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This book examines Harold Laski's relationship to Marxism. Laski was a reluctant Marxist; he had been a pluralist, democratic socialist who wanted to reach a better society by means of parliamentary, constitutional and associational channels. In fact, he never abandoned these early aspirations. In the 1930s and 1940s he wove them into a distinctive Marxist position as he gradually came to believe that there was no answer to Marxist philosophy on history, social change and the prospects for socialism. It is the incorporation of his earlier political thought into his later work that makes his Marxism so fascinating and his work raises important questions. Harold Laski's Marxism aims to bring a relatively forgotten political theorist back into the spotlight. Peter Lamb provides an overview to Laski's political thought in the 20th century and explores his connections to essential foundations of Marxist thought. He ends with a discussion of ways in which Laski's Marxism is of lasting significance and can contribute to more recent Marxist and neo-Marxist debates.

Das Handbuch präsentiert den „state of the art“ zu den Themen Armut und soziale Ausgrenzung. Beides nimmt in unserer Gesellschaft, in Europa und weltweit zu. Dies betrifft nicht nur die materielle Versorgung und Verteilung, sondern bezieht weitere soziale, ökonomische und politische Aspekte ein. In der mittlerweile 4. Auflage greift das Handbuch diese multifaktoriellen Zusammenhänge auf und fügt zentrale Erkenntnisse von Theorie und sozialer Praxis zusammen. Es zeichnet sich durch einen interdisziplinären Zugang aus, in dem sich eine Vielzahl human-, geistes- und sozialwissenschaftlicher Perspektiven bündeln. So werden u.a. wirtschaftliche Zusammenhänge, sozialethische Bewertungsmaßstäbe, juristische und verwaltungsmäßige Bearbeitungsformen, Bewältigung in und durch motopädagogische und ästhetische, bzw. medienpädagogische Praxis, geschichtliche Erfahrungen von und im Umgang mit Armut, soziale Beteiligungsstrukturen und individuelle Problemlösungskapazitäten dargestellt.

In diesem Buch wird erstens Hegels ideengeschichtlicher Beitrag zur Genese von Sozialstaatstheorien herausgearbeitet und zweitens seine politische Theorie für die politiktheoretische Modellierung von Sozialstaatlichkeit fruchtbar gemacht. Mit Hegel lässt sich ein Mittelweg zwischen vor allem ökonomisch orientierter Sozialpolitik und vor allem anerkennungsfokussierter Identitätspolitik einschlagen, der weder mangelnde Anerkennung nur als Epiphänomen ökonomischer Verhältnisse versteht noch freiheitsbeschränkende Armut durch die Einforderung von Respekt für prekäre Lebenslagen normalisiert. Im genuin modernen Konflikt des Auseinandertretens von Gesellschaft und Staat, von sich selbst verwirklichendem Individuum auf dem Markt und der Gemeinschaft, zeichnet sich eine neue zentrale Funktion des Staats ab: Die Garantie der Freiheit für seine Bürger. Der Sozialstaat als Mittel dieser staatlichen Freiheitsgarantie erfüllt somit nicht nur eine bedeutende Rolle in der Versöhnung von Individuum und Gemeinschaft, sondern bildet hierdurch zugleich ein zentrales Legitimationselement des modernen Staats.

Dieses Buch versetzt Analystinnen und Analysten in Regierung, Privatwirtschaft und Think Tanks in die Lage, globale Risiken und Chancen systematisch zu bewerten, informierte Entscheidungen zu treffen und Unvorhergesehenes zu antizipieren. Die Autoren beleuchten die Grundlagen intuitiven und analytischen Denkens und zeigen auf, wie strukturierte Analysetechniken die Auswirkungen kognitiver Verzerrungen, falsch angewandter Heuristiken und intuitiver Fallen abmildern können. Drei Fallstudien veranschaulichen die Anwendung von über 30 Strukturierten Analyse-Techniken (SAT) in Schritt-für-Schritt-Anleitungen.

