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This paper explores the impact of the Russia-Ukraine war on Russia's academic sector, relying on the limited evidence available. The invasion has triggered an academic exodus from Russia, with both immediate and far-reaching consequences. These consequences range from the interruption of ongoing research projects and the termination of international collaborations to the emergence of an intellectual void, raising concerns about the future of academic pursuits in Russia. Conventional models for understanding academic mobility, which primarily focus on professional and economic incentives, prove inadequate in accounting for the complexities introduced by geopolitical strife, international sanctions, and curtailed academic freedoms. This paper calls for an interdisciplinary approach incorporating perspectives from political science, sociology, and international relations for a richer understanding of academic migration in conflict-affected settings. The Russia-Ukraine war serves as an important case study, shedding light on the vulnerabilities of academic sectors, even in the aggressor country where the physical conflict is not occurring, and offering broader insights for the field of academic mobility.

Events of recent years both in the United States and around the globe have highlighted the fragility of democracy. The invasion of Ukraine by Russia has prompted educators to seek evidence-based civic engagement methods for helping students understand the invasion and its implications. This paper offers a set of recommendations on how to teach the war in Ukraine through the lens of civic engagement education. Over the years, a sizeable body of scholarship has developed addressing the critical role civic education plays in safeguarding democracy and producing effective pedagogical approaches for instilling democratic knowledge, skills, and dispositions. Using this scholarship as a starting point, this paper offers recommendations on how educators in a variety of settings and across disciplines might modify these civic learning models to address the war in Ukraine. Based on my experience as a scholar-practitioner-educator at an institute of politics focused primarily on American democracy, I also offer suggestions on how to integrate teaching the war in Ukraine using these practices to enhance appreciation of civic engagement and the role of the citizen.

