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This paper reconsiders liberal nationalism in light of the current autocratic nationalist threat. I argue that liberal nationalism cannot redress the social ailments which acclimatize people to the sorts of no-holds-barred political contestation favoured by autocratic nationalists – excessive polarization. I then argue that liberal nationalists do not recognize the degree to which 'in-group' racial solidarity motivates members of the racial/ethnic majority to preserve their status, and that the liberal nationalist approach to defending minorities' rights therefore risks either emboldening the majority to embrace autocracy or consolidating social hierarchies between the majority and minorities. On these bases, I show that democrats must seek to not only detach race/ethnicity from nationality but also redress those problematic racial/ethnic hierarchies. This suggests the need to develop liberal nationalism into multiculturalist nationalism. Multiculturalist nationalism, however, promises a sort of bounded solidarity that does not include all citizens: it makes use of targeted political antagonism against anti-democrats like White supremacists and Identitarians to help diffuse any social antagonism that might exist among minorities, inclusive members of the majority, and cultural conservatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Beijing 2022 Winter Olympics, Eileen Gu attracted considerable attention and sparked numerous discussions on Chinese social media. Using the method of textual analysis, this paper examines the various responses of Chinese women, particularly Chinese feminists, to Eileen's achievements on Chinese social media, framing these responses within recent studies of neoliberalism's undoing of feminism as well as long-standing debates about the relationship between feminism and nationalism. This paper argues that discussions about Eileen on Chinese social media not only illustrate how neoliberalism is absorbed, reworked, and resisted in its transnational circulation but also demonstrate how nationalist narratives can be strategically used by Chinese feminists to validate their feminist positions. It further enriches existing scholarship on neoliberalism with a transnational perspective, reaffirms the importance of contextualizing the relationship between Third World feminism and nationalism, and highlights the significance of uncovering indigenous feminist resources in Third World countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gobustan, a prehistoric site 60 km south of Baku, has an impressive collection of rock carvings from different prehistoric eras. Near the site, a national museum presents the prehistoric findings in a narrative that connects them with modern-day Azerbaijan, calling the hunter–gatherer tribes that lived in Gobustan 'our ancient Azerbaijani ancestors'. While many nation-building projects dig deep into the past, reconstruct it, claim ancient civilizations as their own and sometimes even invent historical narratives that never happened, the Gobustan Museum and the narrative it implies (that prehistoric people living in 15,000 BCE were Azerbaijanis) seems like 'overkill', an exaggerated effort to connect the past and the present. The data from the museum points to a larger story: the construction of national identity and collective memory in post-Soviet Azerbaijan. This paper presents some of the author's anthropological field research findings in the museum and explains why the narrative of 'ancientness' is so essential in post-Soviet Azerbaijan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how a Powellite form of nostalgia – named for the anti-immigration politics of former British MP Enoch Powell – connects seemingly contradictory nationalist narratives known as Global Britain and Little England. While the former is typically aligned with an expansive and buccaneering national biography, the latter is held to operate via a more defensive and exclusionary imaginary. This article challenges such a binary distinction by demonstrating how the two discursive strands are intimately connected by nostalgic views about white English racial dominance, cultivated during Britain's pursuit of empire. Drawing on a qualitative analysis of verbal and visual sources from the Brexit referendum, plus 13 interviews with Leave campaigners, the article shows how Powellite nostalgia reproduces gendered and racialised colonial images of the nation amid immigration 'crisis'. Despite the detoxifying effects of much post-referendum Brexit analysis, the article also demonstrates how Powellite nostalgia is shared across the Eurosceptic spectrum and within broader English culture, persisting into the post-Brexit era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars generally argue that nationalism and secessionism pose important dilemmas for national, regional and global order. Yet, there is inadequate discussion on the varied contexts of nationalist secessionist movements and how they influence or are influenced by domestic and global forces. Addressing this concern, this article undertakes a three‐case comparison of the Western Togoland separatist movement in Ghana, Southwest and Northwest (Anglophone) Cameroon's secessionist movement and the movement for independent Catalonia in Spain. These dissimilar cases—both from Global South and North—enable a broader examination of how themes such as political history, state capacity and regional/continental organisations affect nationalist‐induced secessionist movements and the measures to address them. Using a thematic comparative approach, this article examines the relevant literature on secessionism, nationalism, regionalism and cognate fields to demonstrate that the dynamics and consequence of secessionist movements depend largely on four interwoven factors: (a) the internal organisation and support for the nationalists' course, (b) state capacity to handle uprisings, (c) political conditions and conflict context of neighbouring countries and (d) interest and (re)actions of regional bodies and international allies. The comparative approach thus offers nuance, illustrating the critical angles of variations and intersections in secessionist movements and the effect on global order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central Europe is often considered to be a source of nationalist pathologies and plagues that could infect "proper" (Western) Europe. This image is at best outdated, as Western Europe and the United States have (and always have