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This paper explores the impact of the Russia-Ukraine war on Russia's academic sector, relying on the limited evidence available. The invasion has triggered an academic exodus from Russia, with both immediate and far-reaching consequences. These consequences range from the interruption of ongoing research projects and the termination of international collaborations to the emergence of an intellectual void, raising concerns about the future of academic pursuits in Russia. Conventional models for understanding academic mobility, which primarily focus on professional and economic incentives, prove inadequate in accounting for the complexities introduced by geopolitical strife, international sanctions, and curtailed academic freedoms. This paper calls for an interdisciplinary approach incorporating perspectives from political science, sociology, and international relations for a richer understanding of academic migration in conflict-affected settings. The Russia-Ukraine war serves as an important case study, shedding light on the vulnerabilities of academic sectors, even in the aggressor country where the physical conflict is not occurring, and offering broader insights for the field of academic mobility.

As the tragedy in Ukraine deepens, it's clear that the world should end its dependency on Russian oil. It will be ironic, however, if nations disentangling themselves from this compromised energy source instead turn to another energy source with destructive impacts: harvesting and burning forest wood for fuel, which increases carbon emissions compared to fossil fuels, and degrades forests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Events of recent years both in the United States and around the globe have highlighted the fragility of democracy. The invasion of Ukraine by Russia has prompted educators to seek evidence-based civic engagement methods for helping students understand the invasion and its implications. This paper offers a set of recommendations on how to teach the war in Ukraine through the lens of civic engagement education. Over the years, a sizeable body of scholarship has developed addressing the critical role civic education plays in safeguarding democracy and producing effective pedagogical approaches for instilling democratic knowledge, skills, and dispositions. Using this scholarship as a starting point, this paper offers recommendations on how educators in a variety of settings and across disciplines might modify these civic learning models to address the war in Ukraine. Based on my experience as a scholar-practitioner-educator at an institute of politics focused primarily on American democracy, I also offer suggestions on how to integrate teaching the war in Ukraine using these practices to enhance appreciation of civic engagement and the role of the citizen.

The Russia-Ukraine conflict has significantly impacted the outbound student mobility of Russian students. This paper highlights and explains the positive role virtual student mobility can play in shaping and sustaining the international education aspirations of Russian students amidst the entangled geopolitical and financial crises. Drawing upon the Aspirations-Capabilities framework of migration, the notion of mobility capital, and different states of (im)mobility, the study analyses 16 semi-structured, in-depth interviews conducted with Russian students who participated in various forms of virtual mobility in 2020-2023. The findings reveal that virtual mobility can bolster Russian students' capacity to aspire to international studies despite the mobility-suppressing climate by acting as a 'rite of passage' en route to international education, increasing language confidence, and challenging media portrayals of hostility towards Russian students. The richness of the virtual mobility experience in terms of communication with foreign teachers and students plays a key role in activating this affordance.

Values such as peace, mutual understanding, and solidarity have long been subsidiary to the aim of pursuing competition and revenue through the internationalization of higher education (HE). With the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, higher education institutions demonstrated strong support for peace and solidarity. Yet, the extent to which we are witnessing a return to an international politics rationale driving HE internationalization remains unclear. Using Canada and Germany as case studies, this paper compares how international conflict impacts HE internationalization practices from a host institution perspective. The developed theoretical framework connects HE crisis literature with novel approaches to HE institutions in global geopolitics. Data were analyzed through critical policy analysis, focusing on university presidents' statements and institutional press releases. The key finding suggests the dominance of the logic of appropriateness whereby a geopolitical rationale governs institutional responses in a context where widely shared democratic values are under attack.

This qualitative study explores the self-conceptualisation of higher education projects (HEPs) relocated out of Russia or created in exile by Russian emigrants after the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022. Drawing on semi-structured interviews, analysed by thematic analysis, and discourse analysis of projects' promo-materials, this paper explores how HEPs formulate their goals and aims concerning the conflict zone--their homeland. The research argues that these projects manage to overcome 'exiled consciousness' and appear as a hope-making practice. However, aiming to preserve the relocated academic heritage, HEPs limit their self-reconceptualisation, i.e., further reflection on the continuity of their practice. Along with presenting current narratives, the study suggests further directions for exploration of the imagined future and its materialisation mechanism through educational means in the context of a political and humanitarian crisis, along with the way the international education landscape is being reshaped in it.

