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Purpose: Drawing on the French case, this article examines the size and scope of poverty resulting from the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) pandemic, the diversity of poverty's manifestations and the role of public action (among other actors) in addressing the poverty. This reflection unfolds at the confluence between the international literature on the economic effects of COVID-19 around the world and the methodological and conceptual issues on poverty. Design/methodology/approach: Following a research report to the French Government in 2021, a new academic collaboration is initiated to assess the conceptual issues underlying the report's nine quantitative, qualitative and participatory studies. A thematic analysis is used to elaborate on an original framework. Findings: COVID-19 not only had detrimental economic effects on specific groups, such as precarious workers and students, but also serious effects on social isolation, mental health, access to welfare and public services. Together with assessing the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic on poverty in France, this paper highlights the lack of recognition of community support in the face of hard times. Originality/value: The COVID-19 outbreak has not only deteriorated socioeconomic situations in France, but has also unmasked structural, long-term components of poverty. The paper discusses three policy implications of these revelations, concerning (1) the monitoring of non-monetary dimensions of poverty, (2) the needs of various groups under a welfare state with a dual structure and (3) the role of communities in public policy schemes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

BACKGROUND: Waste production and management from residents and collection for sorting are systems heavily dependent on territorial dimensions. Ergonomic research needs to better integrate such territorial determinants to improve work conditions and design sustainable work systems. OBJECTIVE: Through studies in France and Brazil, this paper analyzes the territorial relations that raise work systems' sustainability challenges for materials recovery facilities (MRFs) and waste management in both countries and examines the links between work activity and territory in MRFs. METHODS: Both studies were based on the principles of activity-oriented ergonomics and used analyses of work activity and sociotechnical systems. The French study focused on interventions conducted over a 42-month period in five MRFs. The Brazilian study was based on a 20-month longitudinal qualitative and quantitative study. RESULTS: In this paper, we argue that territory is a key determining factor in waste production and work. Notably, the consumption patterns of residents and the economic flows within a geographic space determine the waste composition; and the territorially specified public policies, which define technical and social dimensions of waste collection and sorting. However, the territorial dimensions of waste are poorly considered in facility design. Workers' health and sorting system performance are thus affected and negatively compromising plant performance. CONCLUSION: The territory appears as a blind spot in the design of work systems. One of the challenges is to create interfaces and devices that could help to integrate better human activity and waste territorialized anchorage, in a multilevel organization, from local communities to the global recycling chains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Objective: Previous research in various countries has found that employment–family trajectories characterized by early or single motherhood, or weak ties to employment, are associated with poor well-being among older women. Our paper explores whether this differs (1) in France, characterized by a high female employment rate and supportive family policies; (2) across dimensions of well-being. Method: We used the Health and Occupational Itinerary survey to identify 10 common patterns of employment–family trajectories (derived from multi-channel sequence analysis) and analysed their association with six indicators of well-being in 2010 (N = 2882 50–78 years old women). Results: Continuous full-time employment is associated with better well-being, except for women who had a first child around 24 years old, who reported increased anxiety and lack of support. Discussion: Employed mothers' well-being seems to be protected in a context of family friendly policies, but we identified one group with lower well-being, which merits further study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While much scholarship takes austerity-driven spending cuts as evidence of policy change, this paper shifts the focus to interrogate whether these budgetary cuts lead to actual policy change and if so how. Scholarships on institutional change and public policy illuminate how state actors mediate policy change through coping strategies, i.e. strategies by which state actors try to minimize budget decreases' negative impacts on policy. Taking French Defense Policy as an unlikely case of policy change, we show that state actors have adopted three types of coping strategies to minimize the spending cuts' impact: compensation, delaying, and re-categorizing acquisition procedures. These coping strategies have however contributed to a process of incremental change, which most of time is non-cumulative and creates additional policy problems. This article contributes to a better understanding of change underway in defense policies, but also more generally to literatures pertaining to austerity and policy change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to explore the legal consciousness of migrant children in transit at the France–UK border. Based on secondary analysis of legal measures to help ensure child protection, and on ethnographic fieldwork in Calais, this paper shows that the legal consciousness of migrant children is shaped by several