had) their own nationalist and conservative authoritarian resources. Moreover, Central Europe has also been a space of original political thought, albeit often obscure or forgotten, which can contribute to our understanding of the contemporary world beyond the borders of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the nationalist rhetoric of Biden and Trump in the 2020 presidential election, focusing on how the candidates represented, and contested, the meaning of American national identity. To do so, we construct a novel analytical framework to undertake a contextual content analysis of Biden and Trump's campaign tweets (n = 4,321). We demonstrate that the meaning of national identity was a key source of contestation in the election, and that the parameters of this contestation closely tracked a longstanding cleavage in American political culture between civic and ethnic nationalist traditions. Biden largely drew upon the civic nationalist tradition to defend a conception of American national identity that is grounded in liberal myths and symbols. By contrast, Trump largely drew upon the ethnic nationalist tradition to defend a conception of American national identity that is grounded in white American myths and symbols. Critically, both candidates used these opposing nationalist traditions to frame each other as a grave threat to the nation's "true" identity and, ultimately, as un-American. This "nationalist polarization" of presidential politics is a troubling development for the future of American democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies the violent politics of stigmatisation and erasure of nationalist urban infrastructure. In general, urban infrastructure is a mechanism of state power. But, through the case of the imposing presence of Turkish nationalist infrastructure in the Kurdish city Diyarbakir, it demonstrates that when tied to an antagonistic nationalist political project, this infrastructure is often purposefully built to violently cleanse urban spaces of the national "other". Be it a statue, a mural or a picture of a nationalist leader – this infrastructure is incapable of inflicting physical pain. Nonetheless, its violence is symbolic and meant to have a real effect on Diyarbakir's Kurds' ability and willingness to identify as Kurds. That said, violence does not entirely inform the spatial experience of those targeted by this nationalist infrastructure. The article demonstrates that Kurdish residents also found ways of remaining unaffected, even treating the infrastructure laden with Turkish nationalist iconography as a reminder of their own Kurdish identity. This article thus expands our understanding of what nationalist infrastructure does. It may be designed to be violent. However, it also reveals itself to be a site of contestation – equally inspiring the persistence of the counter-narrative of the national "other". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent literature on the centre–periphery debate in European politics has produced a wide range of composite paradigms of regionalism, nationalism, and populism and nativism. A number of these definitions, however, tend to overemphasise the importance of populism by either framing it as a core ideology or by conflating it with the nationalism or regionalism of a specific party. This article makes three innovative contributions to populist studies by sustaining an ideational approach to populism and its combination with regionalist and nationalist ideologies. First, the article addresses the varied and at times conflicting composite paradigms of regionalism, nationalism, and populism by proposing a minimalist 'populist regionalist' and 'populist nationalist' conceptual framework; this places the emphasis on the type of nationalism and regionalism (left- or right-wing, civic or ethnic) to which populism and (potentially) nativism are attached. Second, by emphasising a clear distinction between populism and nativism, the article adds to a growing field of literature which aims to address the problem of 'populist hype'. Finally, the contribution of a brief comparative case study illustrates how populism represents a key link between nationalists and regionalists ranging from the far-left to the far-right which are otherwise separated by nativism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines José Servando Teresa de Mier's "Carta de despedida a los mexicanos." In the letter written in 1821, Mier argues that the name Mexico must be spelled with an x to preserve the name's originary connotations. Analyzing the poetic strategies and messianic discourses implicit in how Mier composes the idea signified by the name Mexico, I argue that Mier supplies a plausible argument for its time about the sources of Mexican identity and nationhood. Given the context of uncertainty around the future of Novohispanic independence in early 1821, the "Carta" is a timely intervention about the nation at a critical juncture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When addressing nature and the natural world, various discourses arise, which are often fraught with political and ideological motivations. While some paint nature as a thing to overcome and correct, others emphasize the need for humanity to connect more closely with it. The latter underlies the testimony of the semifictional narrator of Elena Poniatowska's Hasta no verte Jesús mío (1969), Jesusa Palancares. Her epic journey through the tumultuous events of 20th-century Mexico contains significant comments on nature and her (dis)connectedness from it, depending on the political scene of the time and her geographic location. This discourse demonstrates what Kate Soper calls a "nature-endorsing" perspective. Jesusa's story represents a lifelong struggle to negate signifying notions of gender, as well as the hegemonic nationalist impulse to embrace Mexicanness, thereby critiquing the shortcomings of Mexican society's norms for women and, more specifically, those of the revolutionary government in a disillusioned post-Tlatelolco nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the political life and imprisonment of the author's great-aunt, Monserrate del Valle del Toro, a Puerto Rican nationalist and onetime political prisoner. Monserrate was arrested in Arecibo, Puerto Rico, on October 30, 1950, for participating in an attempt to overthrow the US government. In telling Monserrate's story, the article attempts to upend certain established narratives of the history of Puerto Rican nationalism, of who fought in the struggle for independence