Copyright of Journal of Comparative & International Higher Education is the property of Comparative & International Education Society Higher Education SIG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Russias invasion of Ukraine in 2022 triggered a conflict that has transformed international relations through drastic impacts on policymaking, energy politics, and alliances. Such impacts have produced severe multi-dimensional consequences for African countries that have yet to be sufficiently interrogated in the literature. In response to this gap, this paper examined the security implications of the conflict for African countries to offer a comprehensive analysis that considers the intersection of the conflict with contemporary economic, human, social, and political issues confronting Africa. In discourse using a qualitative approach and rooted in a theoretical perspective drawn from the Copenhagen School, the paper underlined the security implications as evident in the areas of food security and governance, buttressing that the proxy conflicts and power struggles associated with this war have exacerbated existing challenges related to food availability and interfered with the consolidation of democracy in Africa. The paper concluded that the war's multi-dimensional impact potentially compounds political instability vectors. It generates dynamics capable of eroding social cohesion and fomenting social unrest in Africa, meriting its designation as an issue of great concern to African policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyse how the theory of economic and institutional liberalism applies to the Three Seas Initiative (3SI) and its Investment Fund (3SIIF), particularly in the context of Ukraine, which was attacked by Russia in February 2022. The study integrates theoretical perspectives from security studies, political science, and international relations with the practical implementation of the 3SI and 3SIIF. It uses scholarly literature on liberalism along with official 3SI and 3SIIF documentation. By comparing the theoretical principles of liberalism with the operational practices of the 3SI, the article draws conclusions about the alignment of these practices with liberal theory. The findings indicate that the theory of liberalism can be used to explain and describe forms of regional cooperation such as the 3SI, which reflects its relevance across various operational and conceptual dimensions. The acceptance of Ukraine as a participating 3SI partner was one of the signals to Russia that Ukraine is a part of the Western world, where goals are achieved through voluntary integration, trade and investment cooperation, free market, and democratic principles, and not through dependency, violence, and military action. Finally, the paper illustrates the application of liberalism theory to the geopolitical realities of the 3SI and draws attention to its effectiveness in achieving economic and regional security goals. The research may influence future regional policies and strategies, especially in the context of Ukraine’s integration into Western structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fossil fuels helped Russian president Putin build military power of Russia and attack Ukraine. Coal, gas and oil are being used by Putin's regime as weapons against the countries that are contractors and consumers of Russian fuels. The aim of this paper is to present a methodology based on refining information and Big Data analysis and to demonstrate the results, as well as to show trends and developments in relation to the response to the crisis on the fossil fuel market. Predictive methods and the techniques of sentiment analysis including the cluster analysis and the analysis of the variability of trends indicates that the European Union has taken over the burden of energy policy-making. This also indicates a downgrading of national policies and their weakness in resisting Russia's aggressive actions. The analysis of frequency confirms the markedly different Russian attitudes to Europe as a whole and to its individual members. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's Neo-Eurasianism challenges the existing hierarchy in the international order with wider implications for the United States as the leading Atlanticist opposition. Ranging from its Cultural Exceptionalism and messianic identity to the comprehensive geopolitical discourse, Neo-Eurasianism encourages Putin's Russia towards a renewed mission of the Eurasian Integration. This is evident by Russia's emerging alliances, its adventures against Georgia and Ukraine, and the restructuring of regional institutions. The Fourth Political Theory as an alternative to the discarded Liberalism as the dead-end of modernity, its geopolitical model peddles Russia towards geopolitical settlement across Eurasia to emerge as the dominant Eurasian pole. Such settlements in Eastern Europe, the Persian Gulf and East Asia is complemented by the weakening American commitment to the three geopolitical hotspots which results not only in America's global retreat but also in a world with no global centre of gravity. The research paper examines the relevance of Dugin's geopolitical model in the contemporary geopolitical environment across Eurasia. It addresses the geopolitical discourse and limitations of Eurasianism, Russia's New Nationalism its changing geopolitical behaviour across the Eurasian supercontinent. It also highlights the consequences of Neo-Eurasianism for the Atlanticist pre-eminence across Eurasia, and its impact over the nature of the emerging word order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politica y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper uses a survey among students at European universities to explore whether Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has affected attitudes toward European integration. Some respondents completed the survey just before Russia’s assault on February 24, 2022, and some did so just afterwards, thus delivering a quasi-experimental design situation, which we exploit. Our results suggest that the ominous news about the Russian attack increased the participants’ interest in EU politics, consolidated their attachment to the EU, and made them more mindful and appreciative of the benefits of deeper European integration. In effect, the war so close to the EU Eastern border provoked a rally around the supranational EU flag, with convergence of public opinion toward shared European values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian Orthodox Church (ROC) presents itself as a defender of traditional Christian values. Among these values, representatives of the ROC mention concern for marriage and family. To what extent is the position of the ROC an expression of commitment to the traditional Christian concept of marriage and family? In this article, we analyse the contemporary Orthodox discourse in Russia since Kirill Gundyayev became the Patriarch of Moscow in 2009. From a political science and security studies perspective, we highlight the main ideological elements of this discourse. We contrast these elements with similar content in Russian official documents and Vladimir Putin's statements. An analysis of what the ROC says about the problems and protection of marriage and family in Russia, against the background of Putin's statements and the actions of the state authorities, shows that the ROC's discourse on marriage and family echoes the main themes of the political discourse controlled by the state authorities. In its understanding of marriage and in its efforts on behalf of the family, the ROC represents a conservative doctrinal position. Although, in doctrinal terms, it essentially expresses the traditional Christian teaching on marriage, the strong ideologisation and securitisation of demographic issues in Russia are also reflected in church discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the war discourse on Russian television, particularly in political talk show broadcasts aired after Russia's invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022. The question of how the two conflicting parties, Russia and Ukraine, are portrayed verbally and visually in these shows is specifically emphasized. While the quantitative analysis traces a massive increase in Russian talk show broadcasts since the beginning of the war, the Critical Discourse Analysis demonstrates which strategies are utilized to demonise and defame the Ukrainian side and to legitimise the war. By comparing the current war discourse with the Ukraine discourse in 2014, this study shows that talk shows have undertaken a significant role in supporting the war and have become a puissant didactic tool to influence and manipulate public opinion by perennially repeating key governmental messages and efficiently orchestrating all visual, verbal, and non-verbal means at their disposal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the modern world banks are unique. Formally, they are commercial enterprises, but in fact they have a government role, controlling all of the financial activity of the population and organizations. This article examines the roles of banks in the surveillance and pressuring of people that are not usually publicized. There is no political subtext in this article, as the situation described is typical for all countries. The fact that the majority of the examples given are from Russia and the USA simply reflects the experience of the authors. The other important thing to note is that the article describes the ongoing war of "banks against the people," and the cascade of events is accelerating with nearly every month. And the winner in these intermittent skirmishes is always the same. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, we first briefly recount the post-Soviet history of social science in Russia, with particular attention to the role of international collaborations in spurring its growth, and we review the accelerating attacks on university autonomy and international collaborations that preceded Russia's unprovoked attack on Ukraine in February 2022. Then we consider developments since the February 2022 invasion that, in our view, signal the demise of academic freedom. We consider how Russia-based social scientists have negotiated the mounting challenges to the practice of their craft. We draw on interviews with Russian and American social scientists involved in international collaborations conducted in summer 2021 and interviews with Russian social scientists carried out in spring and summer 2022, as well as scholarly and journalistic accounts of developments within Russian universities and research institutes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How has Russia been studied by political scientists, economists, and scholars in cognate fields who publish in specialized area-specific and top disciplinary journals? To systematically analyze the approaches employed in Russian studies, I collected all publications (1,097 articles) on the country from the top five area studies journals covering the territories of the former USSR, the top 10 journals in political science, and the top five journals in economics from January 2010 to January 2022 and classified them based on the methods they utilized, empirical focus, and sub-fields within method. In this article, I discuss the results of this classification and the pitfalls associated with over-reliance on some methods over others, notably those that include self-reported data, in the context of Russia's war against Ukraine and the repressive domestic environment under Putin's autocracy. I also propose some ways of addressing the new realities of diminished access to data and fieldwork. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay reflects upon the consequences of Russia's war against Ukraine on the sub-field of Russian studies in political science. I argue that the war has exposed some blind spots in our knowledge. Notably, it has left us struggling to understand the historically deprived communities in Russia whose values, sentiments, and vulnerabilities may be indirect buttresses to both support for Putin and the war. I discuss two key issues in the sub-field: (1) the elite-centered approaches in research in mainstream work on Russia, not least due to data availability preoccupations; and (2) the paucity of inter-disciplinary perspectives, particularly the reluctance of mainstream studies to cast their nets into history and sociology. Disciplinary pressures – the credibility revolution – complicate a historically sensitive revision of long-internalized assumptions. I draw on my recent work on the historical underpinnings of social structure and its implications for civil society, protest, and support for democracy in Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The emergence of digital currency is becoming prevalent in the age of globalization - specifically, cryptocurrencies, a subset of digital currency that encompass revolutionary technology. This study postulates that certain governments are more prone to adopting cryptocurrencies, especially those seeking to eschew international sanctions and protect corrupt practices. Three comparative case studies focus on countries (Iran, Russia, and Venezuela) that share attributes that result in adopting what has been called "native cryptocurrencies": corruption, GDP level, economic volatility, and Western sanctions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ksenia Sobchak, the only female candidate to make it to Election Day in the 2018 Russian presidential elections, faced many gender and political hurdles. We conducted quantitative content-analysis of Russian media coverage to see whether coverage added to these challenges. Using social role theory, we discussed how the five most popular Russian online news outlets labeled Sobchak, covered political issues and character traits. The results showed that news outlets used more legitimizing than delegitimizing labels, emphasized masculine issues and feminine traits. Comparing "credible" and tabloid press revealed mixed findings and highlights how outlets within these categories can differ in Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

