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Following China’s rise as an economic powerhouse, the country’s immigrant population has quickly increased and diversified, leading to an increase in romantic relationships between foreign and Chinese citizens. This article analyzes the racialization of belonging and citizenship of Chinese nationals born into Chinese-foreign families living in China. Drawing on data gathered through analyzing online debates and media reports, supplemented by interviews and fieldwork observations, the article investigates how discussions about the identity of vloggers, pop stars, and athletes of mixed Chinese-foreign descent shed light on rising Chinese racial nationalism at a time when China has become a destination for international migration and a new frontier for racial knowledge production. We argue that this process is characterized by a tension between China’s emergence as an immigrant society and the hardening boundaries of its national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the concept of national sovereignty – the right of a nation to self-determination and autonomy. Drawing on the theories of popular sovereignty and social contract, the authors trace how the idea emerged that nations united by identity could claim legitimate political authority over themselves. A key milestone was the Peace of Westphalia in 1648, which codified the territorial sovereignty of nation-states. The authors analyse how eighteenth- and nineteenth-century nationalism transformed national sovereignty into a powerful force fuelling revolutions and movements against foreign domination. It explores how national sovereignty was exercised through the historical examples of France, Germany and the formation of a sovereign Kazakhstan after the collapse of the Soviet Union. While national sovereignty is based on self-determination, its exercise has led to both the assertion of independence and ethnic conflict and confrontation over national identity. The article concludes with an assessment of how theories of national sovereignty continue to emphasize autonomy and self-governance, but must be balanced with contemporary international norms and a system of global interdependence. National sovereignty remains one of the basic tenets underlying the nation-state system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pad Thai, an innovation of Chinese kway teow through Thai-ization that became an iconic national dish of Thailand, played a significant role in shaping national identity and constructing the country's national image. This study explored the relationship between nationalist policies and the localization of kway teow during the Phibunsongkhram government (1938-1944), which contributed to the popularity of kway teow in Thailand's lower class in terms of both production and consumption. The examination of government policies and recipes revealed that Thais infused their emotions and the sense of national identity into the production and consumption of kway teow, thereby enhancing the bond between individuals and the nation and laying a more solid base for the implementation of nationalist policies. The innovation of Pad Thai was one such nationalist policy that was disseminated top-down by the Phibunsongkhram government, making it a national food of Thailand by highlighting its Thai characteristics and including it in its National Nutrition Project. However, Pad Thai was not purely a national Thai dish; rather, it was one that existed in Thais' imagination. In revealing the nature of national cuisine and its importance in nation-building, this study's findings contribute to the significant role of localizing Chinese food in Thai nation-building. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In much extant scholarship, Dante is either misused as the prophet of the modern Italian nation-state or dismissed as a naive imperialist. This paper steers clear of both these characterizations and gives serious consideration to Dante’s own understanding of nationhood. I examine the construction of language and national community in De vulgari eloquentia and then place Dante’s idea of the nation in the context of his argument for world government in Monarchia. Grappling with the received view that for Dante, as for Aristotle, language is inherently political, the paper suggests that Dante’s nation is first and foremost a kind of psychological bond arising from the experience and use of common language; it is not embodied in political-juridical institutions, nor is it a suitable sphere for human self-realization through civic discourse and participation. The recovery of Dante’s ‘non-political’ understanding of the nation cautions against a blanket dismissal of premodern ideas of the nation and offers a more nuanced perspective on language, national identity, and the future of nation-states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractFrom a resonant and highly mythologized symbol of an imagined national coherence in the 1950s, today the iconic yellow Brazilian football (soccer) shirt–the amarelinha–is an emotive site for political contestation and struggle between the forces of the Brazilian right and left. Within a contemporary Brazilian conjuncture fraught by conjoined political, economic, and cultural schisms, the shirt has become what Stuart Hall (p. 354) referred to as a “constant battlefield” upon which warring national political ideologies and imaginaries have fought for ascendancy. In contextually mapping the shifting and increasingly contentious relationship between the amarelinha and the Brazilian national imaginary, we utilize a critical conjuncturalism in critically explicating three indicative moments: 1) the shirt’s historical articulation, and initial relative stasis, as a symbol of a modern Brazilian national unity, pride, and optimism in the period from the 1950s to 2010s; 2) the disarticulation and hijacking of the shirt by an emergent right-wing populist movement during the mid-2010s, vanguarded by future President Jair Bolsonaro, and visibly supported by many popular athletes (i.e. Neymar, Nelson Piquet); and 3) the subsequent rearticulation of the shirt, and indeed the national political imaginary, by the countervailing forces of the Brazilian political left including leading journalists and athletes (i.e. Richarlison, Walter Casagrande). As such, our aim is to contextually examine how the shirt has, in a dialectical sense, become both a product and producer of the ideological and affective schisms responsible for the fraying (yet also potentially rebuilding) of Brazilian national identity and society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theories of intense national emotions have focused on affection for the home nation and antagonism for national others but overlooked antagonism for fellow nationals. The article introduces a comprehensive theory of intense national emotions. It first discusses the sources of the potential energy stored in national identities, pointing to a combination of two factors: the nation is at once potent due to its capacity to shield against existential threats and precarious due to its dependence on the reproduction of contested