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This paper is based on the research related to regional integration attempts in Latin America and their effect on the economic development of Latin American countries. Recent analyses clarify that the US’ intervention in the politics of Latin America has been the main obstacle of the regional integration process. Most importantly, political fragmentation of the countries in the region affects the success of the organizations that are formed for the regional integration. This is especially visible in the political processes of the countries such as economic crises in Argentina, political instability in Venezuela and increasing migration to the US from Latin American countries. Notable studies reveal that despite the regional integration efforts, the economic benefits to the region has been limited compared to the benefit of the global economic powers. Different from the current literature, this paper focuses on the internal dynamics of Latin American countries. In this respect, this paper investigates the effect of the regional integration attempts for the economic development of the countries in Latin America. In this regard, the rational state behaviour was found as an important element to explain in relation to the Latin American integration attempts. With a liberal intergovernmentalist perspective, this paper aims to reveal the success of regional integration attempts in Latin America with the cases of Latin American Free Trade Association (LAFTA), Southern Common Market (MERCOSUR) and Andean Community (CAN). The main argument of this paper is that increasing economic cooperation and creating a reconstruction model with a financial assistance to the less developed countries in the region have led to a regional economic development in cohesion with the policies of the regional powers of Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a context of rapid technological innovation and expensive new products, the paper calls for the generation of real-world data to inform decision-making and an international discussion on the affordability of new medicines, particularly for low- and middle-income countries. Without these, the challenges of health judicialization will continue to grow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Mil Días (A Thousand Days) is a programme for the first thousand days of life, from gestation to 2 years of age, targeted at highly vulnerable children and/or mothers and pregnant women. The programme was implemented in August 2015 in the municipality of San Miguel, in Argentina. Mil Días is designed in a holistic and intersectoral way. The main form of intervention is through home visits, but other benefits are available depending on the 51 vulnerability criteria by which participants are admitted to the programme, most of which are related to health issues. Exits of the programme occur when the mother and/or child have reversed the deprivation/s of the entrance‐criteria. Methods: This paper provides an analysis of the programme's primary data between August 2015 and May 2019, with a total of 1,111 programme participants. First, we perform a statistical analysis of the targeted population of the programme. Second, using a logistic regression, we study factors associated to the withdrawal from the programme. Third, using survival analysis, we study the correlates of time to graduation from the programme. Results: We find that the programme is well‐targeted, as participants exhibit higher deprivation levels than those exhibited by beneficiaries of social programmes in general in the same municipality. We also find that programme participants in situations of most extreme vulnerability are more likely to abandon the programme and that successful exits from the programme take longer for more complex cases. Conclusions: Mil Días–San Miguel is a programme for early childhood development in Argentina, which was pioneer when it was first introduced. It is well targeted and exhibits encouraging results despite complex cases taking longer to sucessfully exit the programme. In addition, the poorest poor participants are more likely to abandon the programme and so additional actions could be taken to retain them, as intended by the 'Leave No One Behind' 2030 commitment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on ethnographic data collected in three informal communities, one in Argentina, one in México, and one in Ecuador, we address the long-standing question posed by Larissa Lomnitz's and Carol Stack's now-classic studies of how impoverished people not only survive but what strategies they adopt in an attempt to build a dignified life. By focusing on the diversity of strategies by which the urban poor solve the everyday problems of individual and collective reproduction, we move beyond the macro-level analysis of structural constraint and material deprivation. Our findings show a remarkable continuity in the difficulties residents of these informal communities confronted and the problem-solving strategies they resorted to. We found that networks of kin and friends continue to play a crucial role in how poor people not only survive but attempt to get ahead. Additionally, we highlight the role of patronage networks and collective action as central to strategies by which the urban poor cope with scarcity and improve their life chances, while also paying close attention to ways in which they deal with pressing issues of insecurity and violence. The paper shows that poor people's survival strategies are deeply imbricated in routine political processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the tensions between ideals about sociology (and