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Since all policies address problems, they necessarily include implicit or explicit constructions of these problems. This paper explores how child maltreatment has been constructed in New Zealand's child protection policies. It questions the underlying assumptions of this problem construction and seeks to shed light on what has been omitted. Utilizing a qualitative content analysis of eight key policy documents, this study reveals the construction of child maltreatment has been dominated primarily by a child-centric, risk-focused approach. This approach assigns blame and shifts responsibilities onto parents and families. In addition, the vulnerability discourse and social investment approach underpinning this perspective have allowed important structural factors, such as poverty and inequality, to remain unaddressed. This paper also highlights the one-dimensional focus on the lower social class to control future liabilities. We suggest that the harm inflicted by corporations on children's well-being is another form of child exploitation currently omitted from the problem construction. We suggest that child abuse should be defined and understood in policy as harm to children's well-being and argue that the state should prevent and mitigate harm by addressing structural forces of the problem as well as protecting children against corporate harms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

INTRODUCTION: Reproductive justice in Aotearoa must be centred in Indigenous reproductive justice, challenging social and government systems that seek to maintain control of wāhine Māori¹ bodies in contradiction to our role as "he whare takata"², the house of humanity. This paper seeks to answer the question: What is the relationship between Indigenous women's reproductive justice rights and child removal in the Aotearoa New Zealand child protection system? APPROACH: Through centring our atua wāhine pūrākau knowledge, I look at the shift from wāhine as the holders of whakapapa³, through birthing practices and knowledge keepers, to the focus of the Aotearoa4 colonial project where women and children are controlled and punished. This article is a reflective, historical and contemporary analysis of complicit social work and settler state intervention on Māori bodies, with particular focus on wāhine and the child protection system. CONTRIBUTION: The article draws on the research and knowledge collected by wāhine researchers in the last 30 years, alongside my doctoral study locating Kāi Tahu wāhine narratives, post-child-protection system. Attention is paid to the colonial agenda which started prior to Te Tiriti o Waitangi (te Tiriti) in the clearly scripted story that usurped wāhine and continues today in multiple forms, including the child-protection system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social work aspires to empowerment ideals, including taking a 'non-expert' position of professional curiosity, and validating the perspectives of people in contact with services. Yet in child protection, social workers are involved in practice that refutes the views and opinions of people and are positioned by their role as an identifier of abuse and risk manager. Social workers and people who are subject to child protection services can be locked into meaning battles regarding the effect of parental behaviour and the representation of risks to children. These negotiations over meanings are especially difficult in the pre and perinatal period, where who controls the representation of the baby's voice or best interests is fundamental to decision outcomes. Using Fricker's concept of 'testimonial injustice' as an analytical lens, this article draws on studies in two different contexts: Aotearoa New Zealand and Scotland, to examine the implications of the intense mediation of meanings that affect child protection practice. We find that concepts relating to the importance of mothering, love for children, and extended family relationships were sources of mother's disagreements with professional views of risk, but that through qualified agreement or advocacy from community workers, a shared risk narrative could be constructed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: Violence within families is a complex problem which significantly impacts health and wellbeing. Despite the ubiquitous call for integrated family violence service delivery, integrated approaches vary significantly and challenges to implementation remain. This scoping review explored how integrated approaches to family violence service delivery are conceptualised within international and Aotearoa New Zealand literature. Methods: Following a documented scoping review process identified from literature, dynamic interplay between system agents within integrated family violence service delivery were mapped with the assistance of a complexity theory lens. We analysed characteristics of included studies, agents involved, how they interacted and the methods and mechanisms of integration among them. Results: Seventy-two published reports were included. The most common interactions occurred between statutory agencies such as police and child protection. While health care service providers were included within 55 studies, their engagement was often peripheral. Qualitative analysis elucidated three broad pathways to service delivery impact underpinned by systems-centred, person-centred, or Indigenous-centred worldviews. Discussion and Conclusion: Integrated approaches to family violence service delivery are highly variable. Despite a strong assumption that integration leads to improved safety, health, and wellbeing for care-seekers, most studies did not include evidence of such impact. Consideration of