narratives. The article then explains that events that—through a construction process elaborated in the text—seem to threaten or promise to alter perceived core elements of the nation (i.e., "nation-disrupting events") evoke intense emotions. Next, the article explains why some periods of "hot" nationalism increase national division rather than unity. The conclusion proposes a promising direction for future research on intense national emotions as a mechanism of eventfulness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalism, an ideological concept that people of shared national identity adopt, is one of the most explored genres of the Hindi film industry. The theme of nationalism which once demanded a sacred and elevated treatment from cinema-makers has faced a comparatively light-hearted, ordinary, and relatable approach in contemporary times. Rather than confining the notion of nationalism within the nation's territory, such new-age movies depict how exiles and immigrants redefine the notion of nationalism. Replacing the exaggerated, parochial, and exclusive depictions of hyper-nationalism in early Hindi war movies with what Benedict Anderson calls ‘long-distance nationalism’, contemporary movies have the potential to expand the idea of the nation beyond its borders. Two such movies that depict characters redefining the notion of nationalism through their acts of transnationalism are Meghna Gulzar's Raazi and Raja Krishna Menon’s Airlift. Both the films refrain from engaging in the classical discourse of nationalism to reveal how dispersed immigrants contribute to the spirit of Indian nationalism through their acts of political participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this study is to delve into the intricate facets of national identity as manifested in the historical trajectory of Hajduk Split. It endeavours to scrutinize the interplay and evolution of diverse identity constructs, encompassing regional, national, and supranational dimensions. Furthermore, the research aims to dissect the influence of successive political regimes on the club and its responsive mechanisms, thereby offering a nuanced comprehension of the intricate dynamics shaping identity formation and evolution. The main findings of this article highlight the ability of Hajduk to navigate and maintain its distinct identity amidst the backdrop of shifting ideologies. Despite the prevailing ideological currents, the club managed to function relatively independently while preserving its identity. The analysis underscores the importance of discerning the nature and direction of external pressures and the club’s capacity to resist them, particularly evident in the tension between Yugoslavism and pan-Croatian sentiments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the interplay of populism and national identity in Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky's Facebook communications, with particular attention to his direct addresses to compatriots. It examines how his representation of Ukraine and Ukrainians, on the one hand, weaves together different narratives of national identity and, on the other, asserts his own role as a strong leader working for the good of his people. Seeking to establish how his discourse changed in time of large-scale war, my analysis includes Zelensky's messages to Ukrainians both before and after February 2022. At the same time, I compare his response to this grave threat to the nation with his tackling of another serious crisis caused by the Covid-19 pandemic two years earlier. My analysis demonstrates a peculiar mix of populism and inclusive nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Abant Social Sciences / Abant Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Journal of Abant Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In early-nineteenth-century America and Britain, authors crafted sensational, emotional, and widely popular narratives around the so-called murders of several show elephants. Using these narratives this article explores the interconnected development of Anglo-American understandings of elephants and animals, the usage of the term murder , moral codes about animal killing, and the relationships between these moral codes and laws and national identity. It applies approaches from animal studies, literary studies, anthropology, and the histories of law, empire, emotion, morality, and nationalism. Writers that focused on elephants as more human-like than other nonhuman animals, on elephant killers as moral deviants, and on elephants as sympathetic figures, encouraged Americans, and to a lesser extent Britons, to see other violence and killing in imperial and national expansion as morally acceptable. Writers normalized a distinction between so-called rational killing for food, economics, or settler colonialism that should not generate sympathy, and elephant killings that should be mourned to prove national sensibility and morality. Because the law seemed inadequate to respond to elephant killings, authors also argued that the people must create justice through their own emotional responses. The article provides an example for tracking how people focused attention on otherwise low-stakes moral transgressions to develop belief in their collective national virtue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of Hong Kong identity has traditionally been positioned in a local–national dichotomy, where Hong Kong identity is viewed primarily as a local identity while the label of national identity is reserved for identification with the Chinese nation. Hong Kong nationalism, on the other hand, is generally considered a new phenomenon, the study of which has focused predominantly on the political activities in the post-handover period. Drawing on Partha Chatterjee's theory of anti-colonial nationalism, this paper seeks to broaden the understanding of Hong Kong nationalism by examining the nationalistic sentiments manifested during the Chinese language campaign (1964–1971). This paper draws on archival materials to shed light on the presence of anti-colonial nationalism in colonial Hong Kong, an aspect often overlooked or considered a mere extension of Chinese nationalism from mainland China. This paper also discusses the distinctions between anti-colonial nationalism in Hong Kong and Chinese nationalism, highlighting the intricate nature of the concept of Chineseness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An American world history text—read, interpreted, and used in entirely unintended contexts—shaped what we now see as a quintessentially Japanese concept: the way of the samurai (bushidō). William Swinton's 1874 textbook, Outlines of the World's History , was widely read in Japan both in the original and in translation. Proponents of the new and evolving idea of bushidō in the 1890s found Swinton's chapter on European chivalry particularly useful, adopting his logic to assert the existence of a way of the samurai, akin to European chivalry, as the basis of Japan's civilized national character, while defining that way as fundamentally opposed to the immoral "woman worship" of the West. In sum, Swinton's textbook fueled a backlash in 1890s Japan that