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A steadily increasing number of European countries recently adopted their own 'Africa policies'. The temporal and geographical clustering of such plans suggests that a policy diffusion process might have been at play, with the introduction and the shape of a policy in a given country being influenced by those of other countries. This paper tests the policy diffusion hypothesis through an in-depth analysis of the case of Italy, a country that in recent times stepped up substantially its engagement with sub-Saharan Africa. Tracing the origins and features of Rome's policy towards the region, however, shows that external influences were much more limited than expected. It was primarily two country-specific drivers – namely, the enduring effects of the European debt crisis on the Italian economy and a sudden and massive, if temporary, increase in irregular migration – which pushed Italy towards Africa and shaped its approach. The paper thus sheds light on how the marked resemblance of policies almost contemporaneously adopted by distinct EU member states – that is, a tight succession and a highly interconnected environment strongly pointing at cross-country influences – can hide motives and processes that are actually highly specific to each of them and essentially by-pass policy diffusion dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores a major conflict area, namely, national and the EU's immigration policy and investigates how the influx of migrants (mostly from the Middle East and North Africa - MENA region) into the EU has been used as a policy conflict ground. The article assesses the policy responses to (im)migration in Germany and Italy between 2015- 2019 as the changes made redirected the policy for future migration crisis. The aim of the article is to underline that the migration crisis of the EU spiraled into Members States' migration and populism crisis and into the challenges of the implementation of common EU migration policies and national policies. This is achieved by the analyses of administrative measures adopted in the most argued areas like asylum procedure, return policy and integration The paper argues that these crisis management measures were mostly restrictive, and not only aimed to handle the crisis but exposed a phenomenon: they not only intended to thwart the continuous growth of migration and populism but were in parts even favored by populists in the sense that they had the intention to curb immigration, too. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: In Italy, there is a network of centres headed by the Italian Association of Pediatric Hematology and Oncology (AIEOP) for the diagnosis and treatment of paediatric cancers on almost the entire national territory. Nevertheless, migration of patients in a hospital located in a region different from that of residence is a widespread habit, sometimes motivated by several reasons. The aim of this paper is to assess the impact of migration of children with cancer to AIEOP centres in order to verify their optimal distribution throughout the national territory. Methods: To this purpose, we used information on 41,205 registered cancer cases in the database of Mod.1.01 Registry from AIEOP centres, with age of less than 20 years old at diagnosis, diagnosed from 1988 to 2017. Patients' characteristics were analysed and compared using the X2 or Fisher's exact test or Mann–Whitney test, when appropriate. Survival distributions were estimated using the method of Kaplan and Meier, and the log-rank test was used to examine differences among subgroups. Results: Extra-regional migration involved overall 19.5% of cases, ranging from 23.3% (1988–1997) to 16.4% (2008–2017) (p < 0.001). In leukaemias and lymphomas we observed a mean migration of 8.8% overall, lower in the North (1.2%) and Centre (7.8%) compared to the South & Isles (32.3%). In the case of solid tumours, overall migration was 25.7%, with 4.2% in the North, 17.2% in the Centre and 59.6% in the South & Isles. For regions with overall levels of migration higher than the national average, most migration cases opted for AIEOP centres of close or even neighbouring regions. Overall survival at 10 years from diagnosis results 69.9% in migrants vs 78.3% in no migrants (p < 0.001). Conclusions: There is still a certain amount of domestic migration, the causes of which can be easily identified: migration motivated by a search for high specialization, migration due to lack of local facilities, or regions in which no AIEOP centres are present, which makes migration obligatory. Better coordination between AIEOP centres could help to reduce so-called avoidable migration, but technical and political choices will have to be considered, with the active participation of sector technicians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shifts the focus from male paperless migrants to the women who stay in their country of origin. My analysis of the discrepancy between borderless economics and the bordered movement of people explores the representation of the women left behind in Ayman Zohry's novella 'The Mediterranean Sea', which describes irregular migration from Egypt to Italy. This paper investigates the intersection between the forces of patriarchy and globalisation in the lives of the women who are left in the sending countries. The article starts by shedding light on the writer, who is an expert in immigration studies. The second section of this essay focuses on the wives' struggle against the glocal masculine and geopolitical dictates. The third part of the paper analyses the juncture of gender and global capital in the lives of the mothers left behind. My investigation of the hardships endured by migrants' wives and mothers demonstrates that immigration torments those women who stay in the homeland as much as it afflicts the spouses who travel to 'Hopeland' (Obi, Cyril. 