factors such as their experience of migration, their previous interactions with public institutions in Europe, their living conditions in transit areas, the police's harassment strategy, the influence of migrant peers and by their own migration plans. We will show that these factors have a deep impact on the legal consciousness of unaccompanied minors and consequently on both their (non‐)claim of protection and (non‐)use of legal tools. By mobilizing biographical sets of data, we will also show that their legal consciousness results from the combination of these contextual factors with their individual experiences and sociological characteristics (education, origin, ...). From a methodological point of view, this contribution provides evidence of the importance of adopting a child‐centred approach in ethnographic research. This approach highlights discrepancies between policy aims and children's needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops a pseudo-panel approach to examine household electricity demand behavior through the household life cycle and its response to income variations to help strengthen the energy policy-making process. Our empirical methodology is based on three rich independent microdata surveys (the National Housing Surveys), which are representative of the French housing sector. The resulted sample covers the 2006–2016 period. Using within estimations, this paper finds striking evidence that the income elasticity of French residential electricity demand is 0.22, averaged over our four cohorts of generations. In light of other works, our estimate stands in the lower range. The empirical results also show that residential electricity consumption follows an inverted U-shaped distribution as a function of the age of the household's head. Most notably, it appears that households at the mid-point of their life cycle are relatively the largest consumers of electricity. This outcome has important implications for policy-making. Any public policy aimed at reducing household energy consumption should consider this differentiation in consumption according to the position of households over the life cycle, and therefore target as priority households at the highest level of consumption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Regional Science Policy & Practice is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper estimates the relationship between investments in five distributed generation technologies and hourly net withdrawals from over 2,000 electricity distribution networks in France between 2005 and 2018. We find that investments in distributed wind and solar generation have little or no impact on the annual peak of hourly net withdrawals from the distribution grid, while investments in hydroelectric and thermal distributed generation significantly reduce it. An optimistic analysis of the impact of investments in battery storage suggests that high levels are required for distributed wind and solar to deliver similar reductions in the annual peak of hourly net withdrawals. Our results imply that public policies favoring distributed wind and solar generation over utility-scale generation cannot be rationalized by savings in future grid investments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Multiculturalism as a theoretical concept is an extension of communitarianism and emerged out of the liberal-communitarian debate. Multiculturalism emerged as a doctrine to defend minority rights in the context of communitarian critique of liberal individualism and how these minority rights fit into the broader issue of liberal-democratic theory. It is a theory to counter the dangerous tendencies which are inherent in the theory of liberalism and communitarianism. Liberal concept of justice was not enough to defend the sort of group specific rights that minorities need to protect themselves from assimilation and similarly communitarianism has a dangerous tendency to limit the freedom of individual to question and revise traditional way of life. In this paper I had tried to work out how multiculturalism as a doctrine emerged out of communitarianism and how composite culture which is an essential prerequisite of multicultural societies can be created. In this I had tried to show that Multiculturalism emerged as a doctrine to defend minority rights in the context of communitarian critique of liberal individualism and how these minority rights fit into the broader issue of liberal-democratic theory. In this paper I had also tried to chalk out significant differences in the concept of multiculturalism and communitarianism. In a multicultural society, the growth of composite culture is necessary for the formation and growth of national identity and for composite culture to easily develop in multicultural society I had recommended deliberative form of democracy. Most of the modern societies are multicultural societies with each cultural community offering a conception of good life. Coexistence of different conceptions of good life creates a situation of moral conflict which is confined not only to public sphere but stretches over to private domain also. Different cultural groups often grudge that their view and concerns are often sidelined by representative bodies while formulating public polices, which eventually make them apathetic to state authorities and creates a problem of legitimacy. Like in France, the state in 2010 decided to ban all religious symbols in public which created lot of resentment in minority community. Similarly in India, The Muslim Women (protection of rights on Marriage)bill, 2019 banning and criminalizing triple talaq was passed by parliament as a social reform measure without having consultation with the members of concerned Muslim community. This spurred the debate in India that shouldn't the government have brought in this legislation after having wider consultation with the concerned community and does the state has the right to criminalize a civil act pertaining to marriage whereas no such