This book explores what it meant to be ‘liberal'in interwar Czech, Austrian, and Slovenian politics. Up until 1918, these countries shared the common political framework of Cisleithania (the Austrian part of the Habsburg Monarchy). Within this framework was the predominantly pejorative function of the label ‘liberal,'and as a result after 1918, no major political party employed it to describe its own political orientation. Despite making considerable efforts to dissociate themselves from liberalism, many parties continued to be referred to as ‘liberal'by the contemporary public. This association with liberalism, the book argues, was primarily due to the parties'historical background rather than any ideological commitment to liberalism, and for that reason, the author refers to them as ‘national liberal heirs.'Examining the (dis)continuities of liberal party traditions, the book presents three representative cases of national liberal heirs: the Czechoslovak National Democracy; the Greater German People's Party; and the Slovenian sections of the Yugoslav Democratic Party, the Independent Democratic Party, and the Yugoslav National Party. Forming a distinctive part of early twentieth-century party landscapes in Central Europe, the national liberal heirs had inherited organisational structures, parts of electorate, as well as rootedness in specific cultural and social milieus from their liberal predecessors. Following the political trajectories of the national liberal heirs, the author seeks to answer in which spheres, in which manners, and to what extent liberalism survived or even continued to develop in the interwar Czech lands, Austria, and Slovenia.

This handbook provides a comprehensive exploration of International Political Theory, which in its broadest terms examines the ways in which ideas about justice, sovereignty, and legitimacy shape international politics. The two volumes of the handbook cover topics ranging from the foundations of international political thought to the latest debates in the field.Chapters 4 and 13 are available through open access under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License via link.springer.com

This book summarizes and explains the way in which political thinkers in England, Scotland, and North America reshaped Western thinking about government and citizens. Although the ideas of the Anglo-American Enlightenment can be traced back, in embryo, to the Italian Renaissance and the Protestant Reformation, it was responses to wars – the Thirty Years'War (1618-1648) and the English Civil War (1642-1651) which were fought above all over religion – that defined it. Algernon Sidney demanded an end to royal absolutism. John Locke called for a government based on religious toleration. Benedictus de Spinoza, Samuel von Pufendorf and others elaborated on the ideas that society was composed of sovereign individuals endowed with reason and rights. Building on the works of these thinkers, Scottish philosophers including David Hume and Adam Smith, and American revolutionaries including Thomas Jefferson and James Madison advanced arguments defending human reason, individual freedom, including religious freedom, and democracy.

Der Band bietet einen umfassenden Überblick über das politische System der Slowakei. Gegenstand sind seine Entstehung und Struktur, die politischen und gesellschaftlichen Entwicklungen im europäischen Kontext sowie wichtige Politikfelder. Herausgearbeitet werden nationale Besonderheiten – darunter die wiederkehrenden Kurswechsel der Politik –, Anpassungsprozesse, Erfolge sowie Probleme und ihre Ursachen.

Marc Buggeln und Sebastian Lotto-Kusche legen mit dieser Publikation ein Grundlagenkonzept zur Wahrheit über das begangene Unrecht an den Sinti_ze und Rom_nja in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland und der DDR vor. Zunächst fassen die Autoren den Erkenntnis- und Forschungsstand zur Geschichte von Sinti_ze und Rom_nja nach 1945 in beiden deutschen Staaten zusammen. Daraus abgeleitet wird der Forschungsbedarf und mögliche Fragestellungen der einzurichtenden Wahrheitskommission zur Aufarbeitung des an Sinti_ze und Rom_nja begangenen Unrechts (WASRU). Da Wahrheits- und Versöhnungskommissionen in Deutschland bislang keine Tradition haben und meist im unmittelbaren Übergangsbereich von Diktaturen und Apartheidsregimen hin zu Demokratien gegründet wurden, werten die Autoren die Erfahrungen dieser Kommissionen in unterschiedlichen Staaten weltweit aus.

This two-volume textbook teaches about the uniqueness and the difficulty of the European unification project. It describes, as clearly as possible, what Robert Schuman declared in 1950, that'... Europe will not be made all at once…'. Navigating the nexus of four academic fields - political science, institutional analysis, economics, and history - the book serves as a reference work for accurate, exhaustive, and well-researched information on the creation and functioning of the European Union. Supported by numerous photographs, diagrams, maps, and sources, volume 1 sets out in a concise and readable way the European historical origins, the important steps in the creation of the European Union, and the treaties and historical events that have marked its course so far. Providing a comprehensive picture of the unification process and the functioning of this sui generis edifice of a united Europe, the book will serve as an essential textbook for undergraduate and graduate students studying the subject of European integration, as well as a useful resource for a broader audience interested in the European integration process.