and how they fought. That fight took place in the political and legal arena and in the streets of towns all over the archipelago, but it also took place within the walls of the Arecibo District Jail, where a group of nationalist women, including Monserrate, sheltered, cared for, and fed each other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the processes of racialization in Portuguese right-wing political movements through two prominent nationalist fanpages. It employs a mixed-methods approach that includes both quantitative and qualitative official data. The sample covers 72 months, from January 2017 to December 2020, encompassing a total of 3670 posts on Facebook. The main findings reveal that the fanpages utilize different discursive strategies, sometimes focusing on publishing static images and other times on sharing news links. From these publications, the fanpages garnered more than 1.4 million interactions, demonstrating consistent growth in their follower bases over the years. Emotional responses played a significant role in the interactions, particularly with Love, Sad, and Angry reactions standing out. The results also reveal that Portuguese nationalism maintains a dual ideology concerning race: ethno-exclusivism and ethno-pluralism. This observation affirms the dual nature of nationalist fanpages, where narrative elements converge and diverge based on the intended goal. Thus, individuals from Africa and Afro-descendants can be portrayed as both national heroes and social scum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to better understand Christian nationalism by investigating the cases of Uchimura Kanzō and Nitobe Inazō, two well-known Christians of Meiji Japan. In Meiji Japan, Christianity was a recently re-introduced and foreign faith which was not aligned with the Japanese way of life. However, both Uchimura and Nitobe converted to Christianity in their youth and dedicated their life to the development of Japan. The article investigates what made this possible. It pays particular attention to the relationship between politics and religion and the Meiji government's attempts to adopt the western view of the relationship to the nascent Japanese state. It argues that the invention of state Shintō as a non-religion but an indispensable part of the Japanese polity by the Meiji government created space where Christian faith and Japanese nationalism could co-exist, the space which was increasingly squeezed as Meiji turned to Taishō and then to Shōwa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay will analyse the ways in which definitions of race in nineteenth-century Ireland were not only, nor simply set by British colonizers, but rather were produced and determined by Irish people themselves. This long history of Irish engagement with concepts of race shaped how the Young Ireland movement understood how the Irish nation was (racially) constituted. Additionally, the multi-racial history of the Irish nation inflected Young Ireland's understanding of how history structured the construction of an Irish nationality. This paper then will show how the Young Irelanders understood race and, more particularly, how they recognized themselves as racialized subjects. Their own adoption of a racialized Irishness was important to their vision for Ireland's revolutionary future. Placing race centrally within the writings of Young Ireland, highlighting its essential role in a historical account of Irish nationality, this essay will thereby cast new light on the difficulties inherent in Young Ireland's nationalist project. In particular, it will underscore the anxieties experienced by Young Ireland about the potential impossibility of the nationalist project with reference to its production and experience of racialized but ambiguous subject positions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study systematically examines, deconstructs, and maps the quotidian nationalist discourse among Chinese netizens and analyzes their 'liking' behavior on the social media platform, Zhihu, in order to investigate what and how they talk about nationalism. The analysis of the quotidian expression of nationalism marks a shift from the previous practice of relying on high-profile nationalist movements as evidence which may create an incomplete or inaccurate impression that much of Chinese nationalism is virulent and over-zealous. This study finds that Zhihu users are critical nationalists who are competitive but judicious. The existence of levelheaded nationalists in China's online space suggests the limits of strident nationalist contagion and nationalist mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Popular nationalism increasingly dominates public debate in mainland China. This article examines the impact of this trend on Chinese policymaking by looking at the public consultation procedure for new regulations on foreigners' permanent residency in February 2020. Following an unexpectedly large online outcry of anti-immigrant sentiment in response to the draft regulations, government actors shelved the proposal, which constituted a long-delayed step towards a more comprehensive immigration framework. Drawing on textual analysis, expert interviews, and survey data, the article analyzes elite-public interactions before, during, and after the controversy, asking what factors contributed to this miscalculation of public sentiment, and what the P.R. debate can tell us about the role of public opinion in Chinese policymaking today. It argues that popular nationalists can play a bottom-up politicizing role on previously marginal policy issues such as immigration, surprising and constraining the state. Such politicisation further limits both public and elite policy debate, impairing state information gathering and exacerbating the tension between Chinese policy actors' desire to both control and understand public sentiment. In addition, the permanent residency debate demonstrates the relevance of public opinion to China's non-democratic immigration policymaking, which displays a trajectory of gradual politicisation similar to other early-stage immigrant-reception contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will study a recent protest in Indian football against the Citizenship Amendment Act, a law championed by the Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party that threatens to render millions of Indian citizens stateless. Recent scholarship on supporter activism in football tends to focus on the local conditions that drive fan-led actions. Yet, as witnessed at the Kolkata demonstration against the amendment in early 2020, the horizon of politics as imagined by fans remains much wider in its scope. Through this study, we can discern a mode of political articulation by football supporters that combines the local and the national. