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In educational sociology, it is of greatest interest to explain why some students are more successful than others and obtain higher educational qualifications or receive better grades, which can have long-lasting consequences. The present study compares the influence of early academic performance, which can be regarded as a proxy of overall intelligence, to the socio-economic status (SES) of the family, which measures how much a family can invest in the education of their offspring. Using large-scale German NEPS panel data (N = 5,208), the analyses test statistically how much variance of two outcome variables (acquisition of higher education eligibility and final grade) are explained by academic performance and SES; both measured approximately 9 years earlier at the beginning of secondary education. Dominance analyses reveal that performance has a larger influence (ca. 14% for both outcomes) than SES (ca. 8% for eligibility and ca. 4% for grades). Regression analyses show that high performance can better compensate for low SES than vice versa. These results indicate that performance is probably more relevant for academic success than the SES of one's own family. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the fundamental role of unions in reducing economic inequality, social psychology still needs to incorporate the systematic study of unions concerning the contemporary theories of intergroup inequality. In this study, we do so by testing the reciprocal relationship between trust in unions and social‐dominance orientation egalitarianism (SDO‐E) over time. Using data from the Longitudinal Social Survey of Chile, which is a panel study with a representative sample of urban areas, we carried out a Random Intercept Cross‐Lagged Panel Model with four waves (2016–2019, N = 2972–2153). We controlled the main effect by sex, age, political ideology and educational level. The results show a positive relationship between SDO‐E and trust in unions within and between levels. This means that people who trust in unions also tend to have higher SDO‐E (between effect), and an intraindividual increase in trust in labour unions tends to be followed by an increase in SDO‐E (within effect). Trusting unions as an institution that promotes the hierarchy reduction between workers and employers helps increase people's SDO‐E over time. Please refer to the Supplementary Material section to find this article's Community and Social Impact Statement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the concept of democracy in Paleolithic hunter-gatherer communities and its relevance to modern democratic systems. It argues that these communities operated under a "reverse dominance hierarchy" system, which ensured political equality among members. The text explores the evolution of Homo sapiens from alpha male-dominated communities to more egalitarian societies and discusses the debate surrounding gender equality in Paleolithic communities. It also introduces the concept of self-domestication as a possible explanation for the evolution of cooperative human behavior. The article concludes by emphasizing the importance of understanding the history of democracy in order to rethink and improve current democratic systems. [Extracted from the article]

This paper explores the motivations and barriers behind the decision of economically disadvantaged Moldovans to refrain from migrating for better economic prospects. Drawing on 30 qualitative interviews with voluntary stayers, it uncovers a range of individual‐level characteristics that impede migration aspirations. These findings highlight the heightened sensitivity of lower‐wage stayers to their perceived social status abroad, their limited adaptability to new cultures and environments and their lower willpower to endure the challenges of long‐term gains. Moreover, this paper sheds light on their contentment with modest material gains and their aversion to migration risks. At the structural level, it emphasizes how social inequalities act as barriers for specific social groups, particularly the economically disadvantaged. These empirical insights challenge prevailing assumptions about the dominance of economic costs and network abroad in migration decision‐making, offering a fresh perspective on the social factors and costs shaping stayers' choices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: This study aimed to investigate the actor–partner effects of attitudes toward group‐based inequality as measured by social dominance orientation (SDO) and marital quality, and the indirect actor–partner effects of SDO on marital quality via ambivalent sexism and partners' perceptions of their own relationship power toward their partner. Background: Previous research suggests that certain social attitudes play a role in relationship processes. However, it is unclear whether broader views on social inequality could have an effect on partners' marital quality. Method: Ninety heterosexual married couples in Turkey (N = 180) responded via an online survey on SDO, marital quality, relationship power, and ambivalent sexism. Actor–partner interdependence model (APIM) and actor–partner interdependence model of mediation (APIMeM) were conducted to examine the direct and indirect actor–partner effects. Results: For indirect effects, men's SDO was negatively associated with their marital quality through their relationship power and hostile sexism. No significant indirect effects were found for women. However, women's relationship power was positively and their benevolent sexism was negatively associated with their own and their partners' marital quality. Conclusion: Our findings help develop a more comprehensive understanding of how the political, social, and personal aspects of our lives are connected with one another. Implications: Our study points to the importance of exploring the topic of men's and women's views toward social inequality and its effects on their close relationships in clinical practice and relational education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This review critically assesses Niko Kolodny's theory of social hierarchy and