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Background: The importance of evidence-informed health policymaking is widely recognized. However, many low- and middle-income countries lack evidence-informed mental health policies due to insufficient data, stigma or lack of resources. Various policies address adolescent mental health in India, but published knowledge on their evidence-informed nature is limited. In this paper, we report results of our analysis of the role of evidence in adolescent mental health policymaking in India. Methods: This paper reports findings from the document analysis of key policy documentation (n = 10) and in-depth interviews with policy actors including policymakers, researchers, practitioners and intermediaries (n = 13). Framework analysis was used, informed by the components of a conceptual framework adapted from the literature: actors, policy and evidence processes, nature of evidence itself and contextual influences. Results: Results show that adolescent mental health policies in India were generally evidence-informed, with more key evidence becoming generally available from 2010 onwards. Both formal and informal evidence informed mental health policies, particularly agenda-setting and policy development. Mental health policymaking in India is deemed important yet relatively neglected due to competing policy priorities and structural barriers such as stigma. Use of evidence in mental health policymaking reflected differing values, interests, relative powers and ideologies of policy actors. Involvement of government officials in evidence generation often resulted in successful evidence uptake in policy decisions. Policy actors often favoured formal and quantitative evidence, with a tendency to accept global evidence that aligns with personal values. Conclusions: There is a need to ensure a balanced and complementary combination of formal and informal evidence for policy decisions. Evidence generation, dissemination and use for policy processes should recognize evidence preferences by key stakeholders, while prioritizing locally available evidence where possible. To help this, a balanced involvement of policy actors can ensure complementary perspectives in evidence production and policy agendas. This continued generation and promotion of evidence can also help reduce societal stigma around mental health and promote mental health as a key policy priority. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The interplay between devolution, health financing and public financial management processes in health-or the lack of coherence between them-can have profound implications for a country's progress towards universal health coverage. This paper explores this relationship in seven Asian and African countries (Burkina Faso, Kenya, Mozambique, Nigeria, Uganda, Indonesia and the Philippines), highlighting challenges and suggesting policy solutions. First, subnational governments rely heavily on transfers from central governments, and most are not required to allocate a minimum share of their budget to health. Central governments channelling more funds to subnational governments through conditional grants is a promising way to increase public financing for health. Second, devolution makes it difficult to pool funding across populations by fragmenting them geographically. Greater fiscal equalisation through improved revenue sharing arrangements and, where applicable, using budgetary funds to subsidise the poor in government-financed health insurance schemes could bridge the gap. Third, weak budget planning across levels could be improved by aligning budget structures, building subnational budgeting capacity and strengthening coordination across levels. Fourth, delays in central transfers and complicated procedures for approvals and disbursements stymie expenditure management at subnational levels. Simplifying processes and enhancing visibility over funding flows, including through digitalised information systems, promise to improve expenditure management and oversight in health. Fifth, subnational governments purchase services primarily through line-item budgets. Shifting to practices that link financial allocations with population health needs and facility performance, combined with reforms to grant commensurate autonomy to facilities, has the potential to enable more strategic purchasing., Competing Interests: Competing interests: None declared., (© World Health Organization 2024. Licensee BMJ.)