what it ought to be) transmitted during university socialization and the everyday working activities among Argentinean sociologists. It focuses on an extreme case: that of the graduates who, lacking the opportunity or the desire to join the professoriate, became market researchers. The case is extreme because while university training provided these individuals with a set of methodological and analytical skills that proved to be useful (and profitable) when studying consumers and markets, it also encouraged a critical, world-rejecting, view of the discipline which was at odds with their professional activities. Not surprisingly, they encountered a distressing moral puzzle: were they betraying sociology's progressive values, values to which they were seriously committed? Building on E. Hughes' concept of "dirty work", this paper examines how these individuals navigated an occupation that was, at least initially, seen as morally objectionable, and the ways by which they came to imbue it with new and edifying "sociological" value. This article is based on interviews with sociologists working in market research and a socio-historical account of the School of Sociology at the University of Buenos Aires, the nation's most important program, where all our interviewees were trained. This study has implications for understanding situations in which actual professional practices are in sharp contrast with the ideals presented during university socialization, and the identity repair processes that university-trained workers undertake when dealing with deviant careers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - The technical feasibility of using Benford's law to assist internal auditors in reviewing the integrity of high-volume data sets is analysed. This study explores whether Benford's distribution applies to the set of numbers represented by the quantity of records (size) that comprise the different tables that make up a stateowned enterprise's (SOE) enterprise resource planning (ERP) relational database. The use of Benford's law streamlines the search for possible abnormalities within the ERP system's data set, increasing the ability of the internal audit functions (IAFs) to detect anomalies within the database. In the SOEs of emerging economies, where groups compete for power and resources, internal auditors are better off employing analytical tests to discharge their duties without getting involved in power struggles. Design/methodology/approach - Records of eight databases of an SOE in Argentina are used to analyse the number of records of each table in periods of three to 12 years. The case develops step-by-step Benford's law application to test each ERP module records using Chi-squared (X²) and mean absolute deviation (MAD) goodness-of-fit tests. Findings - Benford's law is an adequate tool for performing integrity tests of high-volume databases. A minimum of 350 tables within each database are required for the MAD test to be effective; this threshold is higher than the 67 reported by earlier researches. Robust results are obtained for the complete ERP system and for large modules; modules with less than 350 tables show low conformity with Benford's law. Research limitations/implications - This study is not about detecting fraud; it aims to help internal auditors red flag databases that will need further attention, making the most out of available limited resources in SOEs. The contribution is a simple, cheap and useful quantitative tool that can be employed by internal auditors in emerging economies to perform the first scan of the data contained in relational databases. Practical implications - This paper provides a tool to test whether large amounts of data behave as expected, and if not, they can be pinpointed for future investigation. It offers tests and explanations on the tool's application so that internal auditors of SOEs in emerging economies can use it, particularly those that face divergent expectations from antagonist powerful interest groups. Originality/value - This study demonstrates that even in the context of limited information technology tools available for internal auditors, there are simple and inexpensive tests to review the integrity of high-volume databases. It also extends the literature on high-volume database integrity tests and our knowledge of the IAF in Civil law countries, particularly emerging economies in Latin America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose - This paper analyses the possibility of Latin America's (LA) major economies adopting dollarization, considering that in the last decade macroeconomic instability has once again challenged the ability of certain economies to properly manage their own currency. Design/methodology/approach - To determine the feasibility of adopting theUS dollar as official currency, the author uses the framework of optimum currency area (OCA) theory, since, in fact, dollarization is an incomplete monetary union. The author uses a structural vector autoregressive (SVAR) model to identify what type of structural shock-country-specific, regional or global-prevails inLAeconomies. For this purpose, the US output is used to represent the global output and determine how the shocks of theUS influence the output trajectory of each LA nation. The higher the influence of the US product, the lower the costs of adopting the US dollar. Findings -The resultsof thevariance decomposition showthat the influence of the US shocks in the gross domestic product (GDP) trajectory of LA countries has significantly decreased over the last two decades, even in the currently dollarized economies. The estimates for Venezuela and Argentina show that the importance of US shocks in the trajectory of their GDP is low. Therefore, the cost of adopting the US dollar as the official currency would be high. Originality/value - In view of hyperinflation and macroeconomic imbalances in certain LA nations, the dollarization debate has resurfaced in recent years. However, the literature that empirically evaluates the feasibility of adopting dollarization as a monetary system under current economic conditions is limited. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a context of the state withdrawing from housing provision, despite a persistent shortage of affordable housing, housing policies in Buenos Aires, Argentina, have increasingly diversified. This paper contrasts two different credit-based approaches to low-income housing provision which have been implemented since the year 2000 in the City of Buenos Aires: collective mortgage loans for self-managed housing construction and improvement projects, embedded in a logic of 'social production of habitat'; and individual housing microloans, following a logic of financial inclusion for low-income households. We examine a case study of each approach and contrast the institutional shifts that have taken place during their implementation, the learning processes each approach facilitates for participants, and the details of how housing is produced in each approach. We conclude that, although housing microfinance and the social production of habitat may appear to follow contradictory logics, they can also be treated as complementary solutions that could be combined to address each other's shortcomings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1970s, Latin America became a global laboratory for military interventions, the cultivation of terror, and ideological and economic transformation. In response, family groups and young scientists forged a new activist forensics focused on human rights, victim-centered justice, and state accountability, inaugurating new forms of forensic practice. We examine how this new form of forensic practice centered in forensic genetics has led to a critical engagement with Indigeneity both within and outside the lab. Drawing on ethnographic fieldwork with human rights activists and forensic scientists in Argentina, Guatemala and Mexico, this paper examines the relationship between forensic genetics, Indigenous organizing, and human rights practice. We offer the concept of 'genetic syncretism' to attend to spaces where multiple and competing beliefs about genetics, justice, and Indigenous identity are worked out through (1) coming together in care, (2) incorporation, and (3) ritual. Helping to unpack the uneasy and incomplete alliance of Indigenous interests and forensic genetic practice in Latin American, genetic syncretism offers a theoretical lens that is attentive to how differentials of power embedded in colonial logics and scientific practice are brokered through the coming together of seemingly incompatible beliefs and practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper comparatively addresses the emergence of three Latin-American Catholic sanctuaries: Virgen de Copacabana and Señor de los Milagros de Lima, both of colonial origin (Peruvian Viceroyalty), and Virgen del Rosario of San Nicolás (Argentina, since 1983). Using an anthropological perspective, through archive research with an ethnographic approach, the primary actions and motivations that helped consolidate these sanctuaries are analyzed. Who were the material and symbolic producers of these Catholic images and in which circumstances did they act? How did they become places of devotion? Which was the role of the miracles in cult consolidation? I will examine the possibility of recognizing regularities and common logics in these processes, analyzing to what extent they express either contextual factors or Catholic sanctuaries typical dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Argentina's prominence in the history of isds makes for a seminal case study of the tension between state measures and fdi. Argentina, like other Latin American countries, has taken a proactive approach to mitigating the current pandemic. Notably, these emergency public health decisions may hinder fdi, thus leading to an increase in investment disputes. This paper aims to comparatively analyze the past Argentinian crisis and health related nafta cases, using lessons learned to provide guidance in anticipation of covid-19 disputes. In order to explore this topic, a discussion of jurisdictional and procedural questions allow for a modern application of past issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In multiparty contexts, we know that affective polarization tends to cluster in ideological blocs, although the factors driving this process are still quite unexplored. In this paper, we contribute to filling this gap in the literature by exploring the capacity of ideological identity vis-à-vis issue-based ideology to polarize sentiments towards party voters into two opposing left-right blocs. Specifically, we provide empirical evidence that affective attachments to ideological labels increase the affective distance between ideological blocs to a greater extent than issue extremity and issue consistency. These bipolarizing effects of ideological identity persist even when the identity is inconsistent with issue-based ideology. Additionally, we show that bipolar affective polarization exerts little reverse influence on ideological identity. We support these arguments using an original survey from the TRI-POL project carried out in five multiparty systems: Argentina, Chile, Italy, Portugal and Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]