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In much extant scholarship, Dante is either misused as the prophet of the modern Italian nation-state or dismissed as a naive imperialist. This paper steers clear of both these characterizations and gives serious consideration to Dante’s own understanding of nationhood. I examine the construction of language and national community in De vulgari eloquentia and then place Dante’s idea of the nation in the context of his argument for world government in Monarchia. Grappling with the received view that for Dante, as for Aristotle, language is inherently political, the paper suggests that Dante’s nation is first and foremost a kind of psychological bond arising from the experience and use of common language; it is not embodied in political-juridical institutions, nor is it a suitable sphere for human self-realization through civic discourse and participation. The recovery of Dante’s ‘non-political’ understanding of the nation cautions against a blanket dismissal of premodern ideas of the nation and offers a more nuanced perspective on language, national identity, and the future of nation-states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Cultural Studies / Kültür Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Journal of Cultural Studies / Kultur Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, we explore the ways language has been used in Cyprus during different historical periods as a means of a dividing power, with the use of Cypriot dialects as a form of resistance and reunification of the island. We situate these translanguaging themes within a context of affective biopolitics that impacts Cypriot generations in shaping their everyday life through borderscapes and nationalisms. More specifically, we first examine how the official languages of the island (Greek and Turkish) have been used in the dominant public sphere(s) of Cyprus to marginalise Cypriot dialects, which, in turn, have been used as an oral means of communication, but also to impose symbolic signifiers of the biopolitics of borders and nationalisms in dividing communities. Secondly, we explore ways in which Cypriot dialects have been used as forms of linguistic resistance to nationalism, offering an alternative collective identity for generations of both communities, even during periods when nationalism was dominant in both communities. The translanguaging exploration centres on a close discourse analysis of one particular radio programme—the 'Cypriot radio sketch'—that has been very popular among Cypriots since the appearance of radio in Cyprus in 1953. Finally, we analytically and discursively contextualise attempts of revival of the Cypriot dialects by younger generations as communicative forms of resistance to powers of partition, as well as translanguaging pathways to actualise their desire for the reunification of the island. We eclectically draw on a multi-method approach to combine datasets from interviews, media and social media while combining critical discourse analysis to theorise the affordances, borderscapes and affective biopolitics of generational language use within geographies of nationalism and resistance in the borderscapes of a divided Cyprus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing popularity of radical right, anti-immigrant, neo-nationalist movements can be seen as a response to super-diverse and complex migration and globalization processes challenging the ideology of the 'nation-state' and the traditional education system. Based on the question of how English is increasingly viewed as a threat to Swiss national languages and identities, this study presents data from Switzerland, often portrayed as the ideal multilingual country. Such a challenge was nevertheless confirmed through the qualitative analysis of 38 in-depth interviews conducted with students and teachers at three secondary schools in three language regions, policy makers, and open-ended questions from 94 student questionnaires. Language education policies have divided the educational landscape into certain regions prioritizing English over a national language and others adhering to the traditional curriculum. The data reveal strong ideological beliefs, lacking intranational communication, and personal as well as societal struggles of positioning based on linguistic competences, expectations, and policies. This article advocates for interdisciplinary approaches to (language) education as societies' and students' needs constantly evolve and calls on all learners' and educators' responsibility to counteract such movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective/context: The decade of the 1920s witnessed a significant transformation in Peruvian political culture with the widespread recognition of the indigenous problem as a socioeconomic phenomenon, which paved the way for new political languages. This article aims to recover the role of myth in the Peruvian indigenista debate during this period. Specifically, it delves into the literary polemic of indigenismo in 1927, focusing on how intellectuals from Lima, Cusco, and Puno bestowed their arguments with legitimacy, effectively intertwining literature and history through the incorporation of mythical elements. Methodology: The study proposes an examination of the arguments put forth by indigenista intellectuals