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The South African identity has been shaped by nation-building discourse; it remains a point of ongoing political discussion well into South Africa's democratisation. Literature suggests that 'South Africans' only exist through their creation by nationalist rhetoric; therefore, growing political discontent is reflected in a disentanglement from the 'South African' identity. This article, using photovoice, explores Black university students' constructions of their identity in contemporary South Africa. The participants viewed the South African society as a divided one. Although they described the impact of nation-building discourse as having existed in the past, they spoke of it as a disingenuous sentiment that has faded with the passing of former President Nelson Mandela. Instead, the participants turn to their ethnic groups to establish a fluid cultural identity. The 'bornfree' generation is in a state of 'in-between': born after the official end of apartheid, they are thought of as having access to opportunities unavailable to previous generations. However, they continue to grapple with the challenges and unresolved legacies of the past. This project's significant contribution lies in its emphasis on the perspectives and experiences of the 'born-frees' themselves. Existing literature shows that politicians and academics usually control discussions related to nation-building and transformation. Yet, the voices of the 'born-frees' are frequently side-lined, as they are perceived to lack firsthand experience of apartheid's challenges. This study demonstrates that, even with democratic change, there are numerous aspects of 'born-free' lives that have remained untransformed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to analyse the mobilisation of a collective memory for political purposes by the Law and Justice party in Poland. PiS is often presented as a populist party, which came to power thanks to an anti-elite rhetoric and social programme. The party portrayed itself as a representative of socially excluded groups as well as a defender of 'normal' people against corrupted elites. At the same time, PiS mobilised its supporters by referring to a certain construction of the national past. We analyse the tension between populist rhetoric accompanying social reforms aimed at social inclusion and the practice of mobilising exclusive historical memory and strengthening exclusionary Polish national identity. In the selected examples of education reform, museum policy and the cult of the Cursed Soldiers, we demonstrate the traditional and nationalist approach of the party to history, which is reduced to heroic struggles for national freedom. In the image of the past evoked by PiS, the sharp division between 'we, the simple people' and 'elites' weakens; instead, the dichotomy between 'us' and 'them' is constructed in the national terms 'Poles' vs. 'Others'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the emergence and destruction of the Zimbabwe Times, a weekly, later daily newspaper in Rhodesia. Covertly aligned to the Patriotic Front, an uneasy coalition of Zimbabwe's two leading liberation movements, it primarily backed Joshua Nkomo's ZAPU. Financed by Lonrho, a London-based conglomerate, this nationalist friendly title dramatically altered Rhodesia's media landscape. The paper first appeared in 1977 during the waning days of white settler rule. After 18 months of publication, it was banned amidst an abortive transition to a racially integrated interim government that incorporated more pliable black leaders. Despite its brief existence, the Zimbabwe Times' reception and interaction with a range of political groups illuminates both political strategies and tensions that underpinned the fragile relations between a host of political actors during a dynamic era. This account is principally informed by the newspaper's own coverage, external press accounts, and interviews with Zimbabwe Times staff. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1969 and 1979, the Devlet newspaper became an important newspaper that published in line with Turkish nationalism and provided communication between nationalist intellectuals and the nationalist mass. The newspaper came to the fore as an intellectual and political publication agency trying to explain the problems of the nationalist base in the chaotic period when Turkey was divided into ideologically two poles. Galip Erdem who one of the writers with the most articles in the newspaper drew attention as an opinion leader followed by the nationalist mass with his ideas about the political and youth events of the period. Galip Erdem who trying to gather Turkish nationalists at one point took part in the collective effort of nationalist intellectuals. In the study Galip Erdem's articles in the Devlet newspaper were examined, his perspective on the political process of the period and Turkish nationalism was discussed in a multidimensional way. In the study it was observed that Galip Erdem's efforts to protect and develop the ideology of Turkish nationalism in the political conditions of the period had social and political reflections in different ways. It has also been seen that Galip Erdem is one of the pioneers of Turkish-Islamic nationalism and who also cares about the intersection points of religion against secular nationalism in the social sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is about one of the most violent and visible form anti-LGBTQI activism in Sweden, conducted by Neo-Nazis. Through a critical discourse analysis of 189 texts published in Swedish newspapers and Neo-Nazi alternative media, it argues that contemporary Swedish Neo-Nazi anti-LGBTQI activism draws upon and constructs transnational heteroactivist discourses. They claim to "protect the nuclear family" to deflate accusations of homophobia while gaining substantial visibility through news media covering their actions. The findings demonstrate the three ways Neo-Nazi texts use heteroactivist strategies. First, the texts argue that LGBTQI rights and feminism are societally harmful. Second, through intertextuality they refer to both local and international alternative media as the basis for their arguments. Third, they rationalise homophobic