would give rise to a conception of chivalry without women: a purportedly native way of the samurai, inherently male supremacist, thought to constitute Japan's national spirit, with a mission to civilize Japan and, for some proponents, the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Christian nationalism, the fusion of religious and national identities, has emerged as an important factor shaping public opinion on a range of issues. However, debates in the existing literature on the motivations behind support for Christian nationalism remain unresolved: Is Christian nationalism a response to secularization and/or a cover for discomfort with racial diversity and equality? Is Christian nationalism rooted in fear of social change, disgust about social change, or something else? We use an experiment embedded in a national survey of adults to isolate the effects of knowledge of both religious and racial demographic change among White Christians. Our analysis suggests that exposure to religious demographic change shifts support for Christian nationalism and perceptions of discrimination against Whites and Christians, but exposure to racial demographic change has limited impact. This effect is mediated by emotion—religious demographic change increases fear and disgust, which then influence support for Christian nationalism and perceptions of discrimination against Whites and Christians. Although our treatment suggesting exposure to racial demographic change had null effects, we note that racial attitudes do independently influence support for Christian nationalism and perceptions of discrimination against Whites and Christians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses a postcolonial approach and the concept of Orientalization to uncover hierarchies in Estonian national identity construction. We examine the change in the articulation of the 'other' in the context of identity discourses of Estonians and Estonian Russian-speakers using literature by women authors in Estonia. We show how the interest of Estonian writers in the Russian community changed over time and then practically disappeared. We also demonstrate how, reflecting on their new post-imperial status, Estonian Russian-language literature eventually came to see Russians from Russia, rather than Estonians, as the key significant 'other.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the role flags (mainly, the Senyera and the Estelada) have when constructing national identity in a diasporic context in relation to the Casal Català of New South Wales in Australia. Dialoguing with Michael Billig’s theorization of nationalism as “banal”, the study examines how that Casal makes use of the flags differently in both the organization’s digital platforms as well as in its most important public event, the annual celebration of the Diada. This investigation identifies a tension between the symbolic representation of Catalan independentism online and its public ritualization in person following the codes of banal nationalism; and, with the help of Victor Turner’s work on rituals and shared symbolic meanings, the investigation argues that that tension results in the practice of Catalan identity in Australia distanced from an independentist proselytism, which is nonetheless sustained in theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article shows the process of gestation, consolidation, and transformation of document appraisal in Colombia, based on a review of archival regulations. It is organized in four stages; the first one presents the background of the process related to the government's interest in the documentary heritage as a source of national identity; the second deals with the gestation of the process and the creation of its archival instruments; the third one responds to the consolidation as a result of the modification of procedures and instruments with the General Law on Archives as a framework; and the fourth focuses on the transformation of the process as a result of the impact of ICT on the production of archival documents. This journey allows identifying the relationship between the appraisal process and the interests of society, highlighting procedural issues in its application, to recognize the growth of the discipline over time and to emphasize the importance of studying the process continuously. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As an implication of the ethnically and nationally diverse nature of Mediterranean polities, identification-driven boundary-making strategies bear considerable relevance for their political processes, both in the contemporary context and in the historical past. By utilizing a Discourse-Historical Approach (DHA), this study provides an interpretative exploration of Greek-Cypriot elite discursive framing strategies regarding Turkish-Cypriot and Greek-Cypriot ethno-national identity during the Cypriot Civil War (1963–1967). The available historical interpretations of this period lead us to expect an exclusionary strategy of boundary contraction to be more prevalent than the inclusionary one of boundary expansion in the discourse of Greek-Cypriot elites. Through an examination of a sample of primary textual sources, the analysis disconfirms such an expectation, as elite figures primarily constructed broader, inclusive frames of ethno-national identity during the civil war. The relative absence of boundary contraction and the prevalence of boundary expansion indicate the applicability of Wimmer's (2008) universalist approach to ethnic boundary-making, in contrast to the expectations that are built by the Cyprus-specific historical evidence. This study thus lays the groundwork for future research to delineate the discursive framing strategies of elite figures in Cyprus and beyond the ethno-nationally divided island. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the dynamics behind the rise of religious nationalism in Central Eastern and Southeastern Europe with distinct populist, nativist, and authoritarian overtones. The paper explores the relationship between nationalism and religion today and the broader transformation challenges both within the region and more globally that can shape this relationship. It then looks closer into the historical experiences in the region with regard to the relationship between state and church as well as nationalism and religion, critically analysing how these relations have evolved during nation-state formation in the 19th and early 20th century, under Communism, and in the last three decades. Analysing critically the relevant literature, the paper discusses the entanglements between state and religious institutions as well as between national identity and faith, and how these are mobilised today. The paper argues for the need to consider both internal and external factors in the evolution of the relationship between nationalism and religion in Central Eastern and Southeastern Europe and more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the first half of the 20th century, all the states that emerged on the east coast of the Baltic gained access to the sea. Each tried to utilise this to strengthen their economies, but contemporaries had different views