using the tools of conceptual history, drawing heavily from Hans Blumenberg's work on myth. This theoretical framework helps uncover the semantic foundations of Peruvian indigenist's language and sheds light on the historical temporalities of their political projects. Originality: This article advances a novel analysis of the intellectual field by reinterpreting primary sources related to the 1927 indigenismo polemic, reconstructing synchronic languages on national identity, and highlighting the role of myth as a significant rhetorical device. By exploring how supporters of indigenismo creatively employed myth to imagine the past and mobilize politically, this study uncovers previously overlooked conceptual shifts and their mythical underpinnings. Conclusions: The study argues that myth played a crucial role in shaping the political language of a new generation of Peruvian intellectuals. Indigenismo facilitated the emergence of novel conceptual frameworks that interrogated national identity, accelerated expectations of change, and incorporated mythical elements from indigenous experiences, including rebellions in the south and the activities of the Comité Pro-Derecho Indígena Tahuantinsuyo. Concepts such as nation and socialism were democratized and imbued with mythical significance, reflecting the diverse temporalities within the indigenista movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the late 1980s, Taiwan has moved away from Mandarin-only language policy in favour of greater recognition of local Taiwanese languages as part of a greater localisation movement. While continuing to implement language policies aimed at promoting local Taiwanese languages, in December 2018, Taiwan announced intent to implement a bilingual language policy to incorporate English by 2030, titled Bilingual Nation. Applying Ball's (1993) policy as discourse framework, this paper endeavours to investigate the Bilingual Nation policy planning and rhetoric so as to shed light on Taiwan's official conceptualisation of national identity. The case study finds that English is the primary focus of Bilingual Nation policy documents and is relegated to the discursive arenas of internationalisation and global economic competition. English is rarely discussed in tandem with any other specific language or language category, with little consideration for the interaction of English and Taiwan's official national languages. In sum, Bilingual Nation acts as an affirmation of the current status quo in Taiwan's official conception of national identity: muddled, with the assumption of Mandarin at its centre. Questions remain for Bilingual Nation and its ability to push beyond a symbolic state effort for internationalisation or unproductive labours for international status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This analysis examines an archaeology of statal narratives as they relate to the multilingual linguistic milieu of the Philippines since independence at mid-20th century. Critical transformations to statal narratives linked to language over the last century have been shaped by interacting, sometimes competing discourses, deriving from a paradoxical mix of influences: on one hand, contemporary narratives of language have been shaped by modernist discourses focused on the unification of the nation through language, but more recently, these discourses have shifted to focus also on the possibilities of figuring certain local and regional languages in pragmatic terms that index an increasing orientation to preoccupations inherent in discourses of late modernity. In late modern contexts, discourses of multilingualism and multiculturalism in the Philippines have been intertwined with ideological orientations that promote regional peace, cooperation, and economic growth in part informed by the country's involvement in ASEAN (Association of Southeast Asian Nations), where the recognition and maintenance of the multilingual and multicultural character of participating nations are framed as key mandates. By examining the emergence and transformation of discourses from modern to late modern ones at the level of the statal narrative, this analysis sheds light on emergent forms of nationalist narratives focused on both the instrumental value of global languages such as English, but also the valuation and figuration of certain local and regional languages in new ways and the contentious processes in history though which these discourses have taken hold. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This special issue of Ethnicities focuses on the phenomenon of linguistic racism. Linguistic racism constitutes the intersection of language, race/ism, and in/equality, as seen in racialized discourses on the relative status of languages and bi/multilingual language use, particularly as these are directed toward non-dominant language speakers. The theoretical framings underpinning the contributions in this issue draw on sociological discussions of critical race theory, and sociolinguistic and linguistic anthropological discussions of language ideologies, linguistic racism, and raciolinguistics. Racialized discourses of language (use) are situated within sociohistorical and sociopolitical contexts, grounded in nationalism and colonialism, that privilege dominant national and international languages, public monolingualism, and