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A critical reconsideration of black nationalist origins in Malawian political assertiveness, focusing on the movement created by Jamaican populist Marcus Garvey. Though familiar with Garvey's ideas, the nation's first President--Hastings Kamuzu Banda--was not responsible for carrying them to Malawi. That distinction belongs to an earlier group of activists who--during the decades of Banda's absence from his homeland--stoked the fires of "Africa for the Africans" which Joseph Booth and John Chilembwe had first sparked a half-century before independence. Key among them was Isa Macdonald Lawrence who championed Garveyism, at first directly and later indirectly, planting black nationalist roots in Malawi's mid-twentieth century politics. Despite efforts to repress those Garveyist influences and replace them with a veneration of Banda's legacy, the echoes of Marcus Garvey and his vision of Africa for the Africans have reverberated through more than a century of Malawian history revealing the black nationalist influences embedded in its past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1970s and '80s, several East German folk revival artists started playing Irish traditional music, long before reconnecting with German folk-song material that had been put into the service of extreme nationalist and racist propaganda during the Nazi era (1933–45). Drawing upon ethnographic research among former GDR folk musicians, this article proposes that many of these post-war artists aligned with the anti-colonial messages of Irish rebel songs, performing a veritable sense of 'Irish' Republicanism, a form of national pride that was considered more socially acceptable than indigenous patriotic German leanings. Adapting Boym's (2001) concept of 'sideways nostalgia', and illustrating crucial distinctions between historical registers of German and Irish musical exceptionalism, the article purports to unravel trajectories through which this narrative of political alignment is fashioned and sustained, ultimately illustrating music's capacity to sound nationalism's polyphonic trajectories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

SUMMARY: The Sacred Heart of Jesus was the protagonist of a devotion that became very popular in Spain during the second half of the 1800s and the former decades of the 20th century. In the Iberian Peninsula the heart of Christ became a symbol of an identity discourse that combined a fundamentalist conception of religion, a definition of the Spanish nation as intrinsically Catholic, and counter-revolutionary ideas. The aim of this article is to analyse why, during the years between 1899 and 1939, the Sacred Heart became a reference with a growing presence in the public space. Secondly, it explores why this presence caused a fierce dispute between those who considered that the Spanish Volksgeist was inherently Catholic, and those who believed otherwise. The existence of a war for the occupation and demarcation of public space stimulated the reproduction of the heart of Christ in scapulars, plaques or monuments, but also explains that the political groups who defended the secularization of society and a Spanish nationalism opposed to National-Catholic approaches reacted with anger to the spread of the Sacred Heart in the public space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many Central and Eastern European countries elected nationalist parties after the collapse of communism: a phenomenon often attributed to a combination of socioeconomic crisis and political instability. In 2010s, after the decay of other nationalist parties, Romania was seen as an exception to this rule, but the Covid-19 pandemic times have witnessed the rapid rise of a new nationalist party: the AUR (the Alliance for the Union of Romanians). Parliamentary elections in December 2020 saw this new political force gain 9.1% of the vote. Whereas previous nationalist parties in post-communist Romania tended to appeal to more senior/elderly voters, there is evidence that the AUR vote is strong amongst men under the age of 35 who are educated to an elementary or high school level. This paper uses national electoral data, media analysis, and in-depth interviews with young, educated people to explore the spatial distribution of AUR support, the ways in which the COVID-19 pandemic has assisted the party's rise to prominence, and attitudes amongst university students to both the style and content of their politics. The paper concludes that the AUR offer a potent mix of old nationalism, religious faith, traditional family values and new ideological elements, such as environmentalism, anti-globalization, and antigovernment critique to create a self-consciously 'alternative' political rhetoric. This is presented via new channels (especially social media) in a deliberately opportunistic, controversial, and spectacular manner. However, our investigation suggests that neither the content nor the style of this politics has widespread appeal among the more educated younger participants to the interview. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The writing reforms of the Mongolian language in Inner Mongolia from 1954 to 1980 are a notable case of Maoist China's language planning projects. In those years, the Chinese government attempted to implement two consecutive reforms featuring Cyrillization and Latinization of the Mongolian writing system, but neither reform yielded any substantial result and the traditional Mongolian script remains in use today. This article explores the domestic and international dynamics behind these two closely related reform attempts and examines their origins, rationales, processes of implementation, and reasons for failure. Although the rationales of both reforms lay in the communist doctrine favoring easier, more regular, and more universal writing systems that could improve literacy and facilitate communication, hidden behind both reforms were nationalist agendas. The Cyrillization reform sought linguistic unity with the Mongolian People's Republic, while the Latinization reform sought unity of writing systems among languages in China. In both cases, the hidden nationalist agendas undermined the original goals of the reforms, and the reforms lost momentum once contending agendas prevailed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To consolidate a predominant party system, an incumbent party will attempt to anchor voting behavior to social cleavages, a strategy called cleavage enclosure. However, does this strategy actually work? In Turkey, the incumbent AKP government has focused its campaigning on conservatives and nationalists. The analysis of the 2018 post-election survey reveals that the cleavage enclosure worked for conservatives but not for nationalists. Of the incumbent supporters in the previous election, conservatives replicated their support, whereas nationalists were less likely to support the incumbent than other identity holders. Nationalists tend to punish but not reward the incumbent party for its economic performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article belongs to the special cluster, "National, European, Transnational: Far-right activism in the 20th and 21st centuries", guest edited by Agnieszka Pasieka. Research on populism attributes great significance to mapping the distinctive discursive logic of populist reasoning (e.g., the trope of pitting corrupt elites against the people). This article aims to move beyond the primary focus on discursive structures to stress the role of symbols, objects, and different modalities of circulation in the political communication of populist ideas, using the case of Hungary. By tracing the history of one of the key symbols of nationalist populism—the image of "Greater Hungary"—from its emergence in the interwar period to its present-day use, the article shows how the meanings and material forms this symbol assumed in political communication that evolved under different political regimes. The analysis builds on extensive archival, ethnographic, and online data to highlight how the diversity of material forms and the conduits through which this image circulated have contributed to its endurance as a key political symbol. Symbols, like the Greater Hungary image, condense complex historical narratives into a powerful sign that can be easily objectified, reproduced, and diffused. Today's differentiated consumer markets provide convenient conduits for this kind of material circulation. These symbols carry meaning in and of themselves as signs, and once they are turned into everyday objects, they facilitate the normalization of radical politics by increasing their salience and broad visibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate change is arguably the single most important political issue in the world today. As yet, however, there has been little research on the relationship between climate change and nationalism. In this contribution we investigate the possible existence of a 'green nationalism' among progressive and social democratic sub-state nationalist parties in minority nations. We identify an uncharted rhetorical and ideological continuity between how climate issues are perceived and championed among minority nations across time. This is a clear instance of 'frame bridging', where seemingly disparate policy elements are combined and reinforce one another. We show how sub-state political actors actively seek to use this link with climate-related environmental issues to bridge policy issues. We conclude by cautioning that it is unclear whether this sub-state 'green nationalism' might survive an ascent to statehood, in which state-building and other forms of realpolitik might trump and eclipse environmental concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is well known that regime types affect international conflicts. This article explores political parties as a mechanism through which they do so. Political parties operate in fundamentally different ways in democracies vs. non-democracies, which has consequences for foreign policy. Core supporters of a party in a democracy, if they are hawkish, may be more successful at demanding hawkish behavior from their party representatives than would be their counterparts in an autocracy. The study draws on evidence from paired experiments in democratic Japan and non-democratic China to show that supporters of the ruling party in Japan punish their leaders for discouraging nationalist protests, while ruling party insiders in China are less likely to do so. Under some circumstances, then, non-democratic regimes may be better able to rein in peace-threatening displays of nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The right‐wing Hindu nationalist "Hindutva" movement in India has political control of the world's most populous democracy. To gain insight into the tools of the movement, this paper examines Hindutva framing rhetoric. Social movement framing entails the crafting of movement messages to motivate collective identity and collective action. This paper takes a new approach to studying social movement framing by using the social psychological principle of metacontrast as an