This paper explores how faculty in Kazakhstan perceive the current and potential effects of the Russia-Ukraine war and sanctions on internationalization and international mobility in higher education in the Central Asian country. The purpose of the study was to provide some initial insights into the perceived effects of the conflict on international mobility and higher education in the country, which has the longest border with Russia. The study uses grounded theory as an approach to research design. The data was collected via semi-structured interviews whereby the participants were selected from among faculty of Kazakhstani universities using a combination of snowball and maximal-variation sampling approaches. The results of the analysis revealed that the participants interpret the impacts of the conflict predominantly in neoliberal terms with only some faculty members noting potential effects in terms of academic colonialism. Identified themes are best interpreted in terms of the conceptual construct of capital. We suggest a combination of several capital theories as a potential theoretical framework for understanding perceptions of the effects of war on internationalization and international mobility in higher education.

The Western-style internationalisation of Russian universities, which guided the evolution of the country's higher education sector for over three decades, has been challenged by Western sanctions following the 2022 Russian 'Special military operation in Ukraine'. The authors show through the prism of constructivist theory how the norm on the internationalisation of higher education characterised by the strive for Westernised world-class universities was adopted and then came to unravel in Russia. A qualitative case study based on 42 expert interviews and an analysis of political discourse and legal documents reveals how the key features of the internationalisation of Russian universities are being challenged. The authors contribute to the expert literature the notion of 'norm reversal', defined as the process whereby an institutionalised and internalised international norm is 'cancelled' in a specific country. The paper shows that the reversal in Russian higher education, which was initially 'circumstantial' is becoming 'intentional', with legal documents being drawn up to accelerate and claim ownership of it.

Soviet higher education had a distinctive institutional landscape. It combined two institutional types in a uniform model that embedded higher education in the national economy. This paper focuses on the post-Soviet system-level changes in the institutional landscape in all 15 countries of the former USSR. It shows that over last three decades the Soviet two-type institutional model evolved into a three-type model, with the specialized university as a new institutional type. Highlighting the instruments of horizontal and vertical differentiation for each country, the paper explains how structural reforms and market forces led to the rise of the university/multiversity form of institution, and the strengthening of vertical stratification at system level. The comparative analysis shows that there have been different patterns of transformation in the 15 countries, shaped by unique combinations of structural reforms and marketization policies, with certain countries having made more distinctive steps away from the Soviet institutional model. There are now 15 formally different systems of higher education which poses further questions for comparative analysis.

The global COVID-19 pandemic has passed. This process required greater attention and care to the specifics of the organization of distance learning and the resolution of problems that arose for participants in the educational process. By late 2021 face-to-face teaching was returning but Russian aggression against Ukraine interrupted the comparatively carefree life of children and hindered access to kindergartens and schools which required a further focus on remote education. The paper outlines the peculiarities of the organization of distance learning under martial law in Ukraine and presents the problems of the organization of training during a time of conflict as well as the challenges presented by Internet platforms for the organization of the distance learning approaches recommended by the Ministry of Education of Ukraine. The aim of the research was theoretical analysis and generalization of literature on research problems, pedagogical observations, surveys, methods of mathematical statistics. The article provides one of the first analyses of the difficulties faced during this period of immense disruption based on empirical data and explains to what extent Ukrainian teachers under martial law have the possibility to organize distance teaching, what problems they face, what is the psychological state of children.

This paper is devoted to changes in the way in which mathematical assessment is conducted in Russia and Ukraine, the two largest states formed after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Previously, in the USSR, there existed two parallel systems of examinations, as follows: "exit exams," which were taken by schoolchildren graduating from high schools, and which were conducted using the same texts across the entire territory of each Soviet republic; and "entrance exams," which each college conducted independently (with the approval of the Ministry). In the new states, a gradual transition occurred to conducting so-called uniform exams, in which exit and entrance exams were combined. This change reflected society's quest for a fair and effective system, which could avoid corruption, unfairness toward different categories of students, and the like. In this paper, examinations are analyzed as an expression of society's influence on the teaching of mathematics. Consequently, the paper analyzes, on the one hand, the stages in the appearance and formation of examination procedures, the problems offered on exams, and the influence of exams on the teaching of mathematics; and on the other hand, the attitude toward exams in society, discussion of them in the press, and other general issues. A necessary space in the paper is allocated to background information, with a discussion of how exams were conducted in the USSR and of the general changes that have taken place in both countries.