native-speaker competence in those languages. In contrast, related linguistic hierarchies of prestige pathologize the language uses of non-dominant language – often Indigenous and/or bi/multilingual – speakers and construct their language use in both overtly and covertly racialized terms. The result is regular linguistic discrimination and subordination experienced by non-dominant language speakers, inevitably framed within wider racialized institutional and everyday discursive practices. The contributions herein explore these issues in relation to Indigenous and other non-dominant language use(s), and their (mis)representation, in the media, workplace, and academia, in the contexts of New Zealand, Australia, Bangladesh, Canada, and the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent geopolitical events have led to a worldwide resurgence in nationalism which entails political togetherness and invokes the spirit of patriotism. In various contexts, language has been a central point of departure for many nationalist movements. In particular, English is increasingly discussed with regards to its sociopolitical and sociocultural implications for the expanding‐circle spaces. This research is a critical qualitative study that examines how neo‐nationalist policies are potentially transforming TESOL classes in Morocco. By focusing on TESOL teachers' reactions, we seek to reveal the range of impacts that recent nationalist policies have had on English teaching in Morocco and discuss pedagogical possibilities that can balance internationalist and nationalist desires in the country. In addition, we attempt to investigate how understandings of the nation are actualized in classrooms and how English language teaching practices and policies account for the ideas about the Moroccan nation. The study highlights how English language teachers make sense of debates surrounding English as a threat to national languages and how they can be agentive in realizing change through critical pedagogical interventions with nationalism and the concept of nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to Gellner the raison d'être of nationalism is the (nation) state. This has been gradually achieved in Europe, the Americas, Asia, Africa and Oceania through the disintegration of colonial and multi-national empires. The nation-building process was accompanied and enabled by national languages. Many colonial languages remained (the Americas, most of Africa, Ireland, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa before and after apartheid, and post-independence English imposed on Namibia). Ironically, English is now the main language of the EU while UK is no more a member. Iran reacted to speedy westernisation by Islamic revolution. Arab „revolutions" are reactions to secular regimes of capitalist or socialist kinds. Basically the nation state, though many declare its demise, is a very successful invention. The present neo-nationalism is the reaction to supranational integration imposed by economic globalisation or late imperial ideological interests. The Soviet Union fell apart for various reasons but neo-nationalist states such as Ukraine, Georgia, the Baltic states or even the autonomous Tatarstan are now thriving2. China still keeps its empire together but may eventually face nationalist explosions on its margins. The European Union is under threat of late because various neo-nationalist elites find unbearable the super-state trends and economic neoliberalism of bureaucratic cosmopolites. Nationalism is a populist doctrine by definition that was framed by democratic polities. Neo-nationalism, however, uses populism as a substitute for liberal democracy3. The result could be closed national societies that (once again) become prone to military solutions of their differences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If linguistic nationalism presupposes a homogenous national language, then "dialect" taxonomies become interesting objects of study. This article examines three instances of linguistic nationalism published in Zagreb. The three texts, published in 1836, 1919, and 1995, come from (1) Ljudevit Gaj and Jan Kollár, (2) Dragutin Prohaska, and (3) Miro Kačić. The different texts propound three quite different taxonomies of "dialects" within the imagined national language. Changing strategies of dialect classification imply different understandings of the national language, reflecting in turn changing political circumstances. The Panslavism of 1836 gave way in 1919 to interwar Yugoslavism, or alternatively Serbo-Croatism, which in 1995 then gave way to Croatian particularist nationalism. The article ends with speculations about future linguistic taxonomies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a historical study of the linguistic landscape (LL) of Pristina's city center as an important site of contestation and competing symbolic identity constructions throughout Kosovo's turbulent interethnic past. By means of historical linguistic evidence of the LL configuration of landmark establishments in the central promenade of the city, the paper illustrates the role of language in the construction of national identity and in this way, argues for the reconciliation of the study of symbolic nation building in Kosovo with language as an equally deserving dimension of investigation alongside other socio-political and social facets It is also argued that apart from its symbolic role to convey the specific ideological concepts of the dominant ethnic elites, the LL has been crucial in the construction of ethnocentric spaces, and has therefore been participatory in the creation of ethnic segregation which is the defining characteristic of Kosovo's post-war ethnic configuration today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of History in Africa: A Journal of Method is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

