodoxy is mere lip-service paid to authorities. The questions are approached by studying the implications that the cadre writers’ literary activities have on Huí mínzú identity in the context of the discourses that they invoke. In the process, national concerns are contrasted to mínzú concerns in order to evaluate and ascertain the intentional nature behind the invocation of mínzú concerns. The implications of the writers’ literary activities are identified by studying the role that they play in the discursive context of the literary Kāidū River magazine. The study finds that the discursive context can best be described as hybrid in nature, involving the three “sub” discourses of Neo-Confucian cosmology, Republican race theory, and Maoist thought transformation. The first revolves around a notion of cosmic truth, the second around the significance of mínzú or nations, and the third around the threats of and safeguards against ideological pollution. By employing this hybrid discourse of truth, the writers legitimized their texts as state orthodoxy. Having identified the implications relevant for the formulation of Huí identity, the thesis describes the ways in which the Muslim minority cadres attempted to address mínzú concerns. Although national concerns permeated the texts of the Kāidū River, the writers demonstrated awareness of and the ability to work around the restrictions of Party-State discourse during the early 2010s—at least to some extent. Through selective interpretation, they legitimized off-center views while remaining within the discourse of "truth.” The thesis demonstrates how the intention of mínzú authors can be identified by studying the implications of their texts in the discursive context within which they are embedded, even when these implications are multivalent. Significantly, the thesis is able to do so by studying how relevant implications consistently are invoked and examining the degree of tolerance for contradictory meaning.

The purpose of this study was to determine middle school students’ national belonging levels in terms of different variables. In this quantitative study, middle school students’ views on national belonging were determined by the “National Belonging Scale for Middle School Students”. The study was conducted with 1318 middle school students in Niğde province of Turkey during the Spring term of the 2019-2020 academic year. Research data were collected through “National Belonging Scale for Middle School Students” and were analysed with SPSS 24 software package. According to the study results, middle school students had a high positive view of their national belonging. Their gender did not make a statistical difference in terms of both reasons and results of their national belonging. On the other hand, students’ views on national belonging differed in terms of their grade level. Again, although there was no difference between the public and private schools in terms of reasons of their national belonging, there was a statistically significant difference between them in terms of the results of their national belonging in favor of the public school. Another difference was determined between Turkish and refugee students’ national belonging. Turkish students’ mean scores of reasons and results of their national belonging were statistically higher than the refugee students’ mean scores. Considering national belonging in terms of each variable, middle school students’ national belonging can be strengthened with some activities that can be done within the scope of the implicit program as well as the educational activities carried out within the curriculum at schools. Social Studies is the most important course into which works on this subject can be integrated.

perience in a way that will provide a rationale for its continued existence. Lacking such a rationale and the mental picture of itself which that rationale helps to provide, no society can stay together. Language thus becomes an instrument o be employed in the fashioning of a nationalist ideology which itself becomes a tool designed for a particular purpose, the integrating of the human elements in a given geographical rea into a coherent, self-conscious whole. In the course of fulfilling that purpose, nationalist ideology, like ideologies generally, often does violence to truth and masks reality. xYet rhetoric of this sort, however much it deals in distortion, may still reflect something fundamental in the character of the society to whose mystique it attempts to give expression. Often it does this inadvertently by revealing a certain character trait in the act of focussing on something quite different. Thus the nationalist, in talking about his nation's accomplishments, may reveal. pride, superiority, or arrogance. In dilating upon his country's prospects for the future, he may reveal optimism, excessive s lf-confidence, or a will to power. In this way he may, in spite of himself, make an unintended gesture in the direction of reality. Less inflated rhetoric may make this same gesture in other ways, intentionally, and not as a result of error or oversight. Depending on how good or conscientious an historian he is, the nationalist may find himself limited in what he can make of his nation's history and character by the circumstances of that history and the nature of that character. He may try to dramatize his nation's experience by employing striking and memorable language, or by emphasizing those elements in it that make it (in his view) unique and superior. He will An earlier version oœ this paper was read at the Canadian-American Seminar, University of Windsor, November I968. x Cf. Karl Mannhelm, Ideology and Utopia (New York x936 )

The aim of the study is to explore and describe the support of Chinese football fans for policy strategies to create a stronger men’s national football team based on their local and global orientation. Drawing upon social theory of globalisation, we distinguish between football fans with local and global orientations. Using survey questionnaires, we investigated Chinese football fans (n = 546) support for five strategies to improve the men’s football team: controlling the number of international players, controlling costs with international players, supporting young national players, promoting academy system, and promoting naturalisation. Results show that globally engaged fans offer higher support for strategies to create a stronger national football in China when compared to all other groups. Fans support promoting young national players more than either controlling for international players or naturalising foreign players. Fans with a rooted cosmopolitan orientation are the ones who offer higher support for non-traditional strategies, such as naturalisation. Findings can have direct impact on how the Chinese government and sport authorities propose strategies to create a stronger national team.