This mixed-methods ethnographic case study examines the socio-historical origins and current lived experiences of students at one Russian university to understand the role of a university education as an environmental factor in the development of a civic consciousness. Findings suggest that the institution has attempted to introduce liberal civic education reforms while competing with a system-wide civic passivity developed during the Soviet era. At the same time, the institution is balancing political neutrality and social development to effectively execute its mission in spite of increasing state control. Student voices suggest that human capital development remains a top priority, whereas civic development has been limited. This case study serves as a cautionary tale in light of oppression and compromises that higher education institutions have to make with the state. Moreover, countries with a similar Soviet legacy of an atrophied civic society can look to modest reform efforts to engage individual students in a way that can promote civic participation so long as the state allows civic development to occur. This paper also addresses the implications of higher education's role within the context of the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine.

Academic libraries, apart from their main function, which is to provide information services to academic communities, may also perform a number of social roles in the broad meaning of the term. Accordingly, they now tend to serve as the third place offering inclusion and animation activities to academic as well as local communities (including potential students) and to groups in risk of social exclusion (immigrants, persons with disabilities, senior citizens, etc.) or in need of various kinds of care and support. However, for libraries to be able to fulfil those tasks, they need properly trained staff who not only have the required competencies but also the right social attitudes. The paper presents an analysis of the social attitudes of academic librarians from twenty countries across the world as compared to the personnel of other types of libraries. The level of individual social capital, activity in social networks, aspirations in life and social and civic engagement were investigated. It was noted that the respondents tend to undervalue the importance of the work done by libraries for local communities. At the same time, the research showed that academic librarians have a somewhat lower level of individual social capital and trust than public librarians and less extensive social networks. Nonetheless, they are open to relationships with others, which enables them to engage in various social projects.

France’s reaction to Russia’s invasion of Ukraine was initially conciliatory. However, the current French President’ statements, Macron, gradually changed, suggesting a potential shift in France's stance. The French president recently suggested troops could be sent to Ukraine to fight the Russians, a move that could significantly impact the course of the war. Our paper aims to address this possibility. How feasible would this be from a military perspective? Second, are there any other relevant political actors that will support it? Third, why has Paris changed its position to such a radical stance? We start from the theoretical design of realist constructivism. Postcolonial theories and the concept of locked-in path dependence supported this research. The methods follow the path of historical synthesis, discourse analysis of key political actors, and text analysis of defense white papers. Quantitative military variables are used to understand France’s and the EU’s military-industrial complex capabilities and assess its potential. The collapse of France’s neocolonial empire in Africa and Russia’s growing influence in the region partially explains Macron’s discourse change. This is correlated with the need to follow a more independent European security policy and the worsening military situation in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Russia's propaganda discourse on Twitter during the 2022 invasion of Ukraine. The study employs network analysis, natural language processing (NLP) techniques, and qualitative analysis to identify key communities and narratives associated with the prevalent and damaging narrative of "fascism/Nazism" in discussions related to the invasion. The paper implements a methodological pipeline to identify the main topics, and influential actors, as well as to examine the most impactful messages in spreading this disinformation narrative. Overall, this research contributes to the understanding of propaganda dissemination on social media platforms and provides insights into the narratives and communities involved in spreading disinformation during the invasion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the position of the United States of America regarding Ukraine’s cooperation with the North Atlantic Alliance during both administrations of the 42nd US President William Jefferson Clinton. The reflection of Ukraine’s relations with NATO from the standpoint of the American establishment in such important foreign policy documents as «The National Security Strategy of the United States for 1994, 1995, 1997 year» (L.T.), as well as in the official sources of the Presidents of the United States - «Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States of America». [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to address the possible role of the Eastern European Orthodox Church as an alternative channel to ensure fruitful negotiations to end the Russo-Ukrainian war that has still ongoing since 2022. As the majority religion in Russia, Ukraine, and Eastern Europe as a whole, the Orthodox