One of the products of globalization in sociolinguistics is the emergence of transnational regimes in language policy, in which power is exercised across boundaries of traditional nation states. This paper engages with audit culture, a transnational policy mechanism which involves the continuous evaluation of nation states' performance through the use of purportedly neutral, typically quantitative instruments. As achieving broader visibility in public discourse is a key part of how such evaluations enforce language policy regimes, the paper presents an analysis of how an audit instrument, the Education First English Proficiency Index, was recontextualized in media discourse in Thailand over a 6-year period. The findings highlight an apparent discontinuity, as much of the neoliberal rhetoric in the audit instrument was not taken up in Thai media. Rather, the recontextualization was selective, with elements of the audit texts being integrated into an already established language policy regime in Thailand, built on nationalism and developmentalism. These findings point to the need to consider how language policy mechanisms like audit culture can facilitate synergies between hegemonic ideologies, particularly when they are recontextualized across different scales. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the political and cultural processes of nation-building over thirty years of independence in Belarus. It argues that in becoming a nation-state Belarus has faced challenges similar to the other post-Soviet nations but has proved an exception in the choice of strategies it used to address them. The paper examines how, on the eve of independence, the nationalist elites devised policies aimed at consolidating statehood around the national revival in opposition to the Soviet past. It explores the role played by linguistic policy and historical memory as the two main arenas for implementing their visions of Belarusian identity. The paper then maps a shift in this trajectory from Lukashenka's rise to power to a national project based on reappropriation of Soviet legacy. Up until 2020, the state effectively navigated a geopolitical environment and adjusted its sociocultural parameters to preempt the society's shifting expectations. Finally, the paper reflects on how protests in 2020 demonstrated both the lack of support for Lukashenka and his reliance on the violent repression and external support for remaining in power. The war in Ukraine revealed limits of Belarus's sovereignty, while the society's ability to consolidate for its defense has been seriously undermined by the repression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, it is aimed to examine the Japanese national language textbooks in the context of collective memory. Secondary school 1st, 2nd and 3rd grade Japanese national language textbooks published by Sanseidō Publishing House were used as the main material of the study, and the textbooks were analyzed by document analysis method. Firstly, it was mentioned how the education system was shaped after World War 2 in Japan and the formation process of the textbooks was examined. Then, the curriculum was analyzed in the focus of its aims and objectives. In conclusion, the content of the Japanese national language textbooks was analyzed and the common elements of the Japanese society were evaluated in the context of collective memory. In the light of the findings, the collective memory created through textbooks in Japan; It has emerged that it tends to increase the awareness of "being Japanese" by developing the Japanese national consciousness focused on historical and cultural elements. In addition, it has been demonstrated by this study that Japanese national language textbooks are a functional tool in the field of education in terms of recalling the past, transferring the culture to the future by keeping it alive and contributing to the formation of the collective memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the assertion of language rights through legal mobilization by the Hungarian minority in Romania, thus examining this emergent kind of mobilization aimed at the claiming of rights, often rights recognized by law, but not enforced in practice. This incongruity between rights on paper and their execution provokes interethnic rivalry for the visibility of language and culture, in which the exclusive ownership of sovereignty is marked by the dominance of national language in physical spaces coined as 'linguistic territoriality' (Csergő, 2007), fostering parallel, monolingual public spheres. Applying Rancière's theory to the case of the Hungarian minority in Romania, it is argued that civil society activists' legal mobilization initiatives are a manifestation of 'politics' in the Rancièreian sense as they challenge the distribution of public spaces along ethnic lines through pushing forward their integrative vision of the same spaces—thus 'seeking the litigious distribution of places and roles' (Rancière, 2003, p. 201). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines a 1974 language conference in Zaire (today, the Democratic Republic of Congo) using conference minutes, newspaper articles, and oral history interviews in order to illuminate the politics of language during the regime of Mobutu Sese Seko (1965–1997). I focus especially on the attempt at the conference by regime insiders to use this language conference in order to gain academic support for their plan to make Lingala, one of Zaire’s four national languages, into Zaire’s co-official language alongside French. Unexpectedly for regime advocates, this Lingala proposal ran into significant opposition at the conference, setting off a dramatic debate. The article begins by establishing the trajectory of Zairian language politics leading up to the conference before analyzing the debate itself, and finally exploring the conference’s effects and aftermath. I argue that a careful reading of the conference, focused on the Lingala proposition and its outcome, reveals the limitations of Mobutu’s power, even at the height of his regime, and the nuanced, cautious approach through which the Mobutu regime navigated fraught issues of regional and ethnolinguistic identity that have challenged governments in Congo and across the African continent since independence. The conference episode also demonstrates how Zairian academics exerted agency and influenced policy in the face of dictatorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper aims to explore the relationship between religious and linguistic nationalism in Sri Lanka in the context of the controversy on singing the national anthem in Tamil during National Independence Day celebrations. It illuminates how language and religious policy work together to maintain Sinhala–Buddhist hegemony and exclude Tamil speakers as second-class citizens in postcolonial Sri Lanka. Design/methodology/approach: The examination of the anthem controversy includes language and religious policy documents, newspaper articles and YouTube videos. Findings: The national anthem as a site of struggle is a powerful case to explore how nation-states' actors mobilize affect, intertwining ideologies on language, religion, ethnicity, geography, and so on to maintain and reinforce dominance over minoritized groups. Therefore, the authors believe that (singing) the national anthem can be a site of study for language policy. Research limitations/implications: The authors acknowledge that the data used in this study are only in Sinhala and English and identify the need for further research using data sources in Tamil. Originality/value: While this paper generally contributes to the scholarly dialogues on religion and language, it also sheds light on understanding politics in Sri Lanka. Finally, the authors propose that any meaningful policy implementation efforts toward achieving linguistic justice in Sri Lanka need to include parallel policy changes that promote equality among religions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

First, from the Chinese I fangyan i perspective, this book proposes a dialectic modal formed with the two narratives of I fangyan i , revealing that it is this on-going dynamic dialectical debate co-constructs the Chinese national identity. Tam, Gina Anne 2020 Dialect and Nationalism in China, 1860-1960 New York Cambridge University Press 9781108478281 xiv + 265 $ 99.99 If one is asked: "What is the language of China?" However, I Dialect and Nationalism in China, 1860-1960 by i Gina Anne Tam, challenges this ubiquitous rhetoric by proposing that I fangyan i (Chinese dialects) plays an important role in constructing of Chinese national identity. [Extracted from the article]

The dissolution of the Soviet Union at the end of the 1980s and beginning of the 1990s sparked a wave of political and national emancipation in its republics that led to the creation of new successor states. This also applied to the former Belarusian Soviet Socialist Republic (BSSR), which declared its independence on 27 July 1990. Even before this, however, a project concerning a wholly new and groundbreaking law was introduced in the country for public debate. According to the law, the Belarusian language - as the national language of the majority population - would become the one and only state and official language in the republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the regulation of linguistic diversity in Spain from a combined empirical and normative perspective. Spain is a particularly interesting case due to the intersection of linguistic and national diversity and its peculiar combination of territoriality and personality. We first present a conceptual framework which draws on the personality and territoriality distinction as established by political philosophers. Second, we examine the way multilingualism is regulated in Spain. A dual system emerges in which Castilian is the only state language while four other languages – Aranese, Basque, Catalan and Galician – are co-official in six Autonomous Communities. We identify two models concerning the degree of institutionalisation of non-Castilian languages: co-officiality