provision exists for any other community. Modern multicultural societies are faced with the dilemma how to reconcile this discontent and resolve the disputes arising out of such moral conflicts. There have been numerous instances in multicultural societies where people belonging to different religious groups have resented such legal legislations which encroach upon their religious beliefs. There is therefore a growing feeling that while formulating public policies different cultural groups should be consulted. In this article we have tried to show that Multiculturalism emerged as a doctrine to defend minority rights in the context of communitarian critique of liberal individualism and how these minority rights fit into the broader issue of liberal-democratic theory. Apart from this we have also tried to chalk out significant differences in the concept of multiculturalism and communitarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides new stylized facts about labor earnings inequality and dynamics in France for the period 1991-2016. Using linked employer-employee data, we show that (i) labor inequality in France is low compared to other developed countries and has been decreasing until the financial crisis of 2009 and increasing since then, (ii) women experienced high earnings growth, in particular at the bottom of the distribution, in contrast to the stability observed for men. Both result from a decrease in labor costs at the minimum wage and an increase in the hourly minimum in the aftermath of the 35h workweek policy, (iii) top earnings (top 5 and 1%) grew moderately while very top earnings (top 0.1 and 0.01%) experienced a much higher growth, (iv) inequality between and within cohorts follow the same U-shaped pattern as global inequality: it decreased before 2009 and then increased until 2016, (v) Individual earnings mobility is stable between 1991 and 2016, and very low at the top of the distribution, (vi) the distribution of earnings growth is negatively skewed, leptokurtic, and varies with age. Then, studying earnings dispersion both within and between territories, we document strong differences across cities aswell as between urban and rural areas, even after controlling for observable characteristics. We also observe a continuous decrease in earnings inequality between territories. However, a larger inflation in rural territories mitigates this convergence. Finally, we document a strong reduction in inequality within rural and remote territories, again driven by changes at the bottom of the wage distribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The adoption of the Global Compacts on Migration and Refugees in 2018 marked a turning point in international migration governance. According to objective 13 of the Global Compact for Migration, States Parties have committed to use immigration detention as a measure of last resort and work towards alternatives. As for the Global Compact on Refugees, States Parties and relevant stakeholders also pledged to contribute to the development of non-custodial and community-based alternatives to detention, particularly with respect to children. Five years later, the enhancement of human rights protection for migrants, refugees, and asylum seekers within national territories remains a challenge. We argue that two states of the Global North – Canada and France – are actually using the Global Compacts to push forward their own agenda on the international scene, as a tool to influence other states. Even if Canada and France have engaged in multilateral discussions on the regulation of migration and the protection of refugees through soft law instruments, we find that national practices have not been altered since 2018. As such, this paper will demonstrate that the implementation of the Global Compacts is, in fact, used to advance foreign national policy for both states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines young people's experiences of open access youth work in settings in the UK, Finland, Estonia, Italy and France. It analyses 844 individual narratives from young people, which communicate the impact of youthwork on their lives. These accounts are then analysed in the light of the European youth work policy goals. It concludes that it is encouraging that what young people identify as the positive impact of youth work are broadly consistent with many of these goals. There are however some disparities which require attention. These include the importance young people place on the social context of youth work, such as friendship, which is largely absent in EU youth work policy; as well as the importance placed on experiential learning. The paper also highlights a tension between 'top down' policy formulation and the 'youth centric' practices of youth work. It concludes with a reminder to policy makers that for youth work to remain successful the spaces and places for young people must remain meaningful to them 'on their terms'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Waste heat from industry or urban facilities represents a largely underused and long disregarded energy source, while heating and cooling count for half the final energy demand in Europe. From the early 2010s onwards, waste heat recovery (WHR) is being recognized as a key challenge for energy transition and tends to be integrated into energy strategies at different levels. This paper provides an analysis of how WHR became a matter of public policy in Europe and in France. Based on a literature review, the analysis shows that WHR has been framed as a techno-economic problem, while some barriers (legal, organizational) to its development remain largely unaddressed. A study of European and French energy agendas illustrates how WHR progressively started to be recognized as an energy resource next to renewables. As a result, questions are raised as to further social science contributions to an extended research agenda addressing WHR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Investigaciones