hatred. This paper contributes to discussions of heteroactivism, revealing the need to grapple with the ways it is intertwined with race and nationalism. Empirically, the analysis also highlights the significance of anti-LGBTQI activism in contemporary white power and extreme-right movements. The inclusion of news media texts that frame and represent heteroactivist strategies reveals that, despite their rationalising efforts, Neo-Nazi anti-LGBTQI activism is represented as homophobic and hateful in news and debate articles describing them. Additionally, news media representations of Neo-Nazi heteroactivist discourse present a nationalist contradiction, with authors re-constructing narratives of Sweden as a "LGBT friendly nation", bringing to light complex relations between heteroactivism, homophobia, racism, and nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article "Tocqueville's Dilemmas, and Ours: Sovereignty, Nationalism, Globalization" by Ewa Atanassow, the author explores the tensions between liberalism and democracy through the lens of Alexis de Tocqueville, a 19th-century French liberal thinker. Atanassow highlights Tocqueville's belief that a rich civic life of non-state associations could alleviate the tension between liberty and equality. However, she also emphasizes Tocqueville's alternative solution of a strong sense of nationhood. By examining Tocqueville's ideas on democratic nationhood, Atanassow aims to connect his theories to contemporary issues of illiberal democracy and exclusionary nationalism. The article delves into Tocqueville's background, his writings, and his views on democracy, equality, and the role of the nation. Atanassow concludes by discussing the challenges that nations and liberals face today, such as finding national cohesion in diverse societies, encouraging patriotism while discouraging jingoism, and navigating the survival of liberal nations in a non-liberal world. While Atanassow's study provides valuable insights, it also raises questions about the applicability of Tocqueville's thought to present-day challenges. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines the gender undertone of China's nationalist discourses, especially in familial metaphors of nationalism, and how such an undertone shapes people's understandings of state authority and state‐citizen relations. Conventional nationalist discourse of the 'motherland' evokes the image of an insulted and raped mother as the symbol of national humiliation and calls for actions from patriots (masculinised in the discourse). In recent years, however, we have seen the emergence of a new discourse that depicts the nation‐state as a rich, powerful and masculine 'daddy'. Using discourse analysis and Foucauldian genealogical methods, this article argues that the discursive development has to be analysed against China's historical backgrounds, especially considering new standards of masculinity and femininity in the era of economic reform. Capital is equated to masculinity and righteousness, whereas femininity is shaped by the middle‐class values of consumerism and political disengagement. The 'daddy state' discourse conjures strong paternalistic power from China's economic capacity that can be projected onto challengers of state authority, while also constructing the nationalist public as feminised consumers whose consumerist enjoyment relies on patriarchal state protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Hong Kong Palace Museum (HKPM) is the first museum dedicated to orthodox Chinese history in Hong Kong. Opened in July 2022, the HKPM emerged amid an accelerating integration of the city with mainland China and closely adheres to Chinese nationalist ideologies. However, among museums in Hong Kong and mainland China that foster nation-building, it features conventional yet distinctive presentation strategies. We critically analyse the objects displayed, the textual evidence from labels and panels, and the spatial arrangement of the opening thematic exhibitions to deconstruct the nationalistic agenda embedded in the narrative. On one hand, the HKPM guides local visitors to (re)imagine the Chinese nation based on a flourishing, continuing, Confucian-centric, and culturally diverse Chinese civilisation, following customary nationalistic narratives. On the other hand, the HKPM customises its narrative to legitimise Hong Kong's unification with China and affix Hong Kong's past, present, and future to the development of the Chinese nation. Together, the exhibitions attempt to bolster visitors' sense of belonging to the nation through cognitive and affective means, while invoking a sense of obligation to contribute to the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Struggles over the degree of the scientific autonomy of statistics led to the demise of one of the first international scientific congresses in European history. But in the 1880s, only a decade after the collapse of that congress, the International Statistical Institute (ISI) was founded as its immediate successor to overcome the nationalist disputes that hindered the idealistic visions of a universal science breakthrough. The connection between universal scientific concepts and state reform processes is examined by the case study of the implementation of national income statistics according to internationally comparable standards in the German Reich. Thereby, the organizational history of the ISI, the role models of the participants and national realities are set in relation. The article argues that the semi-official character of international statistics implies a tension between scientific autonomy and dependence on national administrations. Equally, it offers the possibility of promoting national reform processes with reference to international integration, as the institutional responsibility for the German national income calculation in the 1930s demonstrates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What fuels both enthusiasm for increasing "American" birth rates and fears about their decline? Citing the prevalence of fertility campaigns in authoritarian regimes characterized by ethno‐nationalist Christianity, we theorize that, in addition to patriarchal attitudes, perceived ethno‐cultural threat and desire for ethno‐cultural dominance substantially drive "nationalist pronatalism" (promoting fertility to strengthen "the nation" and avoid national decline). We expect pronatalist ideology focused on American births is associated with (1) belief that dominant cultural group members (Whites, Christians, men) are