on their potential to do so. One example is that the Latvians were labelled as a maritime nation, while the Lithuanians were portrayed as a “continental” nation. This is sometimes still the case today. The research presented in this article shows that despite this judgement, the need to create images of the maritime past of the Latvian and Lithuanian nations manifested in both cases through the historiography that influenced modern national identities. The article focuses on the different representations of the maritime past used by the Latvian and Lithuanian national movements in the late 19th and the first half of the 20th century and examines the origins of these representations as well as the contexts in which they were instrumentalised. The research shows that although the images were different, Lithuanian and Latvian historians used similar strategies to create and disseminate them. These included retrospective identification with mediaeval and early modern societies and attempts to use images of the maritime past to find alternatives to German domination in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: The decade of the 1920s witnessed a significant transformation in Peruvian political culture with the widespread recognition of the indigenous problem as a socioeconomic phenomenon, which paved the way for new political languages. This article aims to recover the role of myth in the Peruvian indigenista debate during this period. Specifically, it delves into the literary polemic of indigenismo in 1927, focusing on how intellectuals from Lima, Cusco, and Puno bestowed their arguments with legitimacy, effectively intertwining literature and history through the incorporation of mythical elements. Methodology: The study proposes an examination of the arguments put forth by indigenista intellectuals using the tools of conceptual history, drawing heavily from Hans Blumenberg's work on myth. This theoretical framework helps uncover the semantic foundations of Peruvian indigenist's language and sheds light on the historical temporalities of their political projects. Originality: This article advances a novel analysis of the intellectual field by reinterpreting primary sources related to the 1927 indigenismo polemic, reconstructing synchronic languages on national identity, and highlighting the role of myth as a significant rhetorical device. By exploring how supporters of indigenismo creatively employed myth to imagine the past and mobilize politically, this study uncovers previously overlooked conceptual shifts and their mythical underpinnings. Conclusions: The study argues that myth played a crucial role in shaping the political language of a new generation of Peruvian intellectuals. Indigenismo facilitated the emergence of novel conceptual frameworks that interrogated national identity, accelerated expectations of change, and incorporated mythical elements from indigenous experiences, including rebellions in the south and the activities of the Comité Pro-Derecho Indígena Tahuantinsuyo. Concepts such as nation and socialism were democratized and imbued with mythical significance, reflecting the diverse temporalities within the indigenista movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the basis of songs published in songbooks from the Second World War, this paper presents Slovenian song as an element of national identification during the Second World War, i.e. during the period when the very existence of the Slovenian nation was challenged. The period of the Second World War in Slovenian historiography is multifaceted and intertwined with various processes, which are also reflected in the legacy of song creativity in Slovenia. During the Second World War, songs reflected the rebellion, national consciousness and simultaneous division that was present in Slovenian society. The paper analyses the lyrics of Partisan and Home Guard songs, in which we have identified traces of national consciousness and also of the propaganda activities of individual political groups. The paper highlights the importance of Slovenian song during the Second World War as a historical source that reflects the intimate experience of the individual, as well as the collective memory and identification of the wider community - the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the nationalist rhetoric of Biden and Trump in the 2020 presidential election, focusing on how the candidates represented, and contested, the meaning of American national identity. To do so, we construct a novel analytical framework to undertake a contextual content analysis of Biden and Trump's campaign tweets (n = 4,321). We demonstrate that the meaning of national identity was a key source of contestation in the election, and that the parameters of this contestation closely tracked a longstanding cleavage in American political culture between civic and ethnic nationalist traditions. Biden largely drew upon the civic nationalist tradition to defend a conception of American national identity that is grounded in liberal myths and symbols. By contrast, Trump largely drew upon the ethnic nationalist tradition to defend a conception of American national identity that is grounded in white American myths and symbols. Critically, both candidates used these opposing nationalist traditions to frame each other as a grave threat to the nation's "true" identity and, ultimately, as un-American. This "nationalist polarization" of presidential politics is a troubling development for the future of American democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spain's mainstream right parties immediately cooperated with the radical right Vox as a support party for minority governments when it first entered regional parliaments in 2018 and 2019. We ask why the mainstream right opted to engage the radical right to govern and why the latter agreed. Only when we consider parties' regional and national goals can we explain why the parties allied in Spain, and then only when we consider electoral as well as policy and office goals. We argue that centrifugal two bloc competition in the party system and electoral competition among the mainstream right parties on territorial and national identity issues encouraged engagement. Further, we show how the right bloc developed and solidified and how Vox constrained mainstream party choices by pushing for public recognition. It demonstrates the value of examining subnational politics, not only as another arena, but also as integral to party strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Securitization theory has paid extensive attention to transnational issues, actors, and processes. Surprisingly, however, only little attention has been paid to the securitization of diaspora communities, defined as overseas citizens or co-nationals abroad. This article fills this gap by developing an analytical framework to study the securitization of diasporas, focusing on three discursive formations: diasporas as threatening actors, as objects under threat, or as security resources. Building upon the recent literature on state–diaspora engagement and drawing on an analysis of Israeli elite discourse (from 1948 to 2022), this article demonstrates