The book sheds light on the forms of neoliberalism's political rationality by highlighting the theoretical foundations upon which they are built. It relies on Foucault's account of neoliberal reason in terms of a governmental rationality encompassing all aspects of human life, as well as Critical Theory's methodology. The book discloses the tensions and antinomies between the concepts neoliberalism resorts to for its own moral and theoretical justification and the historical forms of its realization. By combining the rigor of the normative principles of political philosophy with contemporary historical material, the book shows how neoliberalism realizes itself by negating liberty in its own name, undermining democracy, and annulling rights via their transformation into the morals of the new global market. The core argument permeating the book is that crises are the very condition of neoliberalism's existence. It states that, paradoxically enough, neoliberalism is facing the crises it itself produces by touching off new ones.The book will appeal to students, scholars, and researchers of political science in general, and political theory, political philosophy, and political history in particular, interested in a better understanding of neoliberalism, democracy, and rights.

Zum Ende der Amtszeit Joe Bidens als Präsident der Vereinigten Staaten von Amerika wurde dieses Handbuch grundlegend überarbeitet, aktualisiert und erweitert. In den einzelnen Aufsätzen legen ausgewiesene Expertinnen und Experten der sozialwissenschaftlichen USA-Forschung die grundlegenden Strukturen, Akteure und Mechanismen der US-amerikanischen Politik dar, und verorten diese kritisch in ihrem historischen Kontext. Die 49 Beiträge bieten somit eine problemorientierte Einführung in das politische System der USA.

This book articulates international political theory in dialogue with economics on several questions. It asks: how has modern international theory been adjusted and nourished by economic ideas, theories and practices? How far has the distinctive contribution of some theorists to international theory been informed by their views on economy? What has been the impact of the theory of the state for economic and international theory? What sort of economic thinking has led to revise the debates constitutive for the modern international realm? How have economic debates been rhetorically connected to political debates in the field of international relations?

Der Sammelband diskutiert unterschiedliche Glaubensformen, die gegenwärtig in spätmodernen Gesellschaften miteinander in Widerstreit geraten. Mit Blick auf zunehmende Polarisierungstendenzen werden Glaubensformen und belief systems entlang Yves Bizeuls These einer neuen gesellschaftlichen Konfliktlinie rund um Fragen kollektiver Identität beleuchtet. Neben traditionellen Formen religiösen Glaubens, welche zwischen fortschreitender Säkularisierung und neuer religiöser Radikalisierung changieren, werden mythische Glaubensformen untersucht, die, als Zugang zur Welt und als Autoritäten der Welterklärung, Potential für gesellschaftliche Disruption in sich tragen.

This book develops Marcuse's critique of advanced industrial society and deploys it as a lens to critically analyze contemporary neoliberalism and its structural failures. In the chapters, Marcuse scholars explore three related topics: First, Marcuse's theory as it applies to the relationship between neoliberalism and authoritarianism, including both the historical relationship between the two and the modern re-emergence of authoritarianism and nationalism in neoliberal states today. Second, a re-examination of the relationship between neoliberal subjectivity and technological rationality that seeks to understand the stabilizing forces of neoliberal society and the way these forces register at the level of thought. Third and finally, Marcuse's conception of socialism in conversation with contemporary neoliberal rationality, and ways in which alternatives to the status quo remain possible. Together, this volume contributes to recent discussions of neoliberalism and contribute to thedevelopment of Marcuse scholarship.

Hungary was once a frontrunner of democratization. However, since Viktor Orbán came to power in 2010, the country has been the subject of critical media coverage and concerns due to illiberal policies and anti-EU rhetoric. The book helps to analyze and evaluate the developments by providing relevant case knowledge. It provides sound insights into Hungary's system of government, society, parties and media, as well as selected policy areas. It focuses on how different policy areas have been influenced by the EU, traces important lines of development over the past decades, and compares the findings with other states of the region. The authors'professional expertise and broad knowledge of the political systems of Hungary and Europe provide a well-founded analysis of the developments in the region.