Feministas is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pravnik is the property of Czech Academy of Sciences, Institute of State & Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article delves into the paradoxical nature of post-2008 fiscal policies, where there is a simultaneous emphasis on valuing public investment on the one hand, and maintaining austerity on the other. It sheds light on this paradox through the concept of "Investor State," which refers to contemporary states' ambition to redefine their role in the economy by no longer limiting themselves to a regulatory role but rather seeking an active role as "investor." We argue that this redefinition of the state's role is of piece with the elevation of investment as a new standard for legitimizing state actions. On the flipside, by making investment the main criteria of public policy legitimacy, it simultaneously delegitimizes spending that is not deemed an investment. Because the adopted economic definition of investment is limited to traditional "productive investment" related to industrial policy, other policy sectors—that is the majority of state intervention—are subject to spending cuts. Thus the Investor State suggests an evolution of the fiscal order that Streeck described as the "consolidation state": the primary goal is no longer to reduce public debt and deficits. But the neoliberal objective to reduce the "size" of the public sector in the economy absolutely remains. Drawing on the case of France, the article shows how the right-wing government started placing investment at the core of its fiscal policy after 2008. The article then highlights the continuation of this dual fiscal policy discourse to date despite changes in government leadership and the pandemic crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Both enhancing life expectancy and decreasing inequalities in lifespan between social groups are significant goals for public policy. To date, however, methodological tools to study progress in both dimensions simultaneously have been lacking. There is also a consensus that absolute and relative inequalities in lifespan must be studied together. Methods: We introduce a novel graphical representation that combines national mortality rates with both absolute and relative measures of social inequality in mortality. To illustrate our approach, we analyze French and German data stratified by place of residence. Results: For all-age mortality, in France we find a steady pace of decline in both mortality and in regional inequalities in mortality over recent decades. In Germany, substantial progress was made in the 1990s, mostly driven by convergence between eastern and western Germany, followed by a period of slower progress. Age-specific analyses for Germany reveal a worrying divergence in regional trends at ages 35–74 in recent years, which is particularly pronounced among women. Conclusion: Our novel visual approach offers a way to simultaneously examine two dimensions of progress in longevity, and facilitates meaningful comparisons between populations, even when their current mortality rates differ. The applied methods can be easily reproduced in any country for which long-term mortality series stratified by region, or any relevant socioeconomic characteristic, are available. It is useful for both scientific analysis and policy advice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2021, the federal government of the United States expanded a set of income transfers that led to strong reductions in child poverty. This research note uses microdata from more than 50 countries and U.S. data spanning more than 50 years to place the 2021 child poverty rate in historical and international perspective. We demonstrate that whether using the Supplemental Poverty Measure (SPM), relative poverty measures, or an absolute poverty measure, the U.S. child poverty rate in 2021 was at its lowest level since at least 1967. The U.S. tax and transfer system reduced the 2021 SPM child poverty rate by more than 75% relative to the pre-tax/transfer child poverty rate; this reduction was three times the mean reduction effect between 1967 and 2019. These policy changes improved the country's standing from having a relative poverty rate twice that of Germany's in 2019 to the same as Germany's in 2021. Moreover, the U.S. progressed from reducing child poverty at less than half the rate of Norway in 2019 to a rate comparable to Norway in 2021. However, the U.S. success was temporary: after the expiration of the 2021 income provisions, the child poverty rate doubled and returned to being higher than in most other high-income countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The five acts of jihadist violence between 2012–2020, particularly the 2015 Paris attacks, combined with an increasingly polarized political discourse in France, have pushed jihadist extremism to the center of government policy and public opinion. Approaches to jihadist extremism in the last decade have comprised two characteristics: claims amalgamating Islam and Muslim religious practice—especially in its stricter forms—with extremist violence, along with the idea that such forms of dangerous religious indoctrination are best battled through education. As a result, there has been a renewed debate concerning the principle of laïcité (secularism) within public schools and other public institutions. One of the leading efforts in this context has focused on processes of "deradicalization". These projects include various educational tools, rehabilitation attempts inside and outside of prisons, cultural and artistic initiatives, and administrative bans imposed on organizations inciting violence. However, the most ambitious of these efforts have also been subject to the greatest criticism. Projects within the public school system have been accused of securitizing education and stigmatizing Muslim students, whereas measures undertaken in prisons are currently limited to risk assessment of inmates linked with jihadist