Patriotism frequently is framed as an individualised expression of affinity for a civic polity and a counterweight to ethnocultural nationalism. Yet the term is invoked by theorists and practitioners to denote a broad, often contradictory range of values. This paper argues that this is not simply semantic slippage, but a reflection of the exclusionary character of patriotism. Taking as data the full range of speeches delivered at the 2016 Democratic and Republican National Conventions, alongside 180 campaign speeches delivered by Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton, I conduct a critical political discourse analysis. I find that invocations of ‘patriotism’ construct an in-group of citizens who are positioned as the heirs of an authentic national tradition, and an out-group of co-citizens who are attempting to hijack the national spirit. Further, despite its global aspirations, patriotism hardens the racialised distinction between citizens and non-citizens.

While positive change has been occurring, the general consensus is that female athletes and sports have not been as valorized historically, by either the media or society as a whole when compared t...

Marc Stears’ Out of the Ordinary: How Everyday Life Inspired a Nation and How It Can Again is an engaging and sincere work of political theory. In it, Stears explores how the work of a number of British writers and artists in the 1930s, 1940s and 1950s – Bill Brandt, Barbara Jones, Laurie Lee, George Orwell, JB Priestley and Dylan Thomas – can help us to overcome some of the lazy ideological conventions of our time which suggest it is impossible to simultaneously value tradition and progress, patriotism and diversity, individual rights and social duties, nationalism and internationalism, conservativism and radicalism. In this review, I highlight the timely and engaging elements of Stears’ book while also raising doubts about his treatment of the ‘everyday’ and his Blue Labour solutions to our political ills.

The COVID-19 pandemic has opened up futures for debate in an unprecedented manner and on an unforeseen scale. This article explores how ideas of immunity structured debates about pandemic management strategies as a means of securing a post-pandemic future during the first wave of the pandemic in 2020. Building on queer theorization of temporality, the article asks how ideas of COVID-19 immunity derive their affective appeal and cultural legitimacy, and what is at stake in the imagined futures that unfold from such visions of post-pandemic immunity. The analysis focuses on two affective figures that circulated widely in public discourse in March–May 2020: the figure of the soon-immune nation and the figure of the immune individual. I unsettle these figures by contextual- izing them through the histories of immunity politics around race, gender and sexuality. The analysis shows that the two figures have long affective histories entangled with nationalism, racism and discrimination. The article argues that these histories shape and curtail the kinds of post-pandemic futures that may be enacted and imagined through popular ideas of immunity.

This article examines identity salience among members of a Kurdish Muslim migrant community in England. The study, in contrast to previous research on the Kurdish diaspora, focuses on religious identity in a small-city context, with recently arrived migrants, predominately from Iraqi Kurdistan. In-depth interviews highlight how ethnic repression within sending nations results in greater politicisation of ethnicity and in turn salience over all other identities, even within a non-Muslim setting. As such, findings did not demonstrate growing salience of religious identity over ethno-national identities, in order to close ranks with other Muslim minorities in a local context, as described in literature on ‘Islamic diasporas’. Abstract in Kurmanji Gerdûnparêziya îslamî ya netewparêziya nijadî ? Vekolîna girîngiya nasnameyî di civateke Kurdên koçber li Brîtanyayê de Ev nivîsar girîngiya nasnameyî ya li nav endamên civateke Kurdên misilman ên koçber li Inglîstanê vedikole. Li berevajiyê lêkolînên bihorî yên li ser diyasporaya kurd, ev vekolîn li ser nasnameya dînî ya koçberên nûhatî, pirraniya wan ji Kurdistana Êraqê ve, di çarçoveya bajarokeke piçûk de radiweste. Hevdîtinên hûrgilî bal dikişînin ser polîtîzebûna bêhtir a ku bi encama zordestiya nijadî li neteweyên birêkêr pêk hat û, li ser vê, girîngiya meztir a nasnameya nijadî li ber hemû nasnameyên din, heta di hawirdoreke ne-misilman de jî. Weha, van encam hane girîngiya zêde ya nasnameya olî li hember nasnameyên nijadî-neteweyî nîşan nedaye, li berevajiyê destbiratiya herêmî ya bi kêmneteweyên misilman ên din re ku di edebiyata li ser ‘diyasporayên misilman’ de tê dîtin. Abstract in Sorani Îslamî cîhanî yan nasêwnallîzmî êtnî? Lêkollîneweyek le ser giringî nasnamey êtnî le nêwan komellêk koçberî kurd le le Berîtanya Em wutare şirovey giringî nasnamey êtnî le nêwan endamanî komellêk koçberî musullmanî kurd dekat le Berîtaniya. Twêjîneweke be pêçewaney twêjînewekanî pêştir le ser rewendî kurd le tarawge, tîşk dexate ser nasnamey ayinî le nêw koçberî tazegeyştû le Kurdistanî ‘Êraqewe,‌ le çwarçêwey‌ şarêkî biçûkda. Çawpêkewtinî dûrxayan derîxistwe ke çawsanewey êtnî le wllatî koçkirdinewe debête hoy besiyasîbûnî nasnamey êtnî û zallbûnî be ser nasnamekanîtir da, tenanet le nêwendî namusullmanekanîş da. Le ber ewe encamekan zallî nasnamey ayinî be ser nasnamey êtnî dernaxen bo nizîkbûnewe le gell kamayetiy musullmanekanîtir le nêwendî nawxoda, wek leserçawekanîtir le ser musllmananî ‌tarawge baskrawn. Abstract in Zazaki Îslamî cîhanî yan nasêwnallîzmî êtnî? Lêkollîneweyek le ser giringî nasnamey êtnî le nêwan komellêk koçberî kurd le le Berîtanya Em wutare şirovey giringî nasnamey êtnî le nêwan endamanî komellêk koçberî musullmanî kurd dekat le Berîtaniya. Twêjîneweke be pêçewaney twêjînewekanî pêştir le ser rewendî kurd le tarawge, tîşk dexate ser nasnamey ayinî le nêw koçberî tazegeyştû le Kurdistanî ‘Êraqewe,‌ le çwarçêwey‌ şarêkî biçûkda. Çawpêkewtinî dûrxayan derîxistwe ke çawsanewey êtnî le wllatî koçkirdinewe debête hoy besiyasîbûnî nasnamey êtnî û zallbûnî be ser nasnamekanîtir da, tenanet le nêwendî namusullmanekanîş da. Le ber ewe encamekan zallî nasnamey ayinî be ser nasnamey êtnî dernaxen bo nizîkbûnewe le gell kamayetiy musullmanekanîtir le nêwendî nawxoda, wek leserçawekanîtir le ser musllmananî ‌tarawge baskrawn.