how the securitization of diasporas serves as a discursive mechanism that naturalizes and legitimizes extra-territorial policies towards Jews abroad. Thus, the article complements structural and rational explanations of state–diaspora engagement by examining the intersubjective process that endows diaspora policymaking with meaning. Against the backdrop of extensive securitization scholarship that focuses on attempts to keep "foreigners" out, this article shows how securitization justifies bringing certain people in or governing their national identity abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the discourses on Indonesian identity as they were negotiated by Indonesian intellectuals in the late colonial period, 1900–1942. During this period, ethnic diversity and Islamism constituted key issues in which different intellectuals exchanged their thoughts as to what it meant to be an Indonesian. This paper argues that, while various ideological discourses for the formation of Indonesian national identity had developed in the early twentieth century, the depth that these discourses were debated and agreed upon by the Indonesian intellectual elite was asymetrical. Strong nationalist discourses had promoted a key political instrument by which to unite a people of diverse ethnicity, race, and religion. On the other hand, the debates on the discourse of Islamic identity during the same period lacked consensus among Muslim scholars and between Islamists and secular nationalists, especially concerning the concept of unity, nationalism, and independence, and the role of women and polygamy. Notwithstanding this, Javanese Islamic syncretism and the colonial containment policy towards Islam also contributed as external factors which served to constrain Islamists from positing an overt Islamic identity. Concurrently, it raised the nationalists' racial transcendence as a shared value of being Indonesian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines self-disparaging representations of "the German man" in humorous middle-class visual and textual publications of the 1840s. Considering contemporary notions of German national character and the emergence of contradictory masculine ideals, the analysis traces the dual representation of the German man as either an emasculated philistine or a hypermasculine quixotic hero. Based on this analysis, it argues that just as a German national movement was acquiring unprecedented political potency, a highly gendered sense of German national ineptness was widespread among the German bourgeoisie. Both the philistine and the quixotic German were cast as inadequate in the face of a corruptive, feminized modernity that was unfairly advantageous to the French. These findings underscore how gender and national stereotypes in nineteenth-century Germany were mutually destabilizing and repeatedly negotiated, profoundly shaping contemporaries' understanding of the world changing around them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Universitas, Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanas is the property of Universidad Politecnica Salesiana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Nations are resilient and often taken for granted as an analytical category in most social sciences. Academic literature has highlighted the industrial and capitalistic origins of nationalism, espousing the formation of modern statehood as well as the revitalized re-elaboration of ethno-genetic elements into that same modernity, even when 'imagined' and 'invented'. Certainly, the organizational and ideological capacities of nation-states are sociologically 'grounded', yet less attention has been given to nations' capacity to adapt their sociogenetic identity. This article seeks to interpret and contextualize the issue through the theorization of national resilience as a mid-range concept by offering analytical instruments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between politics and religion possesses significant dynamics in every society, independent of its social, cultural, historical, and geographical context. Religion can directly intervene in political processes, serve as a fundamental basis for political groups, and effectively influence the form of governance. Political actors can actively utilize religion and religious institutions to gain legitimacy and garner support. The nexus of religion and nationalism forms one facet of the relationship between religion and politics, involving a close interaction at historical, theoretical, and empirical levels. The period of the Slovak Republic (1939-45) reflects a complex process wherein the interaction between religion and nationalism significantly shaped the political and social fabric of the country. This study investigates the impact of religion on Slovak nationalism and the relationship between the Slovak Catholic Church and Slovak nationalism during the years 1939-45. Focusing on the role of religion in the development of Slovak nationalism, the nature of the relationship between Slovak national identity and Catholicism, the evolution of the religion-politics relationship, and the influence of Catholic beliefs on state policies, this research aims to shed light on an important period in Slovakia's history. Furthermore, it seeks to contribute to the limited body of academic research on Slovakia in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes to review the categories through which the study of the relationship between national identities and football was founded in Latin America, especially those of "public arena", inspired by the work of Clifford Geertz, and that of "free zones" of a culture, introduced by the Argentine anthropologist Eduardo Archetti to investigate the foundation of a "popular sporting nationalism" in the early twentieth century. To this end, it examines the ways in which Argentina's recent victory in the Qatar 2022 World Cup was narrated in television accounts and in the experience of fans, as well as the vicissitudes of its (impossible) political capture. Finally, the paper explores the shift from political hero to post-political hero: the narrative games that make the passage from Maradona to Messi possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the national identity argument in unsettled times by using the COVID-19 pandemic as a test case. It uses a longitudinal survey among Jewish Israelis to examine whether the pandemic influenced levels of national identity and solidarity and whether it altered their relationship. The findings indicate a clear reduction in levels of solidarity, national attachment, and national chauvinism over time. They also show that the positive connection between national attachment and solidarity grew stronger, while the connection between national chauvinism and solidarity became weaker and insignificant. These findings provide complex evidence for the national identity argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Three case studies depict different attitudes of anthropologists toward the politics of nationalism promoted by the prewar Polish state. Ethnographer Stanisław Dworakowski, involved in a governmental Committee for the Issues of Petty Nobility