2007. "From Homeland to Hopeland? Economic Globalization and Ogoni Migration in the 1990s." In The Cultures of Economic Migration: International Perspectives, edited by Suman Gupta, and Tope Omonyi, 115. Burlington, VT: Ashgate). My main argument is that the Egyptian women left behind have to strive against both the contradictions induced by globalisation and the subordination generated by male domination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to understand the individual factors sustaining the migratory flow of Catholic priests to Italy. Priests' migration cannot be seen as the mere result of lack of vocations and shortage of priests in the host country since their agency, belief, aspirations, and motivations affect their religious identity and, consequently, their integration and participation in the host country. Drawing on qualitative research, this paper collects the voices and the narratives of selected international priests living in Italy. Priests' interviews led to broad-range questions about the nature of migration decisions and their integration into the host society and churches that originate from differences in religiosity, vocations, and missions. That resulted in a typology of 4 types of migrant priests: careerist priests, highly educated and integrated into the host country, driven by career and salary aspiration, and showing a highly politicized vision of religion; servant priests, with a strong missionary impulse to serve the Church as a universal institution transcending abstract and real boarders; evangelist priests who feel the moral obligation to evangelize secularized countries to bring them back to the origins of Catholicism; rebel priests who feel second-class priests, discriminated both within and outside the Church, in a country where they were forced to move, for this reason questioning their sense of clear vocational directions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of English as a Lingua Franca is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Prior to COVID‐19, migrant journeys through the Mediterranean were often described with reference to the barriers posed within 'fortress Europe' or through registers which centre migrant's adeptness at navigating draconian immigration regimes. Between these two contexts, this paper explores how a public authority lens can assist in understanding the implications of COVID‐19 and associated vaccine bureaucracies. We draw on ethnographic research on the Italian‐French Alpine border and chart how 'vaccine populism'—perpetuated in nationalist political discourse as well as in the counter‐commentaries of resistance offered by solidarity networks—has specific implications for migrants' access to vaccines and health information. We argue that analyses attentive to the subtle nuances of state and local politics provide an important entry point to map multi‐scalar power dynamics which accompany universal health policies. Through considering the complex realities relating to Alpine crossings, we advocate from less categorising approaches to vaccinating migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a novel take on the relationship between migration and regional innovation by analysing the impact of both international and internal migration flows across Italian provinces, by skill level, and on three types of intellectual property rights (IPRs), namely patents, trademarks and design rights. Allowing us to capture innovation beyond technology and high-tech manufacturing, our results shed light on the relationship between different types of migrant human capital and this array of innovative outcomes. Focusing on Italian provinces in the period 2003–2012, our empirical analysis reveals that internal migration is more significantly related to innovation than international migration. Moreover, medium- and high-skilled migrants are positively associated with all three types of IPRs, while low-skilled migration has a negative association. There are also significant differences across provinces, with a clear distinction between the more economically developed Northern provinces and the rest of Italy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The task specialization literature suggests that migrant workers concentrate on physically intensive occupations, pushing natives towards less‐risky jobs. What is the effect of immigration on the severity of work‐related injuries? By matching administrative data on work‐related injuries and residence registries in Italy, this paper shows that migrant inflows lead to a reduction of physical impairment and injury‐related paid sick leave for native workers, independently from occupation and sector transitions. The effect is largest in manufacturing and construction and among the eldest employees. The analysis exploits spatial and temporal variation in foreign‐born residents' province shares and an instrumental variable strategy based on historical co‐national local settlements. To rationalize the underlying mechanism, we show that migrant workers sort into risky occupations and we study workforce composition effects. We rule out that the effect is due to higher unemployment among natives with lower education, more exposed to injury risks, or to native workers' local migration. Longitudinal worker‐level data from the Labor Force Survey show that native workers' transitions between sectors and occupations in response to immigration are not significant. Hence, our results suggest that the reduction in injury severity may result from a reallocation of riskier tasks from native workers, especially of older ages, to migrant workers, even when occupational transitions do not occur. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Migration has historically been a controversial issue around the world and one that has often been harnessed by people in power (or people hoping to gain power) for their own political agendas. In times of a global pandemic, the scapegoating of migrants has only increased, often rooted in nationalist ideologies which lead to policies and practices that harm migrants and the larger society. The present paper employs multimodal critical discourse analysis to explore how nationalist ideologies supported by right-wing populism are constructed visually and verbally during COVID-19 on Italian social media in regard to migration. We analyze Giorgia Meloni's (leader of the nationalist party "Fratelli D'Italia") Twitter thread discussing the arrival and detention of migrants in Italy in July-August 2020 as a representative sample of the discourse. Findings show one example of how nationalist discourses scapegoat migrants visually and verbally, but also how this discourse can be countered by the public via social media. Additionally, subtle details revealed in the visual analysis show the importance of multimodal research in un-packing ideologies that are easy to deny and hence more dangerous because of social media's capacity to spread (mis)information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the early 1990s, Italy, along with other countries situated at Europe's periphery, has become an attractive destination for migrants due to its lax regulation of migration and its job market. Despite its restrictive naturalisation laws, an increasing number of migrants are becoming eligible for Italian citizenship, which has led to a growing number of naturalisations in recent years. Existing research exploring naturalisation and its determinants has found migrants' ability to attain citizenship strongly depends on their interest in becoming a member of the host state, requirements (as defined by the host country), and their capacity to overcome various constraints such as the costs involved in the naturalisation process. However, few empirical studies have focused on immigrants' interest in naturalisation. To fill this gap, we analyse migrants' interest in naturalisation and how it correlates to their eligibility. This paper relies on the most recent data on interest in naturalisation from the 2018 and 2019 waves of the Regional Observatory for Integration and Multiethnicity of Lombardy (Italy). The results show that not all migrants are interested in naturalisation after assessing its perceived costs and benefits, thus confirming an instrumental approach to citizenship. Interest is mostly related to the legislation and conditions in the country of origin. Moreover, the relationship between eligibility and interest is highly dependent on civil stratification, and eligibility is not directly associated with interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article introduces the issue migration in the context: perspectives, methodology, and cultural issues. International migrations and their changing patterns pose new challenges to community social psychologists and new questions to be explored. Community psychologists' attention is necessary to develop a perspective about migration more suitable to effective interventions in global and local communities. Therefore, methods aimed at study migration issues should be implemented at micro-system, community, and national levels. Through this series of papers, we aim to contribute to the debate about how social and community psychologists can engage in community development strategies aimed at improving migrant well-being too. Indeed, they can give relevant contributions to the deepening of migration issues through research, methodologies, and interventions in different contexts and at different levels of analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Albanian migration to Italy represents one of the most intense and iconic East‐West migration flows of recent decades and a paradigmatic case of intra‐Mediterranean migration. This paper uses a unique data set collected by the Lombardy region's Observatory of Integration and Multiethnicity in 15 annual cross‐sectional surveys over the period 2001–2015. Analysis of this data set enables us to address three questions: first, what are the main factors influencing the labour market performance of Albanian migrants in Lombardy compared with other migrants? Second, what were the differential effects of the post‐2008 economic crisis on migrants' employment stability? Third, were there any significant gender differences in labour market profiles and outcomes? Our main finding is that Albanian migrants have a lower probability of (long‐term)unemployment and irregular employment and higher probability of employment compared with other migrants, an effect that is partially attributable to the different structural composition of the Albanian migrant group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impact of the economic crisis on the Italian economy has stimulated onward migration towards Central and Northern Europe and forms of temporary labour migration, such as the posting of workers, which involves Italian workers and EU and non‐EU workers immigrated to Italy. Based on 18 semi‐structured interviews with trade unionists, labour inspectors and experts, this paper studies the posting of immigrant workers from Italy to the Belgian construction sector by analysing the case of the Rive Gauche building site, where some Italian companies employed posted workers immigrated from Albania, Egypt, India, Kosovo and Romania. The findings show how economic reasons and restrictive migration policies force immigrants to accept exploitative working conditions and how the labour market and work organization transformations in the construction sector are expanding this phenomenon. The spread of TCNs' postings and the intersection of multiple discriminations