its importance as articulated in The Pecking Order (2023). After summarizing Kolodny's argument, I raise two critical challenges. First, I ask whether Kolodny leaves us without adequate account of why social hierarchies are, in themselves, objectionable. Second, I query whether Kolodny's defense of representative democracy is decisive, and suggest that egalitarians should be open to alternative ways of mitigating the threat of hierarchy posed by political rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective. The aim of this article is to write an original analysis of the work of Annie Ernaux (1940, Lillebonne). The author's production, which is being trans - lated to Spanish and is enjoying popularity in Spain, is inscribed at the intersection between sociology, literature, and history. Methodology. The framework from which we approach this study is the interrelation between critical sociology and feminist theory, taking the concepts that structure the thinking of its two referents: Pierre Bourdieu and Simone de Beauvoir. From the deductive method, we delve into her condition as a "declassed" and female socialization, which commits her to tell, from her experience, the truth of the dominated. Conclusions/discussion. In the conclusions, we highlight the articulation of her subjectivity in a constant conflict between the assimilation of gender roles and her political project: writing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research suggests that interacting with women may encourage civic and prosocial attitudes, yet findings to date have been limited to democracies notable for their egalitarian norms. Using simulated contact experiments under controlled conditions, this article tests hypotheses for the first time in Saudi Arabia and Kuwait, arguably "hard cases" given persistent norms of patriarchy and gender segregation. Yet, despite stronger contexts for male dominance, results suggest that interacting with women may indeed steer Saudi and Kuwaiti men toward more civic and other-regarding orientations, including aspects of tolerance, egalitarianism, openness, and community rule-following. These findings add much-needed comparative perspective to experimental research on mixed-gender dynamics and align with broader work highlighting the benefits of diverse interactions for groups and nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Previous research has demonstrated that low social dominance orientation (social equality orientation) promotes empathy with disadvantaged group members. In three studies, we tested a model relating preference for egalitarianism to positive attitudes towards immigrants through emotional experiences (pride, guilt, moral anger/ anger, disgust). Studies 1 and 2 showed that social equality orientation was positively related to proimmigrant attitudes through increased pride in helping immigrants, controlling for participants' gender, age, and political orientation. Such a preference for egalitarianism was unrelated to proimmigrant attitudes through guilt for not helping immigrants and moral anger concerning mistreatment of immigrants. By focusing on emotional experience concerning proimmigrant national initiatives (e.g., integrating immigrants into the labor market), Study 3 corroborated the indirect effect of social equality orientation on proimmigrant attitudes through increased pride, controlling for participants' gender, age, political orientation, as well as competitive jungle and dangerous world beliefs. Although much weaker, we also found a positive association between social equality orientation and proimmigrant attitudes through reduced anger, while no significant association through guilt and disgust was found. Results suggest that, relative to guilt, anger, and disgust, pride is the key channel through which preference for egalitarianism is related to positive attitudes towards immigrants. Implications and future directions for research are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much research has examined the link between (anti-)egalitarian ideology and motivated social cognition. However, this research is typically framed around anti-egalitarianism, with the other end of this ideological pole, egalitarianism, often ignored altogether or treated as merely the absence of anti-egalitarian-motivated cognition. We integrate long-standing ideas from social dominance theory with contemporary models of motivated social cognition and a recent wave of empirical findings to argue that egalitarian ideology also drives social cognition in meaningful ways. We discuss why pursuing this avenue of research is important and outline several unanswered questions for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social dominance orientation (SDO) holds a central position in social dominance theory. Since the development, validation, and publication of the SDO7 scale in 2015, which was designed to distinguish between the dominance (SDO-D) and (anti-)egalitarianism (SDO-E) facets of SDO, it has become common in the literature to distinguish between these facets using the SDO7. This is based on the theoretical proposition that SDO-D and SDO-E meaningfully differ and have different relationships with other constructs. However, the present study critically reviews the original validity evidence provided for the SDO7's distinction between SDO-D and SDO-E and notes conceptual and empirical reasons to question this distinction. Because a sizable number of studies have used the SDO7 since the presentation of that original validity evidence, the present study uses meta-analysis to leverage this burgeoning literature to determine whether there has since been more convincing empirical evidence for the distinction between these facets. The meta-analysis finds that SDO-D and SDO-E have a magnitude of intercorrelation that would often be considered adequate for a reliability coefficient (mean ρ =.83), have extremely similar patterns and magnitudes of relationships with the variables in their nomological network, and have nearly identical means and standard deviations. Although the SDO7 is a useful, reliable, and valid measure of overall SDO, its use to distinguish between SDO-D and SDO-E is not empirically supported. The present meta-analysis also provides insights into the nomological network of SDO-D, SDO-E, and overall SDO and the distributional characteristics of study participants' SDO scale scores. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text aims to study the implications of the political, economic, and ideological transformations of the last four decades for the way we study social inequality and mortality in Mexico. It examines how such changes are manifest in their theoretical and methodological mutations. Based on the theoretical and methodological contributions of the critical analysis of discourse, it helps to shed light on the existence of social hierarchies among the actors involved in the object of study and replace relational approaches with other, gradational approaches in recent decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we consider the problem of aggregating a collection of transitive fuzzy binary relations in such a way that the aggregation process preserves transitivity. Specifically, we focus our efforts on the characterization of those functions that aggregate a collection of fuzzy binary relations which are transitive with respect to a collection of t-norms preserving the transitivity. We characterize them in terms of triangular triplets. Further, the relationship between triangular triplets, the monotonicity of the aggregation function and an appropriate dominance notion is explicitly stated. Special attention is paid to a few classes of transitive fuzzy binary relations that are relevant in the literature. Concretely, we describe, in terms of triangular triplets, those functions that aggregate a collection of fuzzy pre-orders, fuzzy partial orders, relaxed indistinguishability relations, indistinguishability relations and equalities. A surprising relationship between functions that aggregate transitive fuzzy relations into a T M -transitive fuzzy relation and those that aggregate relaxed indistinguishability relations is shown. A few consequences of the new results are also provided for those cases in which all the t-norms of the given collection are the same. Some celebrated results are retrieved as a particular case from the exposed theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our concern in this contribution is to ask what the special features of populism in Hungary are, where government and the largest opposition party can be considered populist. The study aims at analyzing motivations, interests, benefits, and profits of populism in fragile Hungarian regions. The main part examines three peculiar features of state populism: the rural support for stabile political and social structures; early‐born conservative social policy, which freezes and preserves social inequalities and pacificates social conflicts; and selective social policy that has made a strong difference between "worthy" and "unworthy" poor, thus, contributing to ethnic‐based conflicts and emerging prejudice. The Hungarian case shows that poverty and social inequalities, disintegration, hierarchical local power structure with dominance of economic–political oligarchy, weak participation, monopolization of local and non‐local media, and racialization of poverty are enabling factors of populism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political theorists often turn to seventeenth‐century England and the Levellers as sources of egalitarian insight. Yet by the time the Levellers were active, the claim that human beings were "equal" by nature was commonplace. Why, in Leveller hands, did a long‐standing piety consistent with social hierarchy became suddenly effectual? Inspired by Elizabeth Anderson, this article explores what equality—and the related concept of parity—meant for the Levellers, and what "the point," as they saw it, was. I argue that the Levellers' key achievement was subsuming a highly controversial premise of natural parity within the existing language of natural equality. This suggests that modern basic equality is the product of two, potentially contradictory, principles. This, in turn, has important normative, as well as historical and conceptual, implications for how theorists understand "the point" of equality for egalitarian movements today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this study was to examine how identity covering techniques can influence raters' perceptions of job candidates who have a socially stigmatized identity. Specifically, the authors explore how raters respond to two types of candidates: one who does not mention his gay identity during the interview process, and one who openly discusses their gay identity during the interview process. The authors also investigate whether job type (sport operations vs business operations) and the rater's views toward social equality influence perceptions of job fit and subsequent hiring recommendations. Design/methodology/approach: The authors conducted an experiment to examine whether an applicant's level of stigma covering, type of job posting and rater's views toward social equality influenced perceptions of job fit. The authors then tested whether perceptions of job fit mediated hiring recommendations. Adults in the USA (n = 237) who were employed and had served on a hiring committees participated in the survey. Findings: When applying for sport operations jobs, as opposed to business operations jobs, gay male applicants are viewed more favorably if they engage in high levels of identity covering. Further, the applicant's level of stigma covering influenced raters who reported high or moderate social dominance orientation but did not impact raters with low social dominance orientation. Overall, the findings reveal that identity covering techniques do have relevance for studying the dynamics of hiring gay men who apply for jobs in the sport industry. Originality/value: The study advances the understanding of identity management techniques by examining the nuances of how applicants can choose to disclose their stigmatized identity, and how those decision influence the hiring process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across five studies, we find that