This book evaluates the legislative effectiveness of Nigeria's National Assembly under the Fourth Republic. The assessment covers five Assemblies (4th–8th) and focuses specifically on lawmaking, cost of running the National Assembly, and the budget making process. It empirically assesses the effectiveness of the Nigerian national legislature beyond previous emotional and sentimental evaluations of the institution. It has developed a model ‘Institutional Legislative Effectiveness Score'used in assessing the institutional performance of the National Assembly from two perspectives: first, by comparing the performances of the two chambers in the same Assembly; and second, by comparing the performances of the institution across Assemblies. Aside lawmaking, the book also covers the major topical issues that characterized public evaluation of the institution. These include: size of the institution, budgeting process, cost of funding the institution, and the debate on the appropriate way in reforming the National Assembly.

In 120 Thesen entwickelt das Buch einen konzeptionellen Rahmen mit einer Typologie post-kommunistischer Regime und einer detaillierten Darstellung von idealtypischen Akteuren und den politischen, wirtschaftlichen und sozialen Phänomenen in diesen Regimen. Befreit von den impliziten Annahmen der Mainstream-Demokratisierungstheorie liefert die neue Terminologie ein leicht verwendbares Instrumentarium eindeutiger Ausdrucksmittel, um über den Postkommunismus zu sprechen.

This book offers a completely new approach to the complex social phenomenon of the Mafia: In addition to the origins, organization and actions of the Mafia, the author Anita Bestler examines above all the close connection between organized crime and politics. In the process, readers [also] gain an interesting insight into the complicated political development of Italy from the founding of the state to the present, as well as an answer as to why Italians have a different political mindset.

In diesem Sammelband werden die historischen, politischen und gesellschaftlichen Facetten der politischen Systeme der einzelnen Länder des Mittleren Ostens analysiert. Auch die Transformationsprozesse in den Gesellschaften im Kontext des Arabischen Frühlings, des Krieges in Syrien, des Bürgerkriegs in Libyen oder des Putsches in Ägypten spielen eine zentrale Rolle. Ebenfalls wird Israel beleuchtet, das als unvollständige Demokratie der einzige Hoffnungsschimmer im Umfeld zahlreicher autoritärer und totalitärer Systeme ist. Die Region ist zudem aufgrund der energiepolitischen Abhängigkeit sehr wichtig für die Europäische Union.

This book brings together a range of studies that aim at illustrating the ideas, institutions, historical patterns, and contemporary relevance of the social-political system that existed in the main part of East Asia during the premodern era. This is most often known as the Confucian literati-bureaucratic state, the imperial Chinese bureaucratic state, or the Confucian-Legalist state, that was established and endured most notably in China, but also in several East Asian societies such as Korea, Vietnam, Japan. That state and sociopolitical system also greatly shaped state making in several kingdoms in the region – such as Ryukyu and Dali – which were later merged into larger polities. Illuminating the significance of these historical patterns for today, this book will interest political scientists, historians, philosophers, and the general public.

This book deals with a central aspect of Marx's critique of society that is usually not examined further since it is taken as a matter of course: its scientific claim of being true. But what concept of truth underlies his way of reasoning which attempts to comprehend the social and political circumstances in terms of the possibility of their practical upheaval? In three studies focusing specifically on the development of Marx's scientific critique of capitalist society, his journalistic commentaries on European politics, and his reflections on the organisation of revolutionary subjectivity, the authors carve out the immanent relation between the scientifically substantiated claim to truth and the revolutionary perspective in Marxʼs writings. They argue that Marx does not grasp the world ‘as it is'but conceives it as an inverted state which cannot remain what it is but generates the means by which it can eventually be overcome. This is not something to be taken lightly: Such a concept has theoretical, political and even violent consequences—consequences that nevertheless derive neither from a subjective error nor a contamination of an otherwise ‘pure'science. By analyzing Marx's concept of truth the authors also attempt to shed light on a pivotal problematique of any modern critique of society that raises a reasoned claim of being true.

This book analyses Member States'and EU neighbours'national visions for the enlargement of the European Union (EU), highlighting 41 national histories, policies, and corresponding public perceptions of European integration. In a geopolitical context in which Russia's war of aggression in Ukraine has renewed the impetus for EU enlargement, national views vary considerably on the timing, conditions, and reforms necessary to welcome Eastern neighbours and the Western Balkans countries into the European family. Moreover, EU enlargement policy is not only an investment in peace and stability; it has also become a political tool in response to the exploitation of interdependencies and illiberal pressures. This book presents concrete policy recommendations to national governments and the EU on how to move forward productively.