This article describes the sociology of hate speech, contending that hate speech is a by-product of racism that dominates our world when homo sapiens occupy the universe. It analyzes ideas of national space by some race thinkers and points to contemporary media as the foremost promoter of Caucasian nationalism worldwide. The article shows how social media data and IT platforms advance anti-other sentiments and a particular egocentric pro-nationalist agenda among Caucasian groups in the Global North, especially Germany and America. Convinced by Sigmund Freud's argument that human behavior is motivated by unconscious conflicts almost always aggressive. The principles of reverse psychology and group communication explain how the media frames persons with different racial, ethnic, sexual, gender, or ethnic configurations. Presenting hate speech as a threat to world peace and demonstrating that counter speech is a better way of blocking hate speech's dignitarian harm [1], the paper identifies global efforts to curb hate speech and shows how media firms and governments can control hate speech.

This article examines the regulation of linguistic diversity in Spain from a combined empirical and normative perspective. Spain is a particularly interesting case due to the intersection of linguistic and national diversity and its peculiar combination of territoriality and personality. We first present a conceptual framework which draws on the personality and territoriality distinction as established by political philosophers. Second, we examine the way multilingualism is regulated in Spain. A dual system emerges in which Castilian is the only state language while four other languages – Aranese, Basque, Catalan and Galician – are co-official in six Autonomous Communities. We identify two models concerning the degree of institutionalisation of non-Castilian languages: co-officiality and limited recognition. Finally, we characterise and assess normatively the advantages and disadvantages of the Spanish linguistic regulation. We argue that the Spanish linguistic system may be characterised as an Unequal Personality Linguistic Regime. This regime offers several instrumental advantages related to the prevalence of a shared language as well as a significant degree of territorial accommodation for minority language groups, but it also gives rise to injustices related to unequal treatment and domination. This article contributes to the academic debate about the politics of language by analysing a paradigmatic case of multilingualism and plurinationalism, Spain, and considering the usefulness of the territoriality and personality framework to study specific cases.

This article discusses how state-organized, memory-cultural production drawing on religious signifiers contributes to a sacralization of Turkish public memory institutions and public space. This reinforces an Islamic-nationalist imagination of contemporary Turkey. The article explores state-led, disciplinary interventions in museal space (the Sacred Trusts exhibition of relics at Topkapı Palace Museum) and commemorative ritual in public space, display and education (the rise, fall and recalibration of Holy Birth Week (Kutlu Doğum Haftası). Drawing on theories of symbolic politics, nationalism, memory and space, the article elucidates the sacralization of Turkish memory production as a contesting yet malleable negotiation of nationalism. Innovative Islamic memory practice and ritualization requires careful discursive and disciplinary boundary drawing, catering to theological sensitivities and Sunni-orthodox mores. Then again, the spatial boundaries between various memory-cultural domains are becoming less distinct. Today, Islamic-nationalist imaginaries surface in the interstices of public memory institutions, public education and everyday public space.

Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk (1) mengidentifikasi peran, (2) mendeskripsikan tantangan dan (3) upaya mahasiswa aktivis BEM UNY dalam penguatan karakter nasionalis di era revolusi industri 4.0. Jenis penelitian ini yaitu deskriptif dengan pendekatan kualitatif. Teknik pengumpulan data penelitian ini wawancara dan dokumentasi. Subjek penelitian ini tujuh mahasiswa aktivis BEM UNY periode 2020 yang di tentukan dengan teknik purposive . Analisis data penelitian ini menggunakan analisis kualitatif yang terdiri dari pengumpulan data, reduksi data, penyajian data, dan kesimpulan. Hasil Penelitian ini sebagai berikut. (1) Mahasiswa aktivis BEM UNY berperan dalam penguatan karakter nasionalis di era revolusi industri 4.0, sebagai agen perubahan, kontrol sosial, stok pemimpin. (2) Tantangan yang dihadapi yaitu semangat dalam diri sendiri yang “naik-turun”, keikutpesertaan dalam setiap kegiatan, adaptasi dari kecanggihan teknologi, dan orang-orang yang memiliki paham radikal. (3) Upaya yang dilakukan yaitu membuat program kerja yang menarik dengan mengintegrasikan kecanggihan teknologi, membuat gerakan atau komunitas sebagai alternatif, adaptasi, menjadikan diri sebagai contoh yang baik, dan melakukan pendekatan secara personal. ABSTRACT This study aims to (1) identify roles, (2) describe the challenges and (3) the efforts of BEM UNY activist students in strengthening the nationalist character in the era of the industrial revolution 4.0. This type of research is descriptive with a qualitative approach. The data collection techniques of this research were interviews and documentation. The subjects of this study were seven student activists from BEM UNY for the period 2020 who were determined by purposive technique. This research data analysis using qualitative analysis which consists of data collection, data reduction, data presentation, and conclusions. The results of this study are as follows. (1) Student activists from BEM UNY play a role in strengthening the nationalist character in the era of the industrial revolution 4.0, as agents of change, social control, iron stocks. (2) The challenges faced are the “ups and downs” of enthusiasm within oneself, participation in every activity, adaptation of technological sophistication, and people who have radical views. (3) Efforts are made, namely creating attractive work programs by integrating technological sophistication, creating movements or communities as alternatives, adapting, making oneself a good example, and taking a personal approach.

This article examines the meaning of Western music performances in interwar Shanghai through the theoretical framework of performativity that originated in John Austin's speech act and Judith Butler's notion of identity as performed. The early concerts of the Shanghai Municipal Orchestra (SMO), I suggest, were an assertion of settler sovereignty in a treaty port such as Shanghai. Therefore, Chinese musicians performing Western music – propagated through the establishment of the National Conservatory of Music by Chinese elites in Shanghai's French Settlement in 1927 – was the embodiment of three contradictory ideals: colonialism, nationalism, and cosmopolitanism. Zooming in on four SMO concerts that featured Chinese musicians in 1929, I argue that they were sites of identity and power negotiation, the SMO and the Chinese musicians asserting quite distinct performative utterances. On the one hand, the performing Chinese body enacted the cosmopolitan outlook that the Municipal Council was eager to project, not only for the sake of ideology but also to increase SMO's concert revenue by appealing to the increasing number of Chinese concert attendees. On the other hand, it meant national glory to Chinese residents in Shanghai, marking Chinese musicians participating in a global musical network. Lastly, this study draws attention to the diverse geographies of Western music in the twentieth century and its coeval development beyond the West, testifying to the timely need for a global music history in which the musicking of Western music in so many Asian cities should be interwoven into its narrative.

The increasing body of literature on diaspora politics points to the central role of collective narratives in sustaining diasporic identities and framing political action. Specifically, narratives that highlight a homeland under threat, a shared historical trauma, or discrimination at the country of residence have been identified as linking diasporas to their homeland, strengthening co-kins ties, and even facilitating mobilization. Existing research, however, did not examine systematically how these different narratives shape homeland attachment and homeland support among diaspora members. To do so, this research employs a survey experiment among American Jews (N = 1,200) evaluating how different narratives influence attachment to Israel and support of Israel. Further, it examines how different narratives operate across various groups within the Jewish-American diaspora – age cohorts, religious denominations, and political camps. Overall, the findings of this research will enhance our understanding of the micro-foundations of diasporic identities. Further, it will allow us to assess the efficacy of certain narratives based on existing cleavages and divisions within the Jewish-American community.

To test the effect of nationalism style on susceptibility to ethnic rhetoric.