and limited recognition. Finally, we characterise and assess normatively the advantages and disadvantages of the Spanish linguistic regulation. We argue that the Spanish linguistic system may be characterised as an Unequal Personality Linguistic Regime. This regime offers several instrumental advantages related to the prevalence of a shared language as well as a significant degree of territorial accommodation for minority language groups, but it also gives rise to injustices related to unequal treatment and domination. This article contributes to the academic debate about the politics of language by analysing a paradigmatic case of multilingualism and plurinationalism, Spain, and considering the usefulness of the territoriality and personality framework to study specific cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Should speakers of immigrant languages have fewer language rights than members of long‐settled nations? In this article, I argue that the interests of immigrant and native groups are normatively equally recognition‐worthy. Any legitimate differential recognition must follow from the different interests immigrants have in language. I distinguish three categories of immigrants: strictly temporary immigrants, immigrants that have become or are to be citizens and linguistically very wealthy immigrants. The purpose of distinguishing these types is to get a better grasp on the needs and interests of immigrants, by creating sub‐profiles. I argue that the first group is entitled to minimal language recognition. The second group, I argue, should be granted equal consideration of their language interests, but that does not necessarily mean equal language recognition. The third group—linguistically very wealthy immigrants such as English‐speaking immigrants—typically outrivals the local population in terms of the fulfilment of their language identity interests. Their language interests warrant the need of integration into the national language(s), not the need for equal language recognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Arab nationalism movement that arose at the end of Ottoman rule and demanded either complete independence for the Arabs or decentralization within the Ottoman Empire drew support from Iraqis, whether they lived in Istanbul or Iraq. It was founded in Istanbul in 1913 by Aziz Ali Al-Masry, Salim Al-Jazaery, Taha Al-Hashemi, and Nuri Al-Saeed. This group sought to establish a local Arab government, recognize Arabic as an official language, and collaborate with Turks in formulating the general policy of the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the teaching and study proposal of patriotic language developed by the educator and reformist Julio Saavedra, which rose as a way to articulate postulates from scientific linguistics with the nationalist movement's interests during the early years of the XX century. The researched documents are approached from a glotopolitic perspective; this leads to the use of linguistic ideology as a guiding concept to give an account of the different interests behind each identified idea. I conclude the texts presented at the corpus show the joint action of the two main models of standardization, specifically through the predominance of the romantic model (given the association between language and national spirit) and the auxiliary role of the rationalist model (language as a tool for democratic convenience between members of a nation). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores party strategies in electoral competition in Catalonia in order to test the existence of ethnic outbidding (Chandra, 2005 ; Zuber and Szöcsik, 2015). We contribute with original findings on this case by addressing the evolution of political parties' discourses through a qualitative analysis of their manifestos for the last five regional elections campaigns (2006–2017), covering a period of strong territorial conflict between Catalonia and Spain. Our analysis aims to measure the impact of secessionism growth on parties' ethnic competition in Catalonia and compares the strategies of secessionist, federalist and centralist parties. In order to measure ethnicity, we focus on language, the most salient identity marker in Catalan politics, and link the evolution of parties' territorial positions to that of their treatment of national identities and the Catalan and Castilian languages – both official languages in Catalonia – in their manifestos. Our findings include diverse strategies that do not entirely fit in with ethnic competition theories. First, we find that territorial outbidding does not always imply ethnic outbidding: political parties generally do not use the main identity marker in Catalonia (language) for outbidding purposes. Second, we find some evidence of ethnic outbidding in majority nationalist parties, but not in minority nationalist parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2018 the government of the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan elevated certain Chinese languages, Taiwanese Indigenous languages, and Taiwan Sign Language to the status of national languages, seemingly marking the latest stage in an evolution of language education policy away from the long-standing focus on Mandarin. This paper analyses this evolution by comparing approaches to language education policy in contemporary Taiwan with those in the People's Republic of China (PRC). It focuses on how notions of multiculturalism, deployed to legitimate policy, have taken on different meanings in these divergent political contexts. I argue that in both the PRC and Taiwan, multiculturalism primarily signifies symbolic recognition of minority and non-dominant languages, involving limited redistribution of power. The continued centrality of Mandarin reflects the powerful legacy in both the ROC and the PRC of discourses of national identity centred around Han Chineseness, despite significant differences in the deployment of multicultural rhetoric. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Recherches Sociographiques is the property of Recherches Sociographiques and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The fifth chapter is devoted to the scientific and methodological foundations for standardizing the Montenegrin language (167-92) and refers to a chapter on that same subject from a book by Josip Sili'c ([1]), a Croatian linguist who was, according to Glusica, the main linguistic figure in shaping the standardized Montenegrin language. Glusica points out that, as close as Bosnian, Croatian, Serbian, and Montenegrin standards are to each other from a grammatical standpoint - since they are linguistically one polycentric language - one language cannot be accurately described by the grammar of another. Glusica's proposed orthography is based on a theoretical model in language planning that views re-standardization as the process of reshaping a language that has already been standardized and undergone a change in status. Chapters 3 ("The First Official Orthography of the Montenegrin Language", 99-135) and 4 ("Grammar of the Montenegrin Language", 137-68) provide an overview of the orthography (both the first and second editions) as well as the grammar of the Montenegrin language. [Extracted from the article]

The article analyzes the new historiographical perspective on J.G. Herder’s philosophy and how his ideas were received and adapted by the Romanian intellectuals of Transylvania in the nineteenth century. The meanings of Herderian ideas acquire a new outlook by highlighting his distinctive methodology for historical inquiry, based on historicism, the plurality of values and the uniqueness of each culture, by his striving to combine the particular with the universal, and by his national conception, which integrates cultural and political aspects. The case study dedicated to Simion Bărnuțiu reveals the importance of the references provided by the German experience: the manner of conceiving nation (ethnonation, organicism, community unity through language), the fight against assimilationist policies, the right to develop one’s own culture, the usage of principles of historicism, the link between language and national culture, the role of national educational institutions. The circulation of Herderian ideas was facilitated by the general atmosphere of romanticism, journalism and intermediaries, such as jurist Friedrich-Karl von Savigny. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of European Journal of Language Policy is the property of Liverpool University Press / Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The writing reforms of the Mongolian language in Inner Mongolia from 1954 to 1980 are a notable case of Maoist China's language planning projects. In those years, the Chinese government attempted to implement two consecutive reforms featuring Cyrillization and Latinization of the Mongolian writing system, but neither reform yielded any substantial result and the traditional Mongolian script remains in use today. This article explores the domestic and international dynamics behind these two closely related reform attempts and examines their origins, rationales, processes of implementation, and reasons for failure. Although the rationales of both reforms lay in the communist doctrine favoring easier, more regular, and more universal writing systems that could improve literacy and facilitate communication, hidden behind both reforms were nationalist agendas. The Cyrillization reform sought linguistic unity with the Mongolian People's Republic, while the Latinization reform sought unity of writing systems among languages in China. In both cases, the hidden nationalist agendas undermined the original goals of the reforms, and the reforms lost momentum once contending agendas prevailed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses a study of the withdrawal of English as a medium of instruction in Indonesian schools to examine the role of language in nation-building using the sociological concept of imaginary signification. The main reason for the withdrawal is located in the tension between two main imaginary significations of the nation's identity. The government saw Indonesia in terms of its economic ambitions. Indonesia was to enter the global knowledge economy, and the education system was to provide the human resources to do so. The teachers understood the use of Bahasa Indonesia in the education system as the means to reproduce children into the nation. We argue that the withdrawal of English as the medium of instruction policy was the result of the tension between these two different representations of national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]