Dieses Buch versammelt Beiträge von Aktivisten und Wissenschaftlern, die sich mit linken und dekolonialen Formen des Widerstands befassen, die in der aktuellen Ära der Proteste in Hongkong entstanden sind. Praktiken wie gewerkschaftliches Engagement, die Abschaffung der Polizei, der Kampf um Landrechte und andere radikale Ausdrucksformen der Selbstverwaltung werden vielleicht nicht explizit unter den Bannern der Linken und der Dekolonialität geführt. Wenn man sie jedoch in diesem Rahmen untersucht, lassen sich historische, transnationale und präfigurative Perspektiven aufzeigen, die helfen können, ihre Auswirkungen auf die politische Zukunft Hongkongs zu kontextualisieren und zu interpretieren. Diese Sammlung bietet nicht nur Einblicke in die lokalen Kämpfe in Hongkong, sondern auch in ihre Verflechtung mit globalen Bewegungen, da die Stadt weiterhin an der vordersten Front der internationalen Politik steht.

This book demonstrates that Rousseau offers a distinctive critical voice which is worthy of listening to. Rousseau is shown to target not merely social ‘injustices', but the very dynamics central to the ‘form of life'itself. As such we are able to contemplate, and engage in, a more foundational form of social critique. We contend that by returning to Rousseau, both as a theorist in his own right, and as an interlocutor with the contemporary literature within radical political and social philosophy, we can see both the circumscribed nature of contemporary discussion, and the true importance of Rousseau's thought. In summary, Rousseau remains a figure of vital importance across disciplines and it is high time for an edited volume which connects insights centring his thought and impact today.

Das Saarland verfügt als jüngstes westdeutsches Bundesland über eine wechselhafte und spannende Geschichte. Dabei ist der (bundes-)politische Einfluss des nach der Bevölkerungszahl zweitkleinsten Bundeslands nicht zu unterschätzen. So verfügt das Saarland nicht nur über die höchste Parteimitgliederdichte aller Bundesländer, sondern hat auch zahlreiche Politiker von bundespolitischer und -historischer Bedeutung hervorgebracht. Darüber hinaus steht es als (ehemaliges) traditionelles Kohle-, Stahl- und Industrieland mitten in einem bedeutsamen Transformationsprozess, den es u.a. als Teil der Großregion mit der höchsten grenzüberschreitenden Mobilität von Arbeitnehmer•innen innerhalb der Europäischen Union zu meistern versucht. Der Sammelband analysiert die Geschichte des Saarlands ebenso wie die Entwicklung des Parteiensystems und der Landesregierungen wie auch die Verortung des Saarlands in verschiedenen Politikfeldern im Vergleich.

Dieses Taschenbuch bietet Europa zum Nachschlagen: In über 100 Sachbeiträgen erklären renommierte EuropaexpertInnen wissenschaftlich fundiert und zugleich verständlich alle wichtigen Themen und Begriffe aus Politik, Wirtschaft und Geschichte der europäischen Einigung. Es erscheint in aktualisierter und erweiterter Fassung schon in der 16. Auflage und richtet sich an alle Europa-Interessierten, die sich gezielt und zuverlässig über den neuesten Stand in europapolitischen Fragen informieren wollen.Das Taschenbuch „Europa von A bis Z“ wird freundlicherweise vom Auswärtigen Amt gefördert. Das Institut für Europäische Politik (IEP) wird im Rahmen des Citizens, Equality, Rights and Values Programms 2021–2027 der Europäischen Union gefördert. Für die Inhalte zeichnet allein das IEP verantwortlich.