in Eastern Poland, elaborated a study on this social stratum. Although based on reliable field research, it can hardly be considered scientific work, as it has many features of political propaganda. Quite opposite is the case of folklorist Joachim Chajes, secretary of the Ethnographical Commission of YIVO. Contemporary Soviet folklore was one of the fields of his research, which Polish anticommunist and antisemitic authorities found suspicious. Accused of communist activity, he was imprisoned. Social anthropologist Józef Obrębski can be situated between those two extremes. His field research among East Slavic peasants in Eastern Poland, concerning their developing national identity, although conducted within a national scientific program and financed by the state, is an example of intellectual independence. By revealing the negative attitude of the peasants toward Polish authorities, Obrębski achieved an outcome, which did not fulfill the official political expectations. These three trajectories show competitive coexistence of the meta-field of power and the scientific field, focused on their respective stakes: power and recognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because of the lack of reliable sources we cannot reconstruct the possible beginnings of philosophical thought in the Prehispanic cultures of the Andean area. During the Spanish colonial time the usual philosophical activity had a theoretical foundation which was composed of classical Thomism, natural law according to the Salamanca School and concepts derives from so-called Indian Law. During the Republican age the philosophical efforts have been devoted to discuss such themes like national identity, Bolivia's place in the world order and the own way towards modernity. In these controversies Alcides Arguedas (as a representative of the liberal-rationalist tendency) and Franz Tamayo (the representative of the telurist current) stood early out. This current has proved to be till today very important in Bolivia. Nowadays it is enhanced by nationalist, Marxist and indianist contributions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that from the end of the 19thcentury, the debate about anti-Semitism became a marker for a wider dispute focusing on the meaning of national identity. Integrating the Jews into the polity was part, and even a justification, of the Enlightenment political project and of the democratic state. However, while the Jewish question was fundamental for politics and philosophy in the Enlightenment, in our time, as the Enlightenment fades, the Muslim question takes its place. This article argues that the goal of integrating Muslims into the Western democratic polity under a culturally blind, egalitarian and secular type of non-discrimination has proven to be unsuccessful. Moreover, rather than pitting racist nationalists against liberal democrats, it has triggered a "civic confrontation" in liberal political thought, between liberal multiculturalists and supporters of religious freedom who understand, on the one hand, and secular democratic integrationists, on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The paper describes the formation of the national minority identity and the main ethno-identifying factors of Slovaks living in the Czech Republic. Objectives: We will focus on the identity of this minority and try to answer the question of what their language is, what culture they prefer in their national life, and what their national consciousness is. When examining the aforementioned questions we use primarily the results of extensive sociological researches on the issue of nationality, which have been repeatedly carried out by the Silesian Institute of the Silesian Museum in Opava since the mid-1960s up to the present. Methods: The research was performed using sociological quantitative and qualitative methods, supplemented by historical and statistical analysis. The subject of our interest consisted of Slovaks who lived permanently in the territory of the Czech Republic, and were its citizens. Results: Slovaks in the Czech Republic identified Slovak as their mother tongue, which is most often used when communicating in a family environment with their parents. The use of Czech or bilingual communication increases with their partners, children and in public. Slovaks preserve the signs of their original culture, and are interested in it. They also actively participate in the creation of minority Slovak culture, organize their own cultural events. They are also interested in Czech culture, they are bicultural in this respect. The most important ethno-identification factor is national consciousness. Slovaks living in the Czech Republic have a strong emotional and cultural attachment to Slovakia, to their homeland, or the homeland of their ancestors. Discussion and conclusion: The monitoring of the three most significant ethno-identification factors shows that Slovaks living in the Czech Republic gradually identified themselves with the minority status and formed their national minority identity. They base their national identity on Slovak sources, consider Slovak as their mother tongue, they are largely bilingual, and a good knowledge of Czech to a certain extent determines their cultural duality (biculturality). Their national consciousness remains Slovak, although they do not attach primary importance to issues of national consciousness, but these are not even at the margin of their interest. Despite the fact that they are in the process of integration into the majority Czech society, they strive to preserve their own Slovak national identity as an element enriching the Czech majority society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

: Although there have been impressive scholarly attempts to explain the brief reference to Kleist in Fassbinder’s Die Ehe der Maria Braun, none have noted the significant transtextual relationship between Fassbinder’s film and Kleist’s Die Hermannsschlacht and the manner in which this relationship sheds light on each work’s gendered critique of German nationalism. The parallels run much deeper than the name of the film’s antagonist, Hermann Braun, would suggest, although that name likewise locates both works at the intersections of gender and national identity. A closer examination of those parallels clarifies many of the well-established ambiguities in the film, particularly those surrounding the tension between liberation and nationalism, and challenges traditional assessments of Kleist’s nationalist drama. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study uses experimental methods to assess the causal effect of media presentations on viewer's emotions, national identification, and nation-related values. In three experiments covering marginal sports disciplines, viewers watched broadcasts of compatriots winning an Olympic gold medal, either featuring emotional and partisan reporting styles or a neutral audio commentary. Findings show that those exposed to the partisan commentary experienced heightened emotions; identified more strongly with their nation; exhibited more patriotism and nationalism; and ascribed positive values (e.g., achievement, diligence) more strongly to their home country than did viewers in the control group. These results suggest that the broadcasting styles influence viewers' emotions, attitudes, and collective identifications beyond the effects of the sporting competition itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes how professional wrestling expanded stereotyped race, national, and class images toward the Spanish public in the first two decades of the twentieth century. The professional wrestling circuit of music halls, theaters, and circuses helped connect a myriad of grappling practices spanning different national traditions. Nonetheless, it also helped convey different racial, ethnic, and national images within a frame of social class divide at a time of rampant imperialism and colonial domination. In this context, Spain experimented with a short-lived wrestling mania, with several international wrestling tournaments and jujutsu exhibitions before World War I. In these tournaments, both fighters and patrons exploited racial stereotypes as a way to better sell the activity to the paying audience, connecting with, but also reinforcing, the perceptions that populated the collective imagination about different people, due to ethnicity or nationality linked also to social class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalism, a multifaceted force, intricately shapes identities and histories across the globe. Iran, with its rich historical tapestry, exemplifies the complex interplay of nationalism, where diverse elements unite to forge a unique national identity. However, while various approaches to studying Iranian nationalism shed light on facets of this identity, each singularly fails to encapsulate its entirety. Through a systematic review, this article aims to amalgamate the factors influencing Iranian national identity, critically evaluating the strengths and limitations of each perspective and highlighting gaps in current research. The paper presents a categorization of existing scholarship into five distinct viewpoints. Beginning with the primordial underpinnings, it underscores their significance while noting their limitations in accounting for the influence of Orientalist narratives. The article subsequently delves into the effects of Western Orientalism on Iranian nationalism, highlighting the oft-neglected impact of global trends like industrialization. It further elucidates the instrumental role of leadership in crafting traditions and national identity. Finally, the study introduces a fresh perspective by emphasizing the centrality of the quest for self-determination in shaping Iranian identity. This analysis not only unveils the layered nuances of Iranian national identity but also proposes a robust framework, accentuating the imperative for sustained research in this continually evolving domain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Japan faces its most serious and complex defence environment since the end of World War II. The country holds two significant security concerns: first, and critically, China’s burgeoning military, increasingly aggressive diplomacy, and destabilising actions around the Senkaku Islands in the East China Sea; second, North Korea’s continued unpredictable rhetoric and actions in its nuclear arming program and ballistic missile testing. Japan’s 2022 National Security Strategy proposes two unprecedented policy ideas to counter these threats: first, to significantly increase Japan’s defence budget; second, to acquire counterstrike long-range missile capabilities in response to an attack. Nonetheless, despite these security issues and policy developments, this article argues that formal amendment of the peace clause in art 9 of the Japanese Constitution remains unlikely. To understand the improbability of constitutional amendment, this article first explores Japan’s constitutional pacifism under the post-World War II Yoshida Doctrine and the United States–Japan cornerstone security alliance, as well as the context of North Korea’s nuclear and ballistic missile threat and the emotive issue of abductions of Japanese citizens. The article then turns to Japan’s historic imperial relationship with China as an avenue to understand contemporary relations, including the key issues of trade and its link to security, and the Senkaku Islands sovereignty dispute. It concludes that formal constitutional amendment of the peace clause remains unlikely in the short to medium term. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research analyzes the variation of identity and stereotype represented by the protagonists of these three Ecuadorian films, studying how these films propose an idea of national identity where identification, image and stereotype prevail. A tus espaldas, Ratas, Ratones Rateros y El Pescador is the object of study, so I carry out a film analysis of the scenes that I consider of vital importance to understand the different representations of identity, based on concepts of culture, representation, stereotype, cinema, identification and identity, inferring how these concepts affect the behavior and conduct of the Ecuadorian mountain and coastal mestizo. Within the objective, the theoretical understanding of identity and the interpretation of the proposal of cinema to represent national identity stands out, therefore, definitions and notes on debates on identity are addressed, accompanied by the visual analysis of the selection of scenes., which is considered that identity is at stake, building the theoretical position, and highlighting the representation of identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For a Cuban anarchist movement intent on promoting harmonious class relations, attachment to national identity within the working classes was a divisive wedge which limited this objective. Transnationalism – understood here as the process of Spanish migration to Cuba, as well as the anarchist network between the U.S. and the Caribbean – combined with this divisive context; it intermeshed with a Cuban working class marked by their recent emancipation from Spanish colonial rule. On the one hand, this article will show how transnationalism was instrumental to building the strength of the anarchist movement in Cuba. Simultaneously, my intervention destabilizes conventional assumptions about transnationalism: rather than simply a generative process which inexorably led to the growth of anarchism in Cuba, it was constrained by, and at times reinforced, antagonistic relations on the basis of national identity. In doing so, this article furthers understandings of how transnational processes impact social movements, particularly in the context of imperial hegemony. Moreover, by foregrounding the domestic situation in Cuba and questioning the benefits of transnationalism, it reasserts the agency of Latin America in labour histories, rather than adopting the common framing of the continent being a passive recipient of influences from mainland Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalism always relies on certain ways of historical narration. The history of a nation is made in narration, and narratives retroactively create a homogeneous mythical history that is used for the present