violence, while lacking more meaningful plans for their rehabilitation. Public–private partnerships have developed more promising initiatives, but their moderate success is still recent and requires further study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many countries worldwide resort to quotas in order to favour the employment of disabled people. Yet, the quota as a policy tool has an ambivalent meaning: while it has been conceived as an advanced form of antidiscrimination policy tool in domains such as gender and racial inequalities, in the sector of disability, it has tended to be theorized as an outdated measure, belonging to a social welfare perspective opposed to the more recent equalitarian policy frame. This article revisits this theoretical debate on the disability employment quota by shifting the focus from a normative discussion to an empirical investigation of the meanings policymakers have endowed it with. I draw on the case of France, where the quota scheme is a cornerstone of disability employment policy: post–World War I provisions were at the origin of a series of reforms extending and reinforcing the quota, in 1957, 1987 and 2005 – leading to the current 6% disabled worker quota imposed to private and public organizations of 20 employees or more. Tracing the historical trajectory of this policy tool and its uses by means of parliamentary debates and secondary sources, I show how quotas in France have had more complex meanings than what the social welfare versus antidiscrimination dichotomy suggests. Before the rise of antidiscrimination policy, they were thought of as a progressive form of social policy, as opposed to more segregative interventions such as pensions or sheltered employment. The adoption of antidiscrimination provisions in 2005 then led to a hybridization between quotas and antidiscrimination policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Background: The Scottish Government introduced a free Baby Box scheme for all new parents in 2017, modelled on the Finnish scheme, to give every baby 'an equal start in life'. There is little evidence that it results in better health outcomes, but there has been limited research into different perspectives and discourses on such schemes. Methods: Four focus groups were conducted with 21 parents in North‐East Scotland. Recordings were transcribed verbatim, anonymized and analysed thematically with NVivo 12 software. Our thematic analysis was both inductive and deductive—remaining open to themes identified by participants themselves but also informed by the social policy literature on universalism and social cohesion. Results: Across all the focus groups, we found a high degree of positivity about the principle of the Baby Box scheme, and for the most part the practical value of the contents. This was remarkably consistent across different communities and backgrounds. There was little evidence of the strongly polarized views present in media reporting. Parents seemed considerably less focused than the media on safety and health outcomes, and more focused on practical, material and social impacts. They reported little in the way of feeling patronized or monitored by the government. Conclusion: Our findings have important implications for future economic evaluations of the baby box. Such evaluations should broaden the valuation space beyond health outcomes to allow for the value of feelings of inclusion, solidarity and being part of a community. Patient or Public Contribution: This small project was designed in response to parent views already collected in the early roll‐out of the Baby Box scheme in Scotland, about their priorities and responses to the scheme. Additional views were sought on the topic guide for the focus groups, and local community groups advised us on recruitment and the best timing and location for the focus groups to be held. The focus groups themselves were conducted as research, but with the intent of ensuring parent views featured more prominently in a debate that has been largely dominated by clinical and public health perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the French cluster policy, this study aims at evaluating how cluster policies influence the structure of local inventor networks. Based on a panel data of four periods and 94 NUTS-3 French regions, we implement various model specifications to make explicit processes that may drive the impact of the policy. The results suggest that spatial interdependences and region-specific trends should be considered to make correct causal inference about such place-based policies. Overall, the results do not provide clear evidence supporting that the French cluster policy has strengthened the cohesion, efficiency and resilience of local inventor networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Gestion et Management Public is the property of Association Internationale de Recherche en Management Public (AIRMAP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Urban Studies (Sage Publications, Ltd.) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Increasingly entrepreneurial local governments have embraced city branding to enhance city images and identities and to increase attractivity, as a response to the growing intercity competition. Medium-sized cities, being caught in the incertitude and possibilities to both grow or decline, can entirely benefit from city branding to foster their urban development. This article aims to illustrate how city branding is materialized in medium-sized cities, using the multi-level governance analytical framework and a case study in Nantes, France. The findings show that local scales of governance have been shaping a city branding strategy promoting new representations and virtuous images of the city, such as 'livable', 'sustainable' or 'creative'. Nevertheless, the national influence, through territorial and administrative reforms, has been of crucial importance in aligning city branding in Nantes. More than global cities that are less dependent on and conditioned by the national policy, the case study verifies that the endorsement of national scales of governance is imperative for medium-sized cities to achieve their branding objectives. • This article investigates the role of multiple levels of governance in the shaping of city branding in medium-sized cities. • It uses a case study in Nantes, a western French medium-sized city. • In Nantes, city branding results from both the local governance's engagement and the national influence's involvement. • Branded as Western France's main metropolitan pole, Nantes improved its standing and fostered its urban growth. • This paper adds to the city branding literature by examining the governance dynamics related to it in a medium-sized city. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are well-being and sustainability 'territorially differentiated realities'? This article draws on an experiment to develop sustainable territorial well-being indicators in the French urban area of Grenoble. Our discussion is based on a cross-sectional and longitudinal analysis of survey data produced in 2012 and 2018. From the interpretation of these indicators, we highlight the importance of taking account of territorial specificities in the deployment of sustainable well-being policies. Subsequently, our interest lies in the move to action: How should differentiation be approached in terms not only of observation but also of actions? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a comparative study of the labour market and social policy measures introduced in light of the COVID-19 crisis in Denmark, France, Germany, Italy and the United Kingdom between March 2020 and January 2021. Its main aim is to understand whether the crisis response has changed the structures of the welfare states concerned. Focusing in particular on the differences regarding the crisis measures taken for individuals in 'standard employment' and 'non-standard workers' in each country, it argues that, although extensive temporary protection instruments were introduced for both groups during the crisis, these did not lead to an immediate convergence as regards these groups' social protection. Rather than changing the underlying structures of welfare systems, many of the measures in fact highlighted the specific vulnerabilities of large segments of Europe's labour markets. States have, however, granted social compensation at unprecedented levels, which could result in improved infrastructures and a clearer understanding of the responsibility of the welfare state in future emergencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• The population growth rates in the core were growing faster than in the ring over the last decade. • With the exception of France this has resulted in population recentralisation. • There is some variation as to when the population turnaround happened, and national policy seems to have had some influence on that. • The impacts of reurbanisation on suburbia strongly differ between prosperous and less prosperous urban regions. • There is a need to better understand the socio-demographic implications of reurbanisation on the different types of settlements in the ring. Following decades of urban decline in many European cities, there is now an abundant literature identifying a process of reurbanisation, which has now also reached many secondary cities, including those in post-industrialised regions. Reurbanisation is an umbrella concept involving several related but distinct processes, though has its roots in spatial cycle models that consider reurbanisation to be a specific stage in the development of urban regions. Most of the emerging reurbanisation debate, however, is primarily concerned with processes in and impacts on the urban core while suburbia (the ring) is notably absent from much of this discussion. This is all the more surprising since part and parcel of many definitions of reurbanisation is the relationship between the core and the ring. This paper seeks to fill this gap, looking at four highly developed countries in Northwest Europe from a comparative perspective: England, France, Germany and the Netherlands. Far from being uniform, reurbanisation differs substantially between the countries in terms of temporal and spatial patterns due to differences in policy responses in both the urban core and suburbia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Gestion et Management Public is the property of Association Internationale de Recherche en Management Public (AIRMAP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Cause-specific mortality statistics are essential for understanding a population's health situation and for developing and evaluating public policies. Yet collecting these data is not straightforward, and their reliability is often questioned. Different approaches can be used to assess their quality. Using cause-of-death data from four countries of different sizes, histories, and mortality levels, the authors propose an original method for assessing the quality of these health statistics based on regional variations within a country's mortality structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Decreasing our use of energy resources constitutes a major detachment challenge for contemporary society. This article investigates the involvement in this challenge of a recent public policy instrument, the Energy Savings Certificates (ESC) system. It focuses on a particular application in the impledementation of boiler scrappage schemes, through which consumers are invited to replace an old heating appliance with a new, more virtuous one in exchange for a premium paid by the State. 3 scrappage programs conducted in France between 2011 and 2017 are examined. Using the perspective of market agencing, the article sheds light on the entanglement of scrappage programs and ESC infrastructure and on the specific role of the State in this public policy context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]