threatened and (2) White Christian nationalism—an ideology that looks to conform American identity and values to those of a traditionalist, ethnicized Christianity. Recent, nationally representative data reveal Christian nationalist ideology is the second strongest predictor of support for nationalist pronatalism, second only behind patriarchal attitudes. This association is stronger for men and virtually non‐existent among Blacks. The belief that Whites or Christians face "the most discrimination" as opposed to various minorities also predicts nationalist pronatalism. Contemporary support for pronatalist ideology focused on American births is thus undergirded not only by attitudes that subordinate women but also (1) an ethno‐racially contingent ideology that insists the United States should reflect and institutionalize traditionalist Christian culture and (2) perceptions that Christians and Whites are persecuted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalism is often singled out as the powerful force that brought about the collapse of the last great land empires of the 19th and early 20th centuries. We offer a different picture: nationalism was weak before 1914, with war being caused by the fears of the great powers rather than pressures from below; crucially war was less an opportunity for pre-existing nationalists to seize than a maelstrom that created new identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is an emerging debate about the role and importance of women in right-wing nationalist movements. Drawing on research that highlights the need to study such women as active and complex political agents, this article examines a phenomenon that has previously received little attention—the activism of female Japanese nationalists. We approach the question of how such activism is practiced by analyzing a group interview with female nationalists, a nationalist manga centering on women's experiences, and autobiographic books on such activism by and for Japanese women. The article contributes by arguing that female nationalist agency in Japan is a complex phenomenon, which is enacted through everyday micro-practices. It outlines how female nationalist activism draws upon and enhances, as well as challenges and transcends, a traditional Japanese "housewife identity." As such, the female Japanese nationalist is imagined as having access to certain truths. She takes on the role of "truth-teller," who is playing a strategic role in "waking people up" to the nationalist cause by voicing anger but also making space for a more "joyful," "cute," and inconspicuous everyday activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines state building in Dersim with reference to local demands and the state capacity. It first analyzes how the Turkish nationalists aimed to transform the Dersim region. The focus then shifts to the local responses towards the state policies following the military operations of 1937 and 1938. I posit that the Kurds' relation with the state relied on pragmatism and negotiation rather than outright hostility. Moreover, I demonstrate that the locals' expectations from the state overlapped with the Turkish state's pre-operation agenda for the most part. Despite the local endorsement, the limited state capacity constituted a major obstacle in implementing land redistribution policy and expanding road networks with limited progress. The opening of schools, however, produced somewhat mixed results in the sense that the enrollment rates did not correspond to the increase in the number of schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the early years (1979–1982) following the 1979 revolution, because of the prevalence of a traditional society, religion was politically more functional. Religious discourse became hegemonic and most groups, including secularists, were forced to use such a discourse to promote their politics. The Persian politicians used Islam to make Perso-Iranian nationalism dominant over others, while non-Persian politicians appealed to it to gain their ethno-national rights. Using Qualitative Content Analysis to analyse the scattered texts of speeches, interviews, messages of the Persian and Kurdish leaders published in different publications at the time (which are available in some archives and databases), this article describes how they use religion in their confrontations. The findings show both marginalisation and resistance against it appealing to Islamic discourse. Ignoring those parts of Islam that are not in their interest, the Persian nationalists use Islamic brotherhood and unity to reinforce Islamic identity over Kurdish identity in order to marginalise the Kurdish nationalist movement, as well as to mobilise ordinary people against the Kurdish forces. Conversely, the Kurdish nationalists resist, and demand equality as Muslim brethren. In this regard, while religion has uniting, mobilizing and legitimating functions for the Persian government, enabling it to pursue nationalistic aims and to justify relevant measures, it also partly has a legitimating one for the Kurdish opposition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Liberal nationalists argue that identification with the nation promotes feelings of mutual obligation, including support for redistribution. Existing attempts to test this hypothesis have focused on whether the higher sense of national identity among the majority increases support redistribution. We argue for a twofold shift in focus. First, beyond the majority's own national identity, we need to explore their perceptions of whether minorities share this identity. Second, we need to shift from one-dimensional ideals of 'identity' to more complex ideas of attachment and commitment. Do members of the majority view minorities as committed to the nation and willing to make sacrifices for it? Drawing on a custom-designed online survey in Canada, we show that three salient out-groups (Aboriginal peoples, French-speaking Canadians and immigrants) are seen by majority respondents as less committed to Canada, and that this is a powerful predictor of support for general and inclusive redistribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is an ongoing academic debate about the question whether sub‐state nationalist parties should be considered as niche parties, focusing almost exclusively on their core issue of centre‐periphery relations, or whether their electoral appeal can be considered as multidimensional. In that case, these other dimensions can vary with regard to the specific ideological