An extensive investigation of the rally-round-the-flag phenomenon of public opinion in the United States during wars and security crises. The'rally-round-the-flag'phenomenon in the United States is characterized by a sudden and sharp increase in the public approval rating of the sitting US president in response to a war or security crisis. While relatively uncommon, these moments can have a serious impact on policymaking as politicians might escalate a conflict abroad or restrict civil liberties at home. What, then, are the conditions and processes through which rallies have emerged? In Rally'round the Flag, Yuval Feinstein revisits the phenomenon to answer this question. He examines both the conditions under which rally periods have emerged in the US and the processes that have generated these rallies to introduce a novel rally theory. Drawing on an original data set of conflicts covering 1950 to 2020 and survey data, Feinstein shows that the rally-round-the-flag effect is not an automatic public reaction to international conflicts. Rather, it is a rare event that emerges only under circumstances that lead most Americans to believe it is necessary to take military action to maintain or restore collective honor and gain the respect of other nations. He further attributes public opinion shifts during rally periods to nationalist emotions that people experience when they believe that the president's actions effectively protect the nation's honor and international prestige. Identifying the unique sets of conditions for the emergence of rallies, Rally'round the Flag offers the most extensive investigation of this public opinion phenomenon and proposes future directions to research the topic for both the United States and other countries.

On October 3, 1990 the future of both Europe and Germany became powerfully and inexorably intertwined across a politically broadened continent powering transformative social, political and economic interactions. The thirty year mark after the then reigning chancellor Helmut Kohl promised'flourishing landscapes'in the former GDR is more than just a new anniversary from which mandatory reflections must follow. Arguably, it represents a temporal boundary between the adjustments and reactions conditioned and captivated by a sense of something new and uncertain, and that point moving forward from which unification's legacy inescapably tethers Germany's future to normal politics shaped by the issues of the moment, and not politics gripped by the debates of unification itself. That legacy is defined by an accumulation over thirty years of adjustments, mutations, counter-adjustments and strategic reactions which have now delivered through the many ripples of change a Germany managing thecourse-trajectory which unification has relentlessly plotted. The foreseeable future will certainly see that legacy of unification tenaciously continue to project yet shrouded within the background of Germany's routine politics. This volume explores that legacy within the post-unification era and reflects on the way forward into a near-term German future no longer consumed with unification itself but with the reality of politics it has steadily defined.

This book examines three cases of democratic transitions by self-transformation of the non-democratic regimes in Southern Europe—the Spanish reforma pactada-ruptura pactada of 1976-77, the Greek “Markezinis experiment” of 1973, and the Turkish democratic transition of 1983—in a comparative perspective. The author argues that a democratic transition initiated by the regime elites is, in contrast to widely held assumptions and notwithstanding some reservations on whether democracy can be (re-)introduced by non-democrats, worth viewing as a “window of opportunity” for democratisation. It is up to the democratic counter-elites to respond to it, using the civil society and the international factor as allies to achieve their goal of acquiring more concessions from the regime.

This edited volume presents an interdisciplinary and international revaluation of Friedrich Engels as much more than “junior partner” to Karl Marx or “second fiddle” in the Marxist orchestra. The nineteen critical essays in this collection are the work of scholars from Germany, USA, UK, Italy, China, India, Mexico and the Philippines. Together they present and evaluate archival material and scholarly commentary that covers epistemology, political economy, political theory, gender studies, cultural studies, political geography, philosophy of social science and sociological studies of class-conflict. Students, activists and specialists will find fresh consideration of familiar works, such as The Condition of the Working Class in England, The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, and The Dialectics of Nature. They will also be able to explore Engels's less familiar pamphleteering, literary criticism and political commentary through detailed contextualization andcareful analysis. Friedrich Engels for the 21st Century: Perspectives and Problems is unique in putting different intellectual and political receptions of Engels's work into productive conversation, particularly from non-Anglophone scholars, translated here into English. Readers will appreciate why Engels has been so widely celebrated some two hundred years after his birth.

Der Band bietet einen umfassenden Überblick über das politische System Rumäniens seit 1989. Gegenstand sind seine Entstehung und Struktur, die politischen und gesellschaftlichen Entwicklungen im europäischen Kontext sowie besonders wichtige Politikfelder. Herausgearbeitet werden nationale Besonderheiten, Anpassungsprozesse, Entwicklungsphasen sowie Probleme und ihre Ursachen.