branch of Christianity has a transnational influence on its followers, including prominent political figures in the aforementioned territories. Utilizing qualitative research methods, this paper is written to provide arguments about whether the Orthodox Church, with its immense presence in the belligerents' spiritual beliefs, will be able to be employed as a channel to end the Russo-Ukrainian war. In this paper, analysis is conducted through the usage of J. W. McDonald's "The Institute for Multi-Track Diplomacy" (2012) journal article about multi-track diplomacy and D. Johnston's Faith-Based Diplomacy: Trumping Realpolitik (2003) book about faith-based diplomacy to gauge the Orthodox Church's potential as a channel of diplomacy between Russia and Ukraine. This paper finds that overall, the Orthodox Church fails to fulfil the criteria that Johnston (2003) posits; one of the most fatal is the organization's inability to reconcile the belligerents' deep historical wounds. Due to the Orthodox Church's traditional role that has always been closely tied to the Russian government, its capability to build an acceptable negotiation channel is severely impeded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the main features of digital repression in Russia, especially in the context of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. The repression of digital activism is not a new phenomenon in Russia; however, it gained fresh momentum during the Russian-Ukrainian war. Security has been used as a pretext to expand the state's authority at the cost of individuals' rights and freedoms. To control political narratives, suppress online dissent and surveil regime critics, the government has significantly tightened the national legislation through its media regulator, Roskomnadzor. The aftermath of the war, harsh sanctions and increased anti-regime movements have also deepened Russia's aspirations toward 'digital sovereignty'. Meanwhile, regardless of a number of important initiatives in this direction, domestic digital space still remains an ambitious goal to be fulfilled. This paper concludes that, along with other devastating consequences, the war in Ukraine will provoke further digital repression in Russia aimed at achieving the Kremlin's goal of "digital sovereignty". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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One of the biggest European conflagrations after the World War II constitutes Russian's unprovoked attack on Ukraine which begun in 2014 and evolved in a full scale war in February 2022. Despite the fact that it represents an armed conflict between two actors, it is difficult to classify it as pure conventional or unconventional war. The main goal of the paper is to reveal the extent to which conflict can be classified as conventional since both sides have been using a long range of elements of unconventional war. Using the historical and analytical method, the paper emphasizes that the conflict cannot be classified fully conventional or unconventional as the actors use a mixture of both to reach their military and political objectives. The scope of our paper limits the research to the Russian military interventions unfolding during the last two decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although Russia's economy appears immune to any actions taken by countries supporting Ukraine in its struggle to preserve its sovereignty, the sanctions project directed against Russia continues to evolve. The sanctions policy pursued by the European Union, the United States, and their allies is isolating the Russian economy, gradually leading to its 'Sovietisation'. The primary purpose of this paper is to assess the impact of the sanctions on the economic situation of the Russian Federation. The paper is based on available statistical information provided by the Federal State Statistics Service (Rosstat) and Russian news media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following paper provides a comparative analysis of Soviet military operations in Czechoslovakia and Afghanistan and Phase I Russian operations in Ukraine. The principal object of analysis is the employment of military force within the Soviet and later Russian military operational art outside of large-scale doctrinal conventional warfare. The principal thesis of the paper revolves around providing adequate evidence for two core postulations - the Soviet and later Russian militaries have historically relied in the case of escalation and use of conventional military force on the "military operation" as a method to utilise said military force in a low-intensity, non-kinetic approach where large-scale conventional land forces, in combination with airborne and special forces, would rapidly overwhelm an adversary's military and civilian capabilities to offer resistance; first-phase Russian operations in Ukraine in 2022 followed the provided historical model, encompassing all elements and methods previously employed, but were unable to repeat Soviet successes, failing due to a variety of factors, which had previously worked in favour of the Soviet military, but were not sufficiently present or counteracted. The paper conducts a comparative analysis by synthesising the key elements, which make up the matrix of a given "military operation" - political goals, military objectives, preparation and execution, and applies them in each of the three case studies - Czechoslovakia, Afghanistan and Ukraine. By analysing each of these elements, the paper provides proof of the identical approaches used by the Soviet/Russian militaries and also its subsequent conclusions on the inability of the Russian military to achieve success in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the role of asymmetric information as a cause of Russia's 2022 invasion of Ukraine. In the classic bargaining model of war, negotiations break down when one side privately believes that it is sufficiently more likely perform better in battle than the other side expects. There is strong evidence that this mechanism was at play on the eve of the invasion. Chronic problems with Russian civil–military institutions created both an army unprepared for the conflict and a lack of awareness of this within the Kremlin. In contrast, Ukraine had reports of these problems and also had private information regarding its own resolve. Consequently, the Kremlin's demands on the eve of the conflict exceeded what Ukraine was willing to concede. Russia invaded as a result. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The violence perpetrated against Ukraine has raised questions regarding the direction of U.S. grand strategy since the end of the Cold War, with the Clinton administration's decision to pursue a policy of democratic promotion in central and eastern Europe coming under specific scrutiny. Was this, as critics suggest, a strategic blunder that prompted Moscow's apparent attempt to re-establish control over its former satellites, or, as was believed at the time, a necessary step towards political and economic reform of the European continent following the Cold War? This paper reveals how the Democracy Promotion pillar of the Clinton administration's policy of Engagement and Enlargement aided the development of Ukraine without antagonizing the Kremlin, and the lessons that the Biden administration could glean from this policy thirty years later. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian private military company (PMC), the Wagner Group, went from being a public secret to openly fighting alongside Russian forces in Russia's war in Ukraine. By looking at Russian pro-government media discourses on PMCs, this paper argues that this development is largely made possible by a discursive shift, which happened before the war. Two basic discourses are found in the period leading up to the war – a discourse that denies the existence of Russian PMCs, and a discourse of normalization, which constructs PMCs as legitimate businesses and Russia as a great power. The two discourses previously kept the PMCs in a grey zone, allowing the Russian political elite deniability, while also taking credit for the foreign policy successes the PMCs achieved. However, this paper shows a discursive shift of recognizing PMCs as legitimate actors, which allowed for the Wagner Group to play a key role in Russia's war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper examines the effectiveness of the sanctions imposed by the European Union and the G7 on Russian oil and their impact on the Russian economy and the developments of the war in Ukraine. The main questions in the paper revolve around Moscow's strategies and policies to evade these oil sanctions and the extent to which they have mitigated the impact of the sanctions on Russia. The paper argues that oil sanctions were not able to inflict sufficient economic pain to push Russia to change its policy toward the war in Ukraine, where the Russian economy's dependence on European oil importers was not a crucial factor in the success of the sanctions. Additionally, the paper contends that the time factor was in Russia's favor, as delaying the oil sanctions allowed Russia time to prepare for the circumvention of sanctions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After Russia's massive Cyber-attacks on Ukraine's government and bank sectors in January–February 2022, many analysts alleged that Cyber-power would be a crucial component of Russia's military victory in Ukraine. Contrary to these expectations, however, Russian Cyber-intrusions yielded meagre strategic benefits, with Moscow seemingly prioritising conventional warfare and destruction of energy and civilian infrastructure instead. Using a theory of asymmetric conflict, this paper argues, somewhat counterintuitively, that the reason behind inhibited efficacy of Russian Cyber-operations post-2022 are Moscow's prior Cyber-attacks against Ukraine since 2013. While having helped the Kremlin weaken Ukraine's Cyber-networks and collect local intelligence, these antecedent Cyber-operations have provided a two-pronged learning loop: for Ukraine to cultivate habits of mitigating Russian Cyber-threats, and for Russia to acquire habits of relying on information operations more than on destructive Cyber-attacks. This "pedagogical" mechanism ultimately enabled Ukraine to redress its Cyber-asymmetry with Russia and deny Moscow success in its Cyber-intrusions post-2022. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian invasion of Ukraine and the recognition of the rising challenge from China have resulted in a closer alignment of American, British and French strategic interests. This policy paper explores how the strategic relationship between the United States, the United Kingdom and France has evolved amid this changed threat environment. The Russia–Ukraine war exposed the limitations of France's policy of 'strategic autonomy' and reasserted the importance of an American role in European security. The war has re-focused attention upon the Lancaster House framework in which the UK and France have the potential to enhance their contribution to European defence. The UK still regards its 'special relationship' with the US as being of critical importance to its foreign policy. But the UK's diminishing military power makes it a less valuable ally to the US whose attention is increasingly upon the Indo-Pacific region. The paper argues that the alignment between the three countries has been closer over the Russian war in Ukraine compared to attitudes towards China, where tensions between France and the 'Anglo-Saxons' persist. France has been unwilling to adopt the American approach towards China and has stuck to its vision of a multipolar world. The AUKUS deal arranged between the US, UK and Australia had the effect of alienating France. The policy paper contends that the temporary alignment between US, UK and French interests will erode as long-standing conflicts of interest re-emerge. In particular, the unpredictability of US leadership will damage the trilateral relationship if Donald Trump regains the presidency in November 2024. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'International Relations & Regional Studies' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The regional conflict from Ukraine that emerged a year ago, in February 2022, has quickly evolved into a widespread economic confrontation between the West and the Russian Federation, due to the enormous amount of sanctions imposed to the latest as a retaliation for the unprovoked military invasion into the territory of an independent and sovereign state. While the Western sanctions have targeted various economic field (from finance, to energy and trade), for the purpose of this paper we have chosen to analyse the impact of the trade sanctions in the energy field while highlighting how the European Union (EU)-Russia energy trade has shrunken under the sanctions blow. This paper provides an in depth quantitative analysis of the bilateral trade between the two parties, focusing on the evolution of energy trade after the imposition of sanctions. The methodological approach uses the latest Eurostat statistics but also a qualitative analysis of the studied literature in the field to underline the huge impact of sanctions on the bilateral cooperation between EU and Russian Federation. Our main finding shows that the sanctions have seriously affected the economic cooperation between EU and Russian Federation, causing a major decrease of the bilateral trade, but the energy trade still remains important, as the enforced bans have not completely stopped the unwanted energy link between the two parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Drawing on the theoretical framework of the Copenhagen School of Security Studies, the paper's aim focuses on the role of the Nord Stream pipeline in the Russia-EU political and security relations, considering its securitization following the Ukraine crisis and Russia's military intervention against this country. The paper, utilizing the comparative analysis method and securitization theory, argues that in the past, the Nord Stream pipeline significantly contributed to maintaining friendly relations between Russia and the EU, assisting the two parties in determining foreign policy positions and flexibility. However, following the Ukraine crisis and the subsequent development of mistrust and increased military threats, this pipeline has lost its position and stabilizing role, and it no longer fulfills its previous function of fostering relations between the EU and Russia. The paper concludes that after the Ukraine crisis, it became securitized, and rather than holding a constructive role, it has adopted a threatening role for the EU and its Western allies, especially the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper identifies several Russian visions of future relations with Ukraine and Western nations from the mid-term perspective. Russian scholars and foreign policy analysts have debated several scenarios of future relations that can be defined as a long war, a hostile coexistence, and a renewed peace. While not entirely exclusive, each has its own internal logic and is driven by distinct forces. The paper reviews writings and commentaries by Russian thinkers as reflective of the identified scenarios by analyzing and comparing their arguments. From the Russian perspective, a stable peace is only possible by addressing issues of values, security, and economic and political relations among Russia, Ukraine, and Western countries. An analysis of Russia's internal discussions presents an opportunity to understand the diversity of the country's reasoning about future international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The 2014 annexation of Crimea from Ukraine and subsequent 2022 invasion of Ukraine by Russia have thrust Ukraine and European security into an intense and formidable challenge. The Western response, marked by a resolute sanctions regime targeting Russian officials and entities, has not only met but exceeded initial expectations, serving as a powerful testament to a steadfast stance against Russian aggression. As the full-scale invasion enters its third year, characterized by unconventional and asymmetrical tactics, delving into the historical roots of this crisis is imperative, acknowledging the enduring influence of the Soviet Union on the geopolitical landscape. This paper embarks on a rigorous exploration of the multifaceted factors propelling Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Geopolitical power dynamics, historical grievances, competitions of national conscience, economic dependencies, and security concerns are scrutinized intensely to unravel the intricate motivations behind the conflict. The study offers an exhaustive analysis of global ramifications, encompassing geopolitical realignments and shifts in alliances. The war in Ukraine has not only damaged global food and energy supply chains but has also rendered international trade fragile and complicated, reshaping the global landscape significantly. The Russian invasion, transcending the bounds of a mere territorial conflict, reshapes the global order. Simultaneously, Putin’s