position, historical circumstances and strategic considerations. In this article, we address this theoretical question by relying on the case study of the sub‐state nationalist parties in the Flemish region of Belgium, where they jointly obtained 44% of the vote in the most recent elections. Comparing election surveys from 2009, 2014 and 2019 suggests that the electoral appeal of these parties rests on a mixture of nationalist issues, right‐wing economic policies and a restrictive attitude towards immigration. These results suggest that sub‐state nationalist parties are not purely niche parties, but should be seen as multiple issue parties, and this broader electoral appeal can explain the discrepancy between electoral results and public opinion on the core issues of these parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the existing gap in the literature by proposing a new measure of nationalism across multiple states in ECE. Using ISSP data from 1995 to 2013 and Mokken scale analysis, I create a set of nationalism indices that account for the intensity of nationalist sentiments based on the measures of national identity, national consciousness, patriotism, national pride, national superiority, and xenophobic nationalism. The research contributes to our understanding of the dynamic nature of nationalist sentiments across different ECE countries over time. The findings indicate that weak, moderate, and strong manifestations of nationalism are both time-dependent and context-dependent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

War commemoration either solidifies or undermines the nation. Studying the evolution of Belgian nationalism during and between the two World Wars, the authors argue that the impact of war commemoration on nationalism is conditional on the military networks in which warfare was embedded. The authors rely on commemorative books and archival records to create a unique database of World War I military networks and commemoration as well as nationalist resistance and anti-nationalist collaboration during World War II. Aligned with the main hypothesis, autoregressive network models reveal that if military networks crosscut the regional communities and fostered equal relationships, commemoration was likely to strengthen the defense of the nation. In the absence of these relationships, however, commemoration activated internal fault lines that undermined nationalism. These findings highlight how collective rituals, military organization, and social structure should be studied simultaneously to fully understand the relational dynamics of warfare and nation. This article also calls attention to a distinct set of mechanisms through which organizational and ideational effects produced by one war can carry on to the next. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based upon the analysis of nationalist narratives in the ancient Korean history chapters of eight official Korean history textbooks published in or after 2014, this study attempts to assess how Korean history textbooks meet their stated objective of "Korean history within and alongside world history" drawn from the global citizenship education point of view. This study presents an analytical inquiry into the nationalist narratives embedded in these textbooks--despite appearances to the contrary--notably in the portions dealing with ancient history. Nationalist narratives found in the treatment of ancient Korean history in these textbooks can be categorized into overstatements on the emergence of a single ethnic group, an earlier timeframe for historical events, territorial exaggerations, and misinformation about neighboring countries. It is important to bring the extended stakeholders, particularly history scholars, into the authorship of textbook-making processes to reflect up-to-date findings for objective narratives in textbooks and to take serious account of issues that transcend borders, regions, and cultures from a global and comprehensive perspective. In history education, a balanced understanding of history among learners can be realized only through global citizenship education that goes beyond nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1984, the Hong Kong teleplay Legendary Huo Yuanjia was officially released on national television stations in Mainland China. The teleplay, shot against the background of late-nineteenth and early-twentieth century China, tells the story of Huo Yuanjia, a nationalist kung fu hero who carries forward the national spirit and constructs a national identity through practicing martial arts. Upon its release, the teleplay was well-received across Mainland China; much better received than it was in Hong Kong. It was released when the reform and opening up of Mainland China was at its initial stage and when China and Britain had just reached substantive conclusions on the issue of Hong Kong's return to China. There are two main reasons for the play's popularity. First, the historical and cultural information associated with the image of Huo Yuanjia, together with its rhetorical expression in the teleplay, brought "Old China" back to life, helping to relieve the identity crisis the Chinese people were experiencing during the process of modernization. Second, the teleplay provided mass media (as well as the Chinese government) the logic to mobilize national support for its "qu bingfu" efforts, enabling the media to integrate individual resources during the process of modernization. Therefore, Legendary Huo Yuanjia set a good example for Mainland media to follow regarding how to communicate nationalist ideology through commercial narrative. The rhetorical method it adopted became the basic method of nationalist heroic narrative in the Mainland for the following three decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars, historians, and researchers who are keenly interested in Burmese studies have not paid enough attention to the considerable roles Christian missionaries played in the history of precolonial and colonial Burma. This article explores the neglected and hidden history of the Western missionaries who introduced modern education to Burma and who educated some of the best minds of the Burmese at that time. Despite missionaries being underrated and criticized by some Burman nationalists and politicians, they made a remarkable contribution to education in Burmese history. Education was and has always been crowned in Christianity, and advancing education remains indispensable to Christian mission in Burma and elsewhere. Public knowledge of this constructive