high-power distance belief (PDB) consumers (i.e., consumers who value social hierarchy) tend to show lower loyalty after being demoted in loyalty programs than low-PDB consumers (i.e., consumers who value equality). This occurs because while low-PDB consumers are only sensitive to the monetary losses associated with the demotion, high-PDB consumers are sensitive to both the monetary and psychological losses. More importantly, we find that when consumers receive the appropriate monetary (for low-PDB) or status-symbolic (for high-PDB) compensation, the negative effect of demotion is attenuated. Additionally, we find that proactive approaches are more effective in mitigating negative responses to demotion; accordingly, marketers should warn consumers of a prospective demotion and offer consumers help in maintaining their existing membership tier. Doing so results in a win-win situation where consumers avoid demotion and marketers achieve higher profits. The theoretical and practical implications of the research are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For surveys of complex issues that entail multiple steps, multiple reference points, and nongradient attributes (e.g., social inequality), this study proposes a new multiprocess model that integrates ideal-point and dominance approaches into a treelike structure (IDtree). In the IDtree, an ideal-point approach describes an individual's attitude and then a dominance approach describes their tendency for using extreme response categories. Evaluation of IDtree performance via two empirical data sets showed that the IDtree fit these data better than other models. Furthermore, simulation studies showed a satisfactory parameter recovery of the IDtree. Thus, the IDtree model sheds light on the response processes of a multistage structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Theories of cultural evolution posit that cues of competence‐based prestige, rather than formidability‐based dominance, should guide culturally transmitted learning, but recent work suggested that French and Kaqchikel Guatamalan preschoolers place their epistemic trust in dominant others. In contrast, this study shows that 249 three‐ to six‐year‐olds (116 girls, tested between 2016 and 2018 across metropolitan locations with varying ethnic composition and socioeconomic status) randomly endorsed the word‐labels of dominant and subordinate agents in the egalitarian culture of Norway, using stimuli which solicit dominance inferences among infants and manipulating anonymity across studies to control for egalitarian desirability bias. A meta‐analysis estimated that 48% endorsed the dominant's testimony. This demonstrates that the tendency to endorse the epistemic claims of dominant individuals does not emerge reliably in early childhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After learning of the rape allegation against the Attorney-General, Australians were divided in their support for an inquiry. We hypothesised that motivated reasoning on this issue would be associated with ideological preferences. We therefore examined whether perceptions of arguments about the inquiry could be explained by participants' political orientation, preference for hierarchy (SDO), and motivation to justify the gender status quo (GSJ). Three months after the allegation was made public, we recruited a gender-balanced sample of 554 Australians to complete an online survey. Participants believed that an article arguing for an inquiry was stronger than an article arguing against an inquiry. However, this effect was weaker among those on the right of the political spectrum and those high on SDO. Political orientation was also associated with differing evaluations of the article's authors: left-leaning participants found the pro-inquiry author more credible, but right-leaning participants did not. GSJ was not associated with differing evaluations of the articles or their authors. These findings suggest that ideological preferences are associated with motivated reasoning when evaluating partisan allegations of sexual misconduct. Evaluations of such allegations appear to vary according to people's political attitudes and preferences for social equality or hierarchy. KEY POINTS What is already known about this topic: (1) In early 2021, Australians were deeply divided in their support for an inquiry into the rape allegation against Christian Porter. (2) Individuals tend to respond to political sexual misconduct allegations with a partisan bias. (3) Gender system justification (GSJ) and social dominance orientation (SDO) are associated with the denial of injustice towards women, and the maintenance of social hierarchies, respectively. What this topic adds: (1) Ideological preferences can help to explain how people evaluate arguments about the inquiry. (2) Participants on the political left and those low on SDO evaluated a pro-inquiry article as significantly stronger than the anti-inquiry article, but this effect was reduced amongst those on the right and those high on SDO. (3) These findings provide evidence that political orientation and SDO are associated with motivated reasoning when evaluating partisan allegations of sexual misconduct. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social dominance orientation (SDO) is defined as the individual disposition to accept hierarchy and dominance among groups. The measurement of SDO has evolved accordingly with the development of the theory, providing several versions of this scale. This scale has demonstrated indicators of reliability and validity across contexts, but it also has some limitations related to potential ambiguities and the phrasing of items. In this article we present the adaptation and validation of the SDO7 scale in Spanish for the Colombian context, where some of these limitations are addressed. In 2 studies conducted with conventional samples (nStudy1 = 394; nStudy2 = 867), we provide evidence for the psychometric properties of the scale and the predictive validity of its dimensions on social/political attitudes within the Colombian context. Factor analyses confirmed the factorial structure of two substantive dimensions of SDO (dominance and