how worldviews characterise service provision provides insight into why integration has proven challenging over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: This study aims to provide an overview of the association between being in the custody of the chief executive of Oranga Tamariki (the child welfare agency of the New Zealand (NZ) government) and all‐cause hospitalisation and mortality. Methods: This was a national retrospective cohort study using linked administrative data from the Integrated Data Infrastructure. Data were obtained for all 0–17 year‐olds living in NZ on 31 December 2013. In‐care status was ascertained at this point. Outcomes of all‐cause hospitalisation and all‐cause mortality were assessed between 1 January 2014 and 31 December 2018. Adjusted models incorporated age, sex, ethnicity, level of socioeconomic deprivation and rural/urban status. Results: There were 4650 in‐care children and 1 009 377 not‐in‐care children in NZ on 31 December 2013. Of those in care, 54% were male, 42% lived in the most deprived areas and 63% identified as Māori. Adjusted models showed that in‐care children were 1.32 (95% CI 1.27–1.38) times more likely to be hospitalised than not‐in‐care children and 3.64 (95% CI 2.47–5.40) times more likely to die. Conclusion: This cohort study highlights that the care and protection system prior to 2018 was not preventing children in its care from experiencing severe adverse outcomes. Overseas research has previously been relied on when making practice and policy decisions around child care and protection in NZ, so this research will provide valuable insight into best practice in an NZ context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is now firmly established that the overrepresentation of tamariki Māori within the Aotearoa New Zealand child protection system is largely a consequence of colonisation. However, at least as far as the Crown is concerned, the contention that decolonisation is a necessary step in reversing those trends remains a more controversial issue. Drawing on my doctoral research into this topic, this article argues that the child protection system must be decolonised, and that efforts towards reform which do not prioritise decolonisation are likely to perpetuate long-standing harms. The article has four goals. First, I examine why decolonisation provides the best framework through which to enact child protection system reform. Secondly, I identify three overarching themes within the current legal framework, but argue that the presence of these themes does not mean they are all given equal weight. Thirdly, I outline a theory of reform I have termed "kaupapa Māori legal theory", which seeks to enable legislative change based on tikanga Māori in a way which pays heed to the risks of doing so from a Māori perspective. Finally, I apply that theory to child protection law, identifying six tikanga principles which could provide the basis of a decolonised system: mana, rangatiratanga, wānanga, whānau, whakapapa and whanaungatanga. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The New Zealand state developed from a treaty between the British Crown and hapū (sub-tribes) in 1840. The te Reo (Māori language) text and the English version of the agreement are fundamentally different. Breaches of this treaty and tension over how the political relationship between Māori and the Crown should proceed are ongoing. In 2019, the Cabinet Office issued a Circular instructing bureaucratic advisers of the questions they should address when providing advice to ministers on the agreement's contemporary application. In this article, we use Critical Tiriti Analysis (CTA) – an analytical framework applied to public policies – to suggest additional and alternative questions to inform bureaucratic advice. The article defines CTA in detail and shows how using it in this way could protect Māori rights to tino rangatiratanga (a sovereignty and authority that is not subservient to others) and substantive engagement, as citizens, in the formation of public policy. This article's central argument is that the Circular reflects an important evolution in government policy thought. However, in showing how the Circular privileges the English version (the Treaty of Waitangi) over the Māori text (Te Tiriti o Waitangi), the article demonstrates how Māori political authority remains subservient to the Crown in ways that Te Tiriti did not intend. We show through the conceptual illustration of the care and protection of Māori children, despite the significant evolution in government thought that it represents, these rights are not fully protected by the Circular. This is significant because it was Te Tiriti, with its protection of extant Māori authority and sovereignty, that was signed by all but 39 of the more than 500 chiefs who agreed to the British Crown establishing government over their own people, but who did not agree to the colonial relationship which may be read into the English version. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An increasing concern of families caring for children living with disabilities is related to planning for their future care. This qualitative study explores how the country contexts shape the plans for future care provision of Korean parents in New Zealand and Korea. Data were collected using semi-structured interviews with parents (n = 18) and professionals (n = 18). The study revealed that there are differences and similarities regarding the social reality of future care planning among Koreans in different national contexts. Recommendations are made In support of future care planning process taking its place as a conventional phase of care provision for people living with disabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]