pose new challenges to trade unions and labour and migration policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The following article presents an analysis of the impact of the Environmental, Social and Governance-ESG determinants on Hospital Emigration to Another Region-HEAR in the Italian regions in the period 2004-2021. The data are analysed using Panel Data with Random Effects, Panel Data with Fixed Effects, Pooled Ordinary Least Squares-OLS, Weighted Least Squares-WLS, and Dynamic Panel at 1 Stage. Furthermore, to control endogeneity we also created instrumental variable models for each component of the ESG model. Results show that HEAR is negatively associated to the E, S and G component within the ESG model. The data were subjected to clustering with a k-Means algorithm optimized with the Silhouette coefficient. The optimal clustering with k=2 is compared to the sub-optimal cluster with k=3. The results suggest a negative relationship between the resident population and hospital emigration at regional level. Finally, a prediction is proposed with machine learning algorithms classified based on statistical performance. The results show that the Artificial Neural Network-ANN algorithm is the best predictor. The ANN predictions are critically analyzed in light of health economic policy directions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The second half of the nineteenth century was an era of mass labour migration in Europe, when the Atlantic route became of paramount importance alongside intra-continental mobility. From the last third of the century Italy and Hungary were among the most important emigrating countries. By this time changes in the regulation of migration had begun to take place with the development of stronger state control, which affected mobility and the relationship between emigrants and transporters. The question also arose as to whether and how the large emigrating states could ensure the loyalty of their emigrant citizens and control them en route and in the destination states. The regulatory process which began in the 1880s gradually moved from an administrative approach to the development of more comprehensive legal sources covering more and more aspects of emigration with the Hungarian government making use of foreign solutions, particularly the Italian Emigration Act of 1901. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigrants in rural areas and immigrant employment in the agricultural sector have been studied from a variety of perspectives. However, we currently lack a bird's-eye view of these two phenomena covering all EU member states through time. This paper tackles that gap, first by describing the main features of immigrant settlement and economic integration in rural areas in the EU. Second, it offers an EU-wide overview of immigrants' integration in the agricultural sector. Then, it investigates empirically the degree to which the different characteristics of agricultural production in two member states – Italy and Spain – are associated with a migrant presence in the area. The study finds that, in the context of a shrinking agricultural labour force, the share of migrant workers in that sector in several regions is increasing over time. Migrants living in rural areas are more likely to be unemployed and face economic hardship than locals. Migrants employed in agriculture are, also, more likely to work in elementary occupations and temporary jobs. Finally, the case studies on Italy and Spain demonstrate that the relative size of the migrant population is related to the typology of agricultural land use and to the labour intensity and seasonality of cultivation. • Immigrants in rural areas tend to fare worse compared to the local population and to migrants living in cities and towns. • In the agricultural sector, migrant workers have steadily increased their share of total employment over time. • Migrants are more likely to work in elementary occupations, to be employees, and to have temporary forms of recruitment than locals. • In Italy and Spain migrants in rural areas tend settle where intensive agricultural production, a high degree of temporary employment prevails. • Quantitative analyses based on official stastistics face challenges in terms of under-representing the real number of migrants in agriculture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pandemic-induced border lockdowns in the spring of 2020 severely disrupted the migrant-labour supply in Western EU economies. This disruption of the EU border regime took place for different, even opposite reasons than the so-called 'crisis' of 2015, which is also known as the 'long summer' of migration. Indeed, where the latter originated from migrants' massive appropriation of mobility, the disruption of 2020 resulted from state-imposed restrictions on mobility. However, by comparatively analysing two models of work organisation in the agro-industrial sector, characterised by a strong reliance on mobile labour and thus particularly affected by the border lockdowns of 2020 (harvest of crops in Italy and meat processing in the Netherlands), I argue that states' response to the disruption of border regime in 2020 relied on a pre-existing logistical approach in migration management, adopted in the aftermath of 2015. More specifically, during the pandemic the ethical minimalism intrinsic in the logistical approach allowed a decoupling of migrant workers' right to mobility, on one hand, and social and economic rights, on the other, thus resulting in increased discipline in the workplace, exposure to infections, exploitation, and dependency on the employer, to which migrant workers opposed more or less visible forms of resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines cinematic portrayals of immigrant integration in Naples, Italy particularly through documentaries. It emphasizes the complexity of the integration process, exploring emotional dimensions and challenges faced by immigrants in a dynamic societal landscape. It highlights the role of select films in capturing diverse narratives, shedding light on the struggles and cultural clashes experienced by migrants.