political purposes. The article considers the emergence of nationalisms during the period of the downfall of socialist regimes in Eastern Europe and concentrates on the formation of Slovene nationalism through the spyglass of historic narration. The Slovene case may provide some general lessons as to how, in national narrations, history is retroactively homogenized: all significant landmarks of Slovene history that now form the core of the narrative presented at the time the major breaks with the then standards of Slovene national identity. Everything that is now considered the epitome of "Sloveneness" was at the time seen as an import of a foreign intrusion, changing the very standards by which "Sloveneness" was to be assessed. Thus the fidelity to the Slovene national identity can only be achieved by the courage of putting it into question. The last part of the article addresses the larger question of how the nationalisms of that period have in the course of the last decades evolved into the new populisms which no longer try to present a coherent narrative but functions rather as the managements of rage, based on the fantasy of the theft of enjoyment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationality is a crucial element of the regime governing international airlines, the industry which is a key means of economic globalization. I argue that economic nationalist motives drive states to harness international economic flows to support sovereignty and national identity. Economic nationalism is conceptualized as a performative phenomenon, describing how states make sovereignty and nations real by enabling and controlling economic practices. Using a mixed-methods approach, I statistically examine an observable implication that dyads which have greater cultural difference tend to have less liberal bilateral air services agreements. I then investigate through analytic narratives how Canada and the EU dealt with the rapid growth and ambitious expansion of the Gulf state airlines, which were themselves economic nationalist projects. Canada restricted traffic rights while the EU has exerted control by enforcing concepts of fair competition and publicizing its scrutiny of foreign ownership and control over EU airlines. A key contribution of this article is to explore how trade policy is driven by symbolic politics, and to raise the possibility that material gains are pursed to support performances of national identity and sovereignty. This has further applications to other sectors with perceived implications for sovereignty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The issue concerning Kosovar identity dates back to the dissolution of Yugoslavia and a struggle for sovereignty persisted for more than thirty years. This struggle pertains to a re-positioning of a national identity to re-affirm itself as a separate nation, formerly towards Serbia, and latterly towards many centers. It is the international community demonstrating support for the Kosovo State for different reasons. This study aims to understand the impact of non-national actors on the nationalization of Kosovo. Since the EU, UN, and NATO have and still play an important role in the development of Kosovo, it is important to understand how the nation-state or state-nation project is defined and constructed in Kosovo and how authentic it will be in its final form. Due to the internal and external influences and challenges in re-casting its form under the politics of the nation, Kosovo is becoming more like a pseudo-nation than an authentic one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that although the study of nationalism and nation-building in the post-Soviet Republic of Moldova has included many ground-up perspectives on ethnic, linguistic, cultural, and memory-related aspects of national identity, the themes of religion and gender continue to be neglected. Over the past decade, attention to religion has been increasing—not least because of concern that the growing presence of Orthodoxy in the public sphere might endanger the state's commitments to civic and human rights—yet what is still lacking is a considered discussion of religion and nationalism. The author considers how the 2017 Soros-published report on Church and State in the Republic of Moldova may spur us to better conceptualize the dynamics of religion and gender with respect to nationalism from the ground up. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines how tribes in Jordan defend their members accused of corruption. The data come from three major public statements by three large tribes in response to highly publicized accusations of corruption. Using positioning theory, the analysis shows that this collectivist discourse is centered on self-glorification; stressing loyalty, belonging, and national identity; invoking religious narratives; and attacking accusers. It relies heavily on intertextuality, invoking of past events and master narratives, and recreating local traditional storylines. While Western culture focuses on defending the individual, collectivist culture focuses on defending the group/community and reflects the group's feeling of being a victim. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What are the domestic consequences of symbolic conflict resolution? We isolate the effect of symbolic conflict by looking into a dispute with no material stakes (for one side), but high symbolic ones: the Prespa Agreement, which ended the dispute on the name of FYROM, thenceforth named North Macedonia. Greeks opposed this name because the ancient Macedonian heritage is central to their national identity. Based on social identity theory, we expect this threat to the group's distinctiveness to increase nationalist sentiment. Using an original dataset of flags displayed in the façade of buildings in Athens and Thessaloniki, which we compare to Lisbon, we find an increase in national flags in the Greek cities after the Agreement. The effect is stronger in Thessaloniki, Greek Macedonia's capital, where the identity threat was more pronounced. We also find that the treaty shifted voters to the right, especially those residing in the region of Macedonia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of nationalism in North America has focused heavily on national identity. Much of the scholarship in the region indicates that most individuals define their respective national identities as attainable and inclusive. In contrast to these findings, other evidence from nationalism and ethnic politics scholarship in North America suggests a strong racial link to national understandings. Focusing on national identity research in North America, primarily the United States, but also findings from Canada and Mexico, I try to address the connection between national identity, its political effects, and the boundaries of national identity content. This article identifies important findings from research in North America and proposes that scholars look beyond the current research to study national development – understood both historically and through the study of individuals' constructive deployment of nationalism in everyday life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]