strategic miscalculation, fueled by perceived success in Crimea, led to an underestimation of Ukrainian resilience. Subsequent events in eastern Ukraine underscored the limits of Putin’s strategic calculations, showcasing the indomitable spirit of a people united in defense of their homeland. Ukraine’s extraordinary resilience, evident through citizen mobilization and strategic defense initiatives, shatters the perception of invincibility. The nation’ ability to transform challenges into opportunities underscores its unwavering commitment to long-term security and territorial integrity. Even with uncertain perspectives of Western support Ukrainian leadership continued to provide all the efforts to win this war. By harnessing collective strength, Ukraine sends a strong message about its determination to safeguard sovereignty, protect citizens’ interests, and emerge stronger in the face of adversity. By harnessing collective strength, Ukraine sends a resounding message about its determination to safeguard sovereignty, protect citizens; national interests, and emerge stronger in the face of adversity. Indeed, while Russia employs military tactics, Ukraine fights with the indomitable spirit of its citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study sets out to examine the perception of Romanian minority groups and Romanian speakers in Ukraine on the Russian-Ukrainian war right after Moscow launched the large-scale invasion (24 February 2022). The paper studies the impact Ukraine's policies addressing national minorities and their poor reception have had on community-wide perception on the war. Equally contributing are the crimes committed by Soviet authorities against the Romanian minority, for which part of the blame is projected onto present-day Russia. Data collected as part of field research (focus groups interviews, surveys, analyses of Romanian-language publications) is evidence in favor of the Romanian minority's support for Ukraine and for its condemnation of Russia's military actions. In the full-blown Russian-Ukrainian war, the Romanian national minority proved its political loyalty towards Kyiv due to its civic identity (as citizens of Ukraine), without abandoning its ethnic legacy. At the same time, support for Ukraine's war efforts is interpreted as a compelling reason in the future for Ukrainian authorities to change the national minority laws. The war and expectations linked to its outcome are seen through an "ethnic lens", a community-specific perspective developed as a consequence of overlapping identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reviews analyses of the implications of Russia's invasion of Ukraine for the global food system and food security. Key critical agrarian studies-affiliated accounts, like mainstream ones, conceptualize Russia's war primarily as a 'shock', and the paper shows how accounts name, describe, explain the origins and causal impacts of, and assign responsibility for that shock. While CAS studies make essential contributions, the literature treats Russia's invasion as exogenous to the global food system in ways that should be questioned. CAS studies should apply other established CAS framings – geopolitics, imperialism and colonialism, and land/resource grabbing – to Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What we propose in this article is a mapping of the main themes of feminist discourse on the conflict in Ukraine. In the first part of the paper, we will attempt an outline of the main positions on the conflict and its causes. We do not claim to be exhaustive in our examination of them, but it is important to present them in order to see how feminist organizations and personalities position themselves in relation to them. In the second part of the paper, we will sketch a typology of feminist theories in order to better understand what will follow in the third part, namely how certain types of feminist discourses overlap - or not - with the positions of international relations scholars. This discursive excursion in which we will present the main positions will also allow us to advance our own perspectives on how feminism as an antipatriarchal movement should position itself in this conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to the OSCE, contemporary threats to security are more likely to arise from causes other than armed conflicts. The OSCE considers the list of potential security threats open and able to intersect the military, economic, and "human sphere." Yet, how open is this list and how open should it be? This paper tackles this question by examining the issue of whether discrimination and intolerance against LGBTQ populations can be considered a security threat that pertains to the human dimension of security. The current conflict in Ukraine illustrates the dangers of an expansive approach to framing security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The Russia-Ukraine war has undeniably impacted global science and healthcare in Ukraine. Many Ukrainian researchers have had their projects disrupted by this war, either due to loss of life, displacement, or destruction of resources. Despite these challenges, these researchers have sought to make their voices heard. This scoping review highlights the trend of healthcare-related publications on the current Russia-Ukraine war and characterizes the contribution of Ukrainian authors to these publications. Method: A comprehensive literature search was performed using two databases (Scopus and Pubmed) for publications related to the ongoing Russia-Ukraine war. We included articles only related to healthcare. We then extracted and analyzed bibliometric data. Result: One hundred and eighty-three articles were identified, including 12 (6.6%) original articles, 26 (14.2%) cross-sectional studies, 19 (10.4%) letters to the editor, 10 (5.5%) commentaries, 5 (2.7%) perspectives, 35 (19.1%) editorials, 2 (1.1%) randomized controlled trials, 11(6.0%) correspondences, 13 (7.1%) opinions, 8 (4.4%) reviews and 42 (23.0%) are identified as others. 