anti- egalitarianism). Regression analyses suggested that both dimensions, dominance and anti-egalitarianism, were accordingly associated with different attitudes that justify inequality: Dominance was associated with more explicit and hostile attitudes, whereas anti-egalitarianism was linked to subtler measures that maintain inequality. This article contributes to the comprehension of one of the processes related to the legitimacy of inequality and to the development of tools for its empirical research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Although children are overall sensitive to inequality and prefer fair allocation of resources, they also often display ingroup favouritism. Inquiring about the factors that can shape the tension between these two driving forces in children, we focused on the role of parents. Extending the limited literature in this field, the present work examined whether individual differences in 3-to 11-year-old White children's (N = 154, 78 boys) evaluations of fair versus pro-ingroup behaviours in an intergroup context vary as a function of both mothers' and fathers' social dominance orientation (SDO), right-wing authoritarianism (RWA), and moral foundations. Parents completed a questionnaire. Children were presented with a scenario in which two ingroup members distributed candies to two other children, one White and one Black, either in an egalitarian way or displaying a clear ingroup favouritism. Afterwards, their attitudes towards the two ingroup members who had distributed the candies were assessed through both an Implicit Association Test and explicit questions. Although children displayed on average an explicit preference for the fair over the pro-ingroup target, this preference did not emerge at the implicit level. Most importantly, both children's explicit and implicit attitudes were related to mothers' SDO, indicating that at increasing level of mothers' SDO children's inequality aversion tended to drop. Overall, these results emphasize the relevance of mothers' support for social hierarchy in relation to the way in which children balance the two competing drives of equality endorsement and pro-ingroup bias. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With deliberative democracy becoming increasingly incorporated into political processes, the instances of citizens and politicians meeting in deliberation, so-called mixed deliberations, is increasing too. While these are important steps towards more deliberative systems, the mixed deliberation setting nonetheless introduces certain risks regarding equality. Citizens and politicians have different deliberative capacities, which could affect the process of deliberation. Moreover, political inequalities such as gender gaps may be more evident in deliberations where politicians are present. This study focuses on a series of mixed deliberations in 2018 about a proposed municipal merger in Finland. Using content analysis of speech acts (N = 3404) as well as pre- and post-deliberation surveys (N = 225), we analyze patterns according to participant status (politician/citizen) and gender regarding dominance, deliberative discussion quality, and impact on internal and external efficacy. The findings show that politicians dominated the discussions and achieved a higher deliberative quality than citizens. The findings also revealed that women achieved higher deliberative quality in their speech acts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Demographically diverse leader-member relationships are predominantly studied based on similarity-attraction theory. However, empirical research examining the effect of similarity and dissimilarity on leader-member exchange (LMX) quality has resulted in inconsistent findings. I propose a new theoretical model which suggests that the LMX quality of demographically diverse leader-member dyads is affected by informal and formal status and power inequalities. My propositions, which lead to different outcomes than those of similarity-attraction theory, draw primarily upon social dominance theory and show how inequalities in demographic status and power and in positional status and power intertwine to affect LMX quality. Theoretical contributions and future research opportunities are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Growth dominance increased from negative to positive with age in loblolly pine plantations. • More intensive silviculture decreased tree size inequality but increased growth dominance. • Higher planting densities increased both tree size inequality and growth dominance. • Row thinning treatments decreased both tree size inequality and growth dominance. • Stand biomass growth was negatively related to tree size inequality. • Stand biomass growth was positively related to growth dominance. Understanding stand structure and growth relationships and how they are influenced by silvicultural treatments can help us optimize forest management regimes. With two large long-term silvicultural research experiments in loblolly pine plantations, we examined the effects of planting density, silvicultural intensity (sustained competition control and repeated fertilization), and thinning treatments on temporal patterns of stand biomass, biomass growth, tree size inequality, growth dominance, and on stand growth-structure relationships. Results showed that more intensive silvicultural treatments decreased tree size inequality but increased growth dominance, while higher planting densities increased both tree size inequality and growth dominance in unthinned plots. Growth dominance increased from negative to positive with age. For a given silviculture and planting density, tree size inequality became stable after 15 years while growth dominance continued to change over time. Thinning treatments decreased both tree size inequality and growth dominance, and there were no effects of silviculture and planting density in thinned stands. Stand biomass growth was negatively related to tree size inequality and positively related to growth dominance, after accounting for the effects of silvicultural treatment and planting density. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]