organizing theoretical framework. Metacontrast involves minimizing differences within the group (intragroup homogenization) and maximizing differences between groups (intergroup polarization). We argue dual homogenizing‐polarizing frames work in concert to construct a unified collective identity and mobilize concerted collective action. Using qualitative content analysis of two Hindutva organization websites, we find Hindutva framing rhetoric simultaneously homogenizes and polarizes through two framing strategies: a threat‐counter threat frame that portrays an antagonistic outgroup that must be countered with a unified ingroup, and a striking positive‐negative intergroup contrast that paints the ingroup as a moral protector and the outgroup as a vilified adversary. Notably, key to these efforts is the minimization of deeply entrenched, rigid caste differences. Our findings have implications for the study of social movements, nationalism, collective identity, collective action, and intergroup relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents the results of a study on the historical development of nationalist discourse in Polish football stands. Its main objectives are: (a) to reveal the processes shaping the ultras' nationalist discourse; and (b) to explain how it has been institutionalised and reproduced. Drawing on the post-foundational discourse analysis, the study conceptualises nationalist discourse as a set of structurally arranged practices of articulation which create a meaning of nation. In order to reconstruct the development of ultras' nationalist discourse the study uses content analysis of nation-related ultras' displays from 2002 to 2018 recaptured from the TMK (To My Kibice, We, the fans) fanzine created by supporters and dedicated to football fan culture in Poland. The analysis identifies a sequence of four different forms of ultras' nationalist discourse in the period under consideration and shows that they have been shaped by a contingency logic; that is, by rules stemming from the existing practices of articulation, rather than by the logic of ideological cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the 'nationalist movement' of Ahıska, a forcibly displaced people who have been arriving in Turkey from various parts of the former Soviet Union since the early 1990s. I focus on how members of this community attempt to define the Turkish nation, how they invoke migration to Turkey as a patriotic and nationalist act, how they criticize the state's responses to this migration as insufficiently nationalist, and how they respond to the movement of non‐Turkish others into the territorial and documentary space that they seek to inhabit. This nationalist movement, albeit small in number, demands our attention because it is born of a phenomenon that is intimately familiar to displaced people and not commonly associated with nationalism – the longing for rest. This longing animates Ahıska efforts to organize themselves and engage with the Turkish state. What possibilities and limitations does this genre of nationalist movement hold for displaced people across the world? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to investigate a federal bill pending analysis in the Brazilian Federal Congress - the 5069/2013 bill - which seeks to criminalize further women's capacity to control issues relating to their sexual health in the country. By analyzing this bill, as well as the political discourses surrounding its proposal and the current arguments for its approval, I seek to highlight the social and political roles attributed by it to Brazilian women, focusing on the implications of the adoption of the nationalist discourse of the bill in official state discourse, should it become law, especially with regards to what the nationalism literature refers to as the "biological and cultural reproduction of the nation," as well as the impact that these new definitions have on Brazilian women's citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relevance of economic and cultural (identity-based) factors in the emergence of nationalist sentiments among young people in Poland. It discusses the changing labour market situation of young workers, involving their precarisation and critically reviews existing accounts of new nationalism in Poland. In the body of the article, based on the analysis of biographical narrative interviews with young nationalist activists and right-wing supporters, the subjective justifications of their far-right views are analysed. It is concluded that the central motives for supporting the agenda of the nationalist movement by our informants are not directly connected with their economic situation, but related to their search for solid, clear and unambiguous foundations of social order and their biographical identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Th e Russian Revolution held great signifi cance beyond the empire’s borders. As a ‘Slav’ state and a key member of the Entente alliance, Slav nationalists appealed to the Tsarist regime and its successors to liberate their countrymen living in Central and Eastern Europe. Th is article studies the relationship between Slovak migrant nationalists in the United States and the Russian Empire. Acting as a second centre of Slovak national life before 1914 and as the self-declared leaders of their political cause in wartime, Slovak American organisations adjusted their attitudes towards the Tsarist state and its successor regimes according to geopolitical calculations rather than ideological convictions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]