[7] For the nations on Russia's periphery, divisions between Russia and the West bleed into domestic politics and undermine reform and democratic consolidation. The lessons to be drawn from the Balkans are extensive, and include strategies to overcome hesitancy of individual governments, promote the economic logic of trade and interdependence, and lessen destabilizing extra-regional intrusions from Russia or elsewhere.[23] The lessons to be drawn from the Balkans are extensive Resilient regional institutions around Russia can be developed, through which American interests can be advanced without explicitly threatening Russia - perhaps even in cooperation with it and at significantly lower political and financial costs than the approaches tried thus far. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, US policy toward Russia has combined elements of principled pragmatism, selective engagement, and containment. [Extracted from the article]

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Second, US military culture prioritizes conventional interstate war over intervention in foreign internal conflicts, whereas Russia and Iran have a broader view of the military's mission. At a press conference in 2015, Barack Obama predicted that Russian intervention in Syria would end in ignominy and Moscow would be "stuck in a quagmire."[1] Rather than repeat America's own tough experience in recent Middle Eastern wars, however, the Russian operation helped Syrian president Bashar al-Assad seize the initiative and recapture Aleppo. Why the United States Is Losing - And Russia and Iran Are Winning [44] The experience of sustained counterinsurgency in Iraq and Afghanistan spurred greater attention to irregular war and led to the rise of counter-insurgency experts, or "COINdinistas", like David Petraeus.[45] During the last decade, however, the US military has pivoted back to its comfort zone of preparing for interstate war. [Extracted from the article]

The recognition of the autocephaly of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church (UOC) by the Ecumenical Patriarchate in 2019 sparked a debate in the Orthodox world about the legitimacy of such an act. In the present study, we aim to explain, through the concept of theopolitics, this event which has caused a schism in the contemporary Orthodox Church. Following a brief introduction to Buber's concept of theopolitics, we focus on a historical overview, demonstrating that the problems of the Orthodox world do not originate in theological issues, as it might seem at first glance, but primarily in political issues. The case of the autocephaly of the Ukrainian Orthodox Church proves the importance of theopolitics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]