The advent of the COVID-19 pandemic and the inequitable response to it has created a space for rethinking the knowledge translation that informs current health policy formulation and planning. Wide recognition of the failure of global health governance and national health systems has led to calls for reviving the Primary Health Care (PHC) agenda for post-COVID health systems development. Despite the joint international declaration on PHC made four decades ago, it has had limited application. This paper argues that the recent attempts to rethink PHC will prove inadequate without analysing and learning from the politics of knowledge (PoK) underlying global health policy and planning. Even with the growing relevance of the spirit of the Alma-Ata Declaration (1978) and its operationalisation as detailed in the report of conference proceedings, reassessment of reasons for its limited implementation continues to be located largely in the political economy of the medical establishment, the international economic order or in national governance flaws. Failure to address the dominant knowledge paradigm in the Alma Ata articulation of PHC has contributed to its limited application. This calls for expansion in the analysis from knowledge translation to generation and hierarchisation of knowledge. The paper discusses how the application of PoK as an analytical lens helps understand the power equations underlying the process of knowledge generation and its translation into policy and practice. Beneath the techno-centric and commodified health system is the dominant 'knowledge' system whose foundations and assumptions ought to be interrogated. By following a PoK approach, a reorientation of thinking about the relationship between various forms of knowledge and knowledge holders is anticipated. A new health service system design is outlined—translating the spirit of PHC of 1978 into a 'PHC Version 2.0'—that addresses the PoK gap in operational terms, with an approach to guide all levels of healthcare. It suggests how the world can be empowered to respond better by engaging with diverse ontologies and epistemologies to conceptualise knowledge and frame policies. Further, in the contexts of Asia, Africa and Latin America, it can contribute to the development of self-reliance to democratise general health policy and planning in the post-pandemic period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This paper aims to clarify how the Project for Strengthening the ASEAN Regional Capacity on Disaster Health Management (ARCH Project) strengthened regional collaboration mechanisms on disaster health management (DHM) in ASEAN. Methods: The political process and the relevant documents of the ARCH Project were reviewed. Results: The ARCH Project established the Regional Coordination Committee as a coordination platform for providing strategic direction to the project and strengthening the regional coordination of DHM. Also, the Project Working Groups and Sub-Working Groups were set up as implementation bodies for the project activities with representatives of ASEAN Member States (AMS). With support from DHM experts of Japan and Thailand, a series of discussions were conducted for the development of a Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) for the Coordination of International Emergency Medical Teams (I-EMTs), regional tools, and collective measures supporting AMS to overcome challenges, and thereby meeting the minimum requirements set by the WHO EMT Initiative. The progress and outputs of the ARCH Project are subsequently elevated to the ASEAN Health Sector for endorsement, the updates are further shared to the Joint Task Force to Promote Synergy with Other Relevant ASEAN Bodies on Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (JTF-HADR) for the implementation of the ASEAN Declaration on One ASEAN One Response. The initiation of the ARCH Project in July 2016 has resulted in the development of the ASEAN regional collaboration framework, including the establishment of the Regional Coordination Committee on Disaster Health Management (RCCDHM), the SOP for ASEAN I-EMT coordination, and regional tools, such as forms for Medical Record for Emergency and Disaster and Health Needs Assessment. Moreover, further discussions on ASEAN Collective Measures that aim to support AMS to meet the WHO EMT minimum standards and strengthening I-EMT coordination capacity were also conducted. As adopted by the ASEAN Health Ministers Meeting (AHMM) in 2019, the RCCDHM was established as one of the mechanisms to operationalize the Plan of Action to implement the ASEAN Leaders' Declaration on DHM. Conclusion: The contribution of the ARCH Project to strengthen the ASEAN regional capacity in DHM has enhanced the regional coordination platform, with a formalization of RCCDHM as ASEAN's official regional mechanism, and of the on-going integration process of the SOP for EMT coordination into the ASEAN SASOP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

COVID-19 has resulted in new anxieties about the risks and dangers involved in human mobility and forced governments to simultaneously re-engineer policies for temporary health control and longer-term border-crossing and migration policies; characterized by the sanitization of space and mobility. This special issue considers the policies, including health and non-health measures, that have impacts on migrant workers and migration. While COVID control measures are often phrased in medical language and policy discourses, they often serve multiple goals including political and social control. The papers in this issue cover different places in Asia and the Pacific. We propose the "politics of sanitization" as a conceptual framework to examine the multiple dimensions of state governance and the variegated impacts upon migrants, including: (1) sanitizing space and borders, (2) stigmatization and sanitizing migrants' bodies, (3) sanitizing ethnic borders and the national body, and (4) reorganizing the borders of sanitization and membership of society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sustainable Development Goal 3 focuses on reducing HIV/AIDS spread, for which disseminating correct information on the disease is required. This study investigated factors associated with HIV/AIDS knowledge among women in several Asian LMICs. Global Multiple Indicator Cluster Survey-6 (MICS-6) for Bangladesh, Lao, Mongolia and Nepal were assessed. Bivariate analysis and generalised linear regression models were fitted. Overall, 60% of the respondents were aware or heard of the existence of HIV/AIDS, with 63.2% having transmission knowledge and 80.4% misconception knowledge. Results revealed that several demographic factors such as wealth index, education and access to information had a significant association with HIV/AIDS knowledge. Mongolia and Nepal have formal programmes in place that may provide policy and implementation advantages compared to Bangladesh and Lao. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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• Provide a comprehensive overview of the solidarity in health and long-term care sectors. • The overall direction of reforms is developing toward universal coverage. • Reforms might be possible without overall consensus on solidarity. • The pay-as-you-go financial arrangements will require strong intergenerational solidarity. • The capacity of informal caregiving of family could be considered. Different from the development of health sector, there are significant variations in the underpinnings and formation timings of solidarity-based long-term care (LTC) systems. This paper compares the historical developmental trajectories and identifies factors of the transitions of the actual practices of solidarity - the scope of community, the scope of interdependence, and the costs of joint action - in the health and LTC sectors in four East Asian countries: Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, and Singapore. Comparative policy analysis. Healthcare tends to be considered a universal value such that its boundary should include all residents, while LTC is closer to an entitlement of citizens. The differing solidarity reflects path dependency as well as historical legacies and policy diffusion between the health and LTC sectors. In both health and LTC sectors, the costs involved in collective service provision are not distributed evenly between generations. Centralized governance is a prevailing feature of health and LTC sectors in East Asia, allowing solidarity-based institutional arrangements to be established without an overall sense of solidarity. The relationship between solidarity and health and LTC systems is complex and dynamic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aimed to synthesize frailty prevalence among community-dwelling older adults in Asia and identify factors influencing prevalence estimates. Five electronic databases were searched by 29 April 2022, including representative samples of community-dwelling adults who were aged 60 years and older and lived in Asia. Cross-sectional or national longitudinal population-based cohort studies completed with validated instruments were selected. Twenty-one studies with 52,283 participants were included. The pooled prevalence rate of frailty was 20.5% (95% CI = 15.5% to 26.0%). The estimated frailty prevalence was 14.6% (95% CI = 10.9% to 18.8%) while assessed by the Fried frailty phenotype, 28.0% (95% CI = 21.3% to 35.3%) by the Cumulative Frailty Index, 36.4% (95% CI = 33.6% to 39.3%) by the Study of Osteoporotic Fractures (SOF) index, and 46.3% (95% CI = 40.1% to 52.4%) by the Clinical Frailty Scale (p < 0.01). Subgroup analysis in studies using the Fried's phenotype tool found that frailty prevalence was increased with older age (p = 0.01) and was higher in those who were single (21.5%) than in married participants (9.0%) (p = 0.02). The study results supported a better understanding of frailty prevalence in different geographical distributions and provide references for health policy decision-making regarding preventing frailty progression in older adults. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The perspectives of citizens are an important and often overlooked source of evidence for informing health policy. Despite growing encouragement for its adoption, little is known regarding how citizen engagement may be integrated into evidence-informed health policy-making in low- and middle-income counties (LMICs) and newly democratic states (NDSs). We aimed to identify the factors and variables affecting the potential integration of citizen engagement into evidence-informed health policy-making in LMICs and NDSs and understand whether its implementation may require a different approach outside of high-income western democracies. Further, we assessed the context-specific considerations for the practical implementation of citizen engagement in one focus region-eastern Europe and central Asia.Methods: First, adopting a scoping review methodology, we conducted and updated searches of six electronic databases, as well as a comprehensive grey literature search, on citizen engagement in LMICs and NDSs, published before December 2019. We extracted insights about the approaches to citizen engagement, as well as implementation considerations (facilitators and barriers) and additional political factors, in developing an analysis framework. Second, we undertook exploratory methods to identify relevant literature on the socio-political environment of the focus region, before subjecting these sources to the same analysis framework.Results: Our searches identified 479 unique sources, of which 28 were adjudged to be relevant. The effective integration of citizen engagement within policy-making processes in LMICs and NDSs was found to be predominantly dependent upon the willingness and capacity of citizens and policy-makers. In the focus region, the implementation of citizen engagement within evidence-informed health policy-making is constrained by a lack of mutual trust between citizens and policy-makers. This is exacerbated by inadequate incentives and capacity for either side to engage.Conclusions: This research found no reason why citizen engagement could not adopt the same form in LMICs and NDSs as it does in high-income western democracies. However, it is recognized that certain political contexts may require additional support in developing and implementing citizen engagement, such as through trialling mechanisms at subnational scales. While specifically outlining the potential for citizen engagement, this study highlights the need for further research on its practical implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]