story in history would be helpful for Buddhist–Christian relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do nationalist parties attract votes? This article develops a novel supply-side explanation centered on status, arguing that nationalists succeed by combining group appeals to the nation with policy promises to improve the nation's political and cultural status and the socio-economic status of its median member. Drawing on several original datasets, this expectation is tested on Imperial Austria in 1907, where multiple nationalist parties competed in first-time mass elections. We find that group appeals to the nation and promises to improve its political and cultural status resonate very well with agricultural workers, whose economic sector was declining, but not with industrial workers, whose sector was on the rise. By contrast, offering social policy helps nationalists among industrial workers, but less clearly so among agricultural workers. This article shows that nationalist mobilization is not a mere distraction from class politics; rather, the politics of nationalism, class, and status are closely intertwined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article challenges the existing view of Mt Athos, a centre of Orthodox Christian monasticism, as a hotbed of Russian and Balkan nationalism at the turn of the 20th century. It proposes to analyse that complex situation using the concept of "national indifference," that is, prioritisation of concerns and loyalties different from the agendas pursued by nationalist activists. The article suggests that the motivations of most Russian and Greek monks in that autonomous monastic republic were dominated by traditional piety, corporate interests, mundane economic concerns, regional and dynastic loyalties. I will rely on Greek and Russian archival sources to discuss chronologically how those alternatives appeared to take the upper hand around several flashpoints from the return of significant groups of Russian friars in 1839 after a late medieval hiatus to the end of over four centuries of Ottoman control of the area in 1912. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the ways in which Kurdish claims to national rights and borders have been structured around transnational and virtual spaces to coalesce into music. It focuses on issues such as migration, diaspora, border, ethnicity, transnationalism, and nation‐building through Kurdish music and Kurdish musicians. The concept of the borderscape provides a theoretical lens through which to understand how music has been politicized and positioned between the non‐existence of a Kurdish nation‐state and the enduring existence of Kurdish as an ethnicity, a language, and a homeland in the Middle East. By giving examples from songs, lyrics, and the virtual world of Kurdish music, the study elaborates on how Kurds reinforce the territorial imagination of 'Kurdistan' as the rightful homeland of a Kurdish nation. Focusing on music as a resource for political action, nationalism, and for the identification of national borders, this study thus adds to the border studies and ethnomusicological literatures by linking music to ethnicity, nationalism, and transnationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the ways in which the nationalist narrative of the statist archaeology in Iran has contributed to the dominant nationalist discourse in systematic attempts to erase any evidence of the existence of a "non-Aryan" past in the Iranian plateau. Sponsored by the state, ethnoracial archaeological studies in Iran have functioned as a powerful instrument for constructing a desired past, one that is informed by Persianist primordial nationalism. To justify the state's concurrent homogenization policies, Iranian archaeology has ascribed a sole historical agency to the Persian ethnie. Iranian archaeological studies have been employed by the Persianist intelligentsia and the state for propagating the idea of the singularity of "the nation"—one in which nonsovereign communities have no history, identity, or culture. Building on emergent decolonized literature on archaeology, this paper aims to interrogate some of the fundamental premises of nationalist archaeological studies in Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Should international pro-climate actors speak up against climate rogues, or do foreign critics risk igniting nationalist backlash against global environmental norms and institutions? We explore naming and shaming dynamics in global climate politics by fielding survey experiments to nationally representative samples in Brazil. Our results show that nationalism moderates public reactions to foreign climate shaming: individuals who are highly attached to their nation are more likely to reject international criticism than their lowly attached peers. Contrary to existing expectations, however, we find that nationalist publics express little support for virulent defiance against foreign critics. Our findings hold irrespective of the source of criticism and the nature of the critical message. These results sound a cautionary note on the belief that liberal internationalists should tread carefully so as not to unadvisedly unleash nationalist pushback. Although foreign climate criticism may bump up against nationalist sentiment in climate rogues, it will not necessarily fuel an all-out backlash against the global environmental regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A critical reconsideration of black nationalist origins in Malawian political assertiveness, focusing on the movement created by Jamaican populist Marcus Garvey. Though familiar with Garvey's ideas, the nation's first President--Hastings Kamuzu Banda--was not responsible for carrying them to Malawi. That distinction belongs to an earlier group of activists who--during the decades of Banda's absence from his homeland--stoked the fires of "Africa for the Africans" which Joseph Booth and John Chilembwe had first sparked a half-century before independence. Key among them was Isa Macdonald Lawrence who championed Garveyism, at first directly and later indirectly, planting black nationalist roots in Malawi's mid-twentieth century politics. Despite efforts to repress those Garveyist influences and replace them with a veneration of Banda's legacy, the echoes of Marcus Garvey and his vision of Africa for the Africans have reverberated through more than a century of Malawian history revealing the black nationalist influences embedded in its past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]