Copyright of Security Strategies Journal / Güvenlik Stratejileri Dergisi is the property of Strategic Research Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background: The study of the timing of migration is fundamental to the understanding of the ecology of many bird species and their response to climate change, and it has important conservation and management implications e.g., for assessing the hunting seasons according to the EU Directive 2009/147/EC (Birds Directive). Methods: We developed a new method for the analysis of ringing data (both first capture and re-encounters) and citizen science observations, to assess the timing of pre- and post-nuptial migration of birds. This method was tested on the Song Thrush Turdus philomelos, using i) the Bird Ringing Database hosted by the ISPRA Italian Ringing Centre from the whole Italian peninsula, the three closest large islands (Sicily, Sardinia and Corsica), and Canton Ticino (Switzerland) and ii) the eBird data for the same study area. Results: The results from both datasets consistently showed that pre-nuptial migration starts during the first 10-day period of January (Jan 1) in some central and southern areas of the Italian peninsula, in central Sicily, southern Sardinia, and Corsica. The onset of migration occurs on Jan 2 in the rest of central and southern Italy, Sicily and Sardinia, and western Liguria, while it starts later in the north-eastern Alps, up to Mar 3. The end of post-nuptial migration is more synchronous, occurring on Nov 1 across most of Italy, slightly earlier (Oct 3) in northern Italy and later (Nov 2) in Sicily. The uncertainty of the estimated dates was < 2 days in most cases. Conclusion: This method represents a novel and valuable tool for the analyses of the timing of migration using ringing and citizen science data and provides an important contribution to the Key Concepts Document of the EU Birds Directive, where migration timings are considered and used to define the hunting period of birds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on insights from scholarship on contentious action frames, this article examines the framing of demands for social justice for migrant farmworkers in Spain, Italy and Canada during the COVID-19 pandemic. We focus particularly on how activists in each country aligned their action frames with prevalent public discourses on the essential contribution migrants make to agricultural production, the need to guarantee "health for all," and "increased vulnerability" of migrants' lives during the global health crisis. Using these diagnostic frames, activists in the three countries called for secure legal status for all migrants. Drawing on the literature on contentious action frames, we then analyze if action frames advanced by activists during the COVID-19 pandemic "resonated" with the understanding of these issues by policymakers. We challenge an approach to understanding resonance in binary terms as either present or absent. Instead, we introduce the notion of "ambivalent resonance" to draw attention to the fact that some frames are accepted only partially or only by some policymakers but not the others, as was the case in the three countries under study. We then situate this ambivalent resonance in the context of immigration priorities and recent trends in immigration policy development in these three countries and suggest that activists can build on ambivalences to advance migrant rights to status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Communication and migration are a duality involving both manifest and latent actions of individuals in societies that are imbued with multiple cultures. This article investigates the effects of this duality on cultural changes, specifically on the language used by the media to represent migration. We will examine the situation before and after several "milestone" laws or agreements that have marked the political and social context of migration in Italy over the past few years. Through an analysis of the language used, we aim to determine whether and how the media (specifically, the newspaper La Repubblica) has modified its representation of migration and the aspects that pertain to issues of general interest associated with this phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Psychosis rates are higher among some migrant groups. We hypothesized that psychosis in migrants is associated with cumulative social disadvantage during different phases of migration. Methods: We used data from the EUropean Network of National Schizophrenia Networks studying Gene-Environment Interactions (EU-GEI) case–control study. We defined a set of three indicators of social disadvantage for each phase: pre-migration, migration and post-migration. We examined whether social disadvantage in the pre- and post-migration phases, migration adversities, and mismatch between achievements and expectations differed between first-generation migrants with first-episode psychosis and healthy first-generation migrants, and tested whether this accounted for differences in odds of psychosis in multivariable logistic regression models. Results: In total, 249 cases and 219 controls were assessed. Pre-migration (OR 1.61, 95% CI 1.06–2.44, p = 0.027) and post-migration social disadvantages (OR 1.89, 95% CI 1.02–3.51, p = 0.044), along with expectations/achievements mismatch (OR 1.14, 95% CI 1.03–1.26, p = 0.014) were all significantly associated with psychosis. Migration adversities (OR 1.18, 95% CI 0.672–2.06, p = 0.568) were not significantly