Von Haus aus Jurist und Staatsrechtslehrer, vertritt Hermann Heller einen demokratischen Konstitutionalismus, der die Wirklichkeit der Demokratie mit der Normativität des Rechts zusammendenkt. Was Hellers Werk dabei in besonderer Weise fruchtbar erscheinen lässt, ist die Verbindung von Staatsrechtslehre, Politikwissenschaft und Soziologie, die erst die komplexe Wirklichkeit der Demokratie erfahrbar macht. In seinen späten Weimarer Schriften – etwa zum Autoritären Liberalismus – zeigt sich Heller als Analytiker der Krise, der uns heute den Blick für die Herausbildung autoritärer Politikstrukturen insbesondere auf europäischer Ebene schärft. Neben dieser kritischen Perspektive auf die Konstellationen und Dynamiken der (zum Teil schleichenden) Autokratisierung politischer Prozesse lassen sich auf Grundlage des Hellerschen Werkes auch die Voraussetzungen gelingender demokratischer Stabilität benennen. Die Rekonstruktion dieses Ansatzes eines dezidiert demokratischen Konstitutionalismus steht im Zentrum des geplanten Sammelbandes.

Following Marx's own itinerary from Paris to London, from politics to the critique of political economy, The Marx of Communism delves into a creatively unfolding international debate on the democracy-communism relation, while supporting a 21st century communism as a social alternative to capitalism. Taking into consideration Marx's analysis of communism both as a movement and a social formation, this study focuses on the dialectics of transition from capitalism to communism. Dealing with communism as the outcome of a long-term cultural and political process, the author defends Marxian communism as the open-ended constitution of a self-governed demos, whose citizens create their own way of life on the ground of a stateless and classless society. From this point of view, the end of the state does not mean the end, but the revival of politics in terms of a communist bios. Reshaping their collective and personal values and setting limits to the production/technology dynamics of their economy, this book argues, the citizens of a communist polis form a promising antithesis to the private individuals of a capitalist society.

The Communist Party appeared a hundred years ago on the French political and social scene. According to opinions and moments, it has been the party of Moscow, of those shot, of the working class, of the union of the left, the party of the foreigner or that of the nation. It has been underground, in government, in town halls, in factories or in the streets. Some considered it too revolutionary, others not enough. More than others, it aroused passions, positive or negative. It attracted many and repelled just as many. After the fall of the USSR, it decided to remain a communist party, while many others gave it up. But it no longer has the place it once had, in reality as in the imagination. This book does not intend to judge, but to provide keys to understanding. It is based on a considerable number of archives that are now available and is an ordered and distanced look at an object that is not lacking in complexity and no doubt even in mystery. This book has been translated from French to English thanks to a financial help from the Gabriel Péri Foundation and the LIR3S UMR Cnrs 7366 of Dijon.

Dieses Buch ist die erste umfassende Darstellung des Bremer Institutionensystems, der politischen Akteure, der politischen Kultur und der Wahlen auf den verschiedenen Ebenen des politischen Systems. Die Beiträge analysieren dabei Aspekte wie die Stellung des Landes im Bund und in der Europäischen Union, die Rolle der Senatspräsidenten und ihrer Führungsstile, die Interessenorganisationen und Protestbewegungen, die Bremer Medienlandschaft und arbeiten auch ausgewählte Aspekte der Landespolitik wissenschaftlich heraus.

The Politics of Everybody examines the production and maintenance of the terms'man','woman', and'other'within the current political moment; the contradictions of these categories; and the prospects of a Marxist approach to praxis for queer bodies. Few thinkers have attempted to reconcile queer and Marxist analysis. Those who have propose the key contested site to be that of desire/sexual expression. This emphasis on desire, Lewis argues, is symptomatic of the neoliberal project and has led to a continued fascination with the politics of identity. By arguing that Marxist analysis is in fact most beneficial to gender politics within the arena of body production, categorization and exclusion, Lewis develops a theory of gender and the sexed body that is wedded to the realities of a capitalist political economy. Boldly calling for a new, materialist queer theory, Lewis defines a politics of liberation that is both intersectional, transnational, and grounded in lived experience. With a new preface, Lewis discusses the argument for an explicitly Marxist understanding of trans rights - an understanding grounded in solidarity and materialist/scientific queer analysis. She also discusses the new wave of Marxist Social Reproduction Theory that has emerged since the first edition, family abolition, and the complexities of building an internationalist Marxist movement that is in solidarity with queer and trans struggles, attentive to women's realities, and one that refrains from imposing Western definitions (particularly American/Anglo definitions) onto global movements for liberation.