180 (98.4%) studies were in English, and 3 (1.7%) were in German. 54 (29.5%) papers on the war had at least one author affiliated with a Ukrainian institution, and 29 (15.9%) studies had authors with Ukrainian affiliation as first authors. Conclusion: our study shows that there has been a significant number of publications on the Russia-Ukraine war and only a small portion of first authors, co-authors, and last authors of these publications are affiliated to an institution in Ukraine. Therefore, despite the relatively high number of publications, most publications do not arise from the perspective of Ukrainian authors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the impact of institutional shifts on the strategic choices of Russian firms. It proposes and tests hypotheses of how a shift from a weak to a strong institutional context is likely to affect firms' knowledge accumulation, absorptive capacities and internalisation of operations. Using discriminant analysis, the econometric investigation demonstrates that firms tend to allocate greater resources towards improving their knowledge and absorptive capacity and make more efforts to vertically integrate—in line with improvements in the institutional environment. These investments ensure the survivability and competitiveness of firms in the long term. Furthermore, the study demonstrates that the long-term strategic orientation of firms goes hand in hand with rising resource allocations by the nation-state towards economic development. The findings align with the institutionalist political economy views that institutions are the ultimate overseers that allow the market to operate efficiently, especially in emerging market environments. The paper is also instructive to other developing economies about the need to strengthen their institutional environments, which supports the long-term orientation of firms and has a positive impact on economic development. The analysis does not take into account the impact of sanctions on Russian business and economy, post the annexation of Crimea and the armed conflict with Ukraine. Nor does it consider the impact of COVID-19 on the economy. As such, the study attempts to constitute an untainted comparison of two paths of transition on Russian firms—shock therapy, vis-à-vis, an institutional political economy approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since Russia's warfare against Ukraine began in 2014, there has been an increasing tendency within NATO-countries to pinpoint and bundle together internal 'enemies' with one external enemy: Russia. This conflation of science and politics may confront scholars with what Huysmans (2002) calls the 'normative security dilemma of writing security': when scholars sensitive to how 'security talk' can have unfortune consequences themselves become part of the threat constructions they seek to tone down. This paper asks what epistemic consequences this 'knowledge for war' might have and the extent to which scholars can, and should, do anything to counter these tendencies. Drawing on illustrations from discussions between Norwegian scholars in the prelude and immediate aftermath of Russia's full-scale invasion of Ukraine, the paper's point of departure is a debate on what explanations were deemed as apologetic towards Putin. The paper then moves on to discuss the epistemic politics entailed in a 'knowledge for war' and argues that that the tendency to look for inner enemies can contribute to precluding certain scholarly explanations. Finally, the contribution considers how scholars may re-present Russian narratives in ways that avoids reproducing the Kremlin's war propaganda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In 2022, Russia's war against Ukraine shook the world and kickstarted an active humanitarian operation to save war-affected Ukrainians. All the neighbouring countries of Ukraine were forced to react actively. However, the subsequent refugee crisis affected Poland the most. Currently, Poland is playing the most important role among the countries receiving war refugees from Ukraine, which raises obvious questions about future developments and possible future challenges in relations between Ukraine and Poland and, above all, migration policy itself. The objective of this paper is to conduct a comprehensive analysis of Poland's policy in the field of accepting refugees and to examine the relevant legislation and procedures related to Ukrainian refugees, thereby shedding light on the assistance and support mechanisms put in place by the Polish authorities. Furthermore, this study seeks to draw insightful conclusions regarding the impact of Ukrainian refugees on Poland's economic and social spheres, in addition to exploring the refugees' integration into various aspects of daily life. A critical aspect of this research involves a comparative analysis to ascertain whether Poland's policy towards Ukrainian refugees has undergone any significant changes since the beginning of the full-scale invasion on February 24th, 2022. This timeline provides a crucial backdrop for understanding how evolving geopolitical dynamics may have influenced Poland's approach. This research employs a multidisciplinary approach, utilising a combination of data collection, policy analysis, and an extensive review of relevant literature to provide a comprehensive and nuanced understanding of the complex issue at hand. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]