related to the outcome. Finally, we found a dose–response effect between the number of adversities across all phases and odds of psychosis (⩾6: OR 14.09, 95% CI 2.06–96.47, p = 0.007). Conclusions: The cumulative effect of social disadvantages before, during and after migration was associated with increased odds of psychosis in migrants, independently of ethnicity or length of stay in the country of arrival. Public health initiatives that address the social disadvantages that many migrants face during the whole migration process and post-migration psychological support may reduce the excess of psychosis in migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration is one of the important issues that influence attitudes toward the EU. It is unclear, however, what causal mechanisms explain this link. Is the causal mechanism rooted in identity the only causal mechanism involved? Or do other causal mechanisms play a role as well? In an analysis of data from an original framing experiment conducted in Germany, Italy, and Czechia, I find that in Italy, exposure to information about negative consequences of immigration leads to more negative attitudes to the EU. This effect happens via causal mechanisms rooted in economic concerns and national politics rather than via the identity mechanism. In Germany and Czechia, the analysis finds no systematic relationship. Overall, this study shows that receiving information about negative consequences of immigration is related to attitudes toward the EU to a lesser degree and via different causal mechanisms than existing literature would have us expect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The spatial concentration of immigrants across and within European countries is highly heterogeneous, tending to reinforce the internal spatial disparities within EU Member States and regions. Although European regional data show that the highest levels of foreign‐born population concentration correspond to those NUTS2 regions that contain a large city or metropolitan area, there are other place‐based determinants that might explain their attractiveness to immigrants. Using a comprehensive database at NUTS2 (regional) and LAU2 (local) levels for three large European countries in terms of immigrant population (Italy, Spain, and France), comparable results show how the relevance of these determinants depends on the country under analysis and the spatial unit chosen. This provides challenges for the design of a common future European policy addressing the unresolved demographic issues. Understanding the main regional and local factors of attraction to foreign‐born population within countries is crucial to explain the present spatial concentration patterns and anticipate future migration flows, especially in a context where immigrants are the fastest‐growing population group in those European countries. Nevertheless, there might be a trade‐off between the foreign‐born population alleviating the territorial ageing and depopulation issues and the search for spatial justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The formation of the 'yellow-green' government that took office in Italy after the general election held on 4 March 2018 looked puzzling to many commentators as the two coalition partners – the Five Star Movement and the League – appeared to be quite distant on the left–right continuum. In this article, we argue that despite being widely used in the literature, a unidimensional representation of parties' policy positions on the encompassing left–right scale is inadequate to explain the process of coalition governments' formation. We focus first on coalition outcomes in Italy in the period 2001–18. Our statistical analysis including, among other variables, parties' policy distance on the left–right dimension performs rather well until 2013 but fails to predict the coalition outcome in 2018. To solve the puzzle, we propose a two-dimensional spatial account of the Conte I government formation in which the first dimension coincides with the economic left–right and the second one is related to immigration, the European Union issues and social conservatism. We show that the coalition outcome ceases to be poorly understandable once parties' policy positions are measured along these two dimensions, rather than on the general left–right continuum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scientific ideas on the human population tend to be rooted in a "slow demography" paradigm, which emphasizes an inertial, predictable, self‐contained view of population dynamics, mostly dependent on fertility and mortality. Yet, demography can also move fast. At the country level, it is crucial to empirically assess how fast demography moves by taking migratory movements into account, in addition to fertility and mortality. We discuss these ideas and present new estimates of the speed of population change, that is, country‐level population turnover rates, as well as the share of turnover due to migration, for all countries in the world with available data between 1990 and 2020. Population turnover is inversely related to population size and development, and migratory movements tend to become important factors in shaping demography for both small and highly developed countries. Longitudinally, we analyze annual turnover data for Italy and Germany, documenting the changing speed of population change over time and its determinants. Accepting the "fast and slow" demography perspective has several implications for science and policy, which we discuss. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Marmara: Journal of European Studies / Avrupa Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Marmara University, European Union Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Modern Italian Studies is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)