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This paper reviews the literature on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which has the factors that directly influence the transport and logistics. The relevant literature has been collected systematically since the BRI was initiated in 2013. We adopt a content analysis methodology involving a four-step process. It can be found that firstly, more and more papers on the BRI have been published these years and the influence of BRI on transport and logistics can be summarized into three main perspectives, namely, the changes of the politics & policy, the changes of the environmental dimensions, the direct influence on transport and logistics; secondly, the topics and adopted methodology have been summarized, and it can be found that the percentage papers using quantitative analysis increases over the years; thirdly, percentage of papers with optimistic attitude on the BRI has been increasing since 2013 and compared with authors with affiliations in China, authors with non-Chinese affiliations are more likely to show pessimistic attitudes; fourthly, the research gaps have been summarized, which illustrates future research direction or topics and can promote the studies on transport and logistics considering the influence of the BRI and provides theoretical basis for BRI's development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An emerging discourse contends that China has become a willing collaborator for digital technology abuse through substantial investments in Africa’s digital infrastructure, thus leaving digital power at the discretion of unstable African governments. However, it is unclear whether Chinese companies are willing collaborators with autocratic regimes in advancing China’s model of digital authoritarianism in the African continent. Despite the need to better understand the changing dynamics of China’s role in aiding authoritarian regimes through digital technologies, research that responds to these concerns remains empirically understudied and under-conceptualised. The central question this paper addresses is: How does China’s model of digital authoritarianism affect autocratic politics and the trajectory of authoritarian regimes in Africa? The article’s primary objective is to investigate allegations that China is promoting its internet model, which includes censorship and restrictions, through digital investments in African countries. A related aim is to examine how African governments have abused their digital infrastructure to undermine their electoral processes and roll back democratic gains made since the early 1990s. In grappling with these concerns, part of this paper’s contribution is to explore critical practices and meanings of power that appear to have produced trajectories towards digital authoritarianism in Africa. The paper’s main departure point is the proposition that democratic rollbacks can be only partially understood by tracing China’s digital footprints on the continent. The article finds proliferating discourses that China is exporting an authoritarian digital authoritarianism model to Africa misleading. Instead, the evidence suggests that African autocracies are exploiting the adoption of China’s model of the internet to roll back democratic gains through surveillance and censorship of civil liberties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) on China's political influence in international affairs, as mediated by Chinese economic integration with the BRI countries. We propose that the BRI plays a role in influencing partner countries to support China's presence in the international community, and the economic integration of the BRI positively mediates the willingness of partner countries to align with China in international affairs. This paper uses panel data from 147 BRI countries collected between 2009 and 2020, and the difference-in-differences method, to estimate the political influence of the BRI. The results suggest that the BRI motivates partner countries to support the growth of China's influence in international affairs. The results of the causal mechanism analysis indicate that a significant and positive association between the implementation of the BRI and China's influence is mediated by promoting Chinese contracts, trade overseas, and outward FDI. The examinations of heterogeneity demonstrate that BRI countries that are developing, non-landlocked, non-neighboring, having signed the memorandum of understanding or cooperation memorandum of understanding, or lacking a Chinese investment guide are more likely to support China's political presence. This paper concludes with insights into how China implements the BRI to enhance its political ascent in the global order by facilitating economic integration of the BRI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Carrying out low-carbon economic cooperation under the belt and road initiative (BRI) is an important measure to actively respond to climate change and maintain global ecological security. With the continuous development of national strength, the Chinese government should actively fulfill environmental responsibility in the BRI economic cooperation. Existing studies have pointed out that the Chinese government can promote low-carbon economic cooperation in BRI through outward foreign direct investment (OFDI), and emphasized the significance of the Chinese government's participation. However, they have not revealed the relationship between China's environmental responsibility and the construction of a green BRI. To fill this gap, this paper analyzes the strategic choices and relevant influencing factors of the Chinese government, governments of countries along the BRI, and Chinese OFDI enterprises in the BRI low-carbon economic cooperation. Through parameter assignment and simulation, this paper draws the following conclusions: (1) The Chinese government should decide whether to take the initiative to fulfill environmental responsibility according to the economic development level of countries along the BRI; (2) The Chinese government fulfilling environmental responsibility is positive and effective for the responsible investment of Chinese OFDI enterprises; (3) The Chinese government fulfilling environmental responsibility can enhance the initiative of countries along the BRI to positive governance, but this enhancement is not last. More importantly, the environmental responsibility of the Chinese government is not simply to provide subsidies to countries along the BRI. Various measures must be taken by the Chinese government to fulfill its environmental responsibility in the BRI economic cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China announced a shift towards green infrastructure, green investment and green financing at the 2019 Second Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation in response to criticisms of the negative environmental impact of some earlier BRI infrastructure projects. The objective of this paper is to explore whether there has been a shift in Malaysia towards the new green-aspired goals of the BRI in terms of green governance and projects. The key findings of this paper suggest that there is no discernible shift to green projects as nongreen investments are also accepted. Malaysia has requirements for green governance, but implementation can be an issue. Host economies, like Malaysia, must take ownership of green requirements for there to be a sustained shift towards green governance. Likewise, China’s investments have to comply with local laws, which can improve the environmental impact when local laws and regulations are judiciously implemented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper aims to determine the types of legal mechanisms that authorities can use to recover stolen assets for and from China. Design/methodology/approach: Newspaper articles and books are examined as are relevant reports by various regulatory authorities and academic institutions. Findings: The effectiveness of legal mechanisms in the recovery of stolen assets may be affected by issues such as the difficulties in tracing illicit funds, the ambiguous nature of "value" as well as the rise in technology. Research limitations/implications: There are limited data available in relation to the prevalence of corrupt officials along the Belt and Road Initiative and the statistical success in the recovery of stolen assets. Any discussions within this paper are based on the impressionistic observations of this author, which may not reflect the true state of affairs of the Belt and Road Initiative. Practical implications: Those who are interested in examining how authorities could recover stolen assets from and for China will have an interest in this topic. Originality/value: The value of the paper is to demonstrate the difficulties in recovering stolen assets for and from China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ever since Beijing has launched its grand transcontinental Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), President Xi's key foreign economic plan has ignited interest of policymakers and academia alike. This paper explores that under the BRI framework, China has invested billions of dollars in infrastructurebuilding in diverse regions across the globe, including South Asia where Beijing has expanded its footprints by implementing projects in various sectors. India, being wary of Chinese ambitions and intentions, has declined to join the venture as it has reservations over Xi's 'project of the century'. In response, India has come up with various initiatives to counter the growing role of Beijing in South Asia and beyond. Key Indian initiatives are examined aimed at rivalling China. For enhancing regional integration and connectivity, India, in partnership with Japan, has launched Asia-Africa Growth Corridor (AAGC). International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) is another such venture to dwarf the Chinese BRI. In collaboration with the Group of 20 (G20), New Delhi unveiled another connectivity initiative -- India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC) as an alternative to the BRI. The paper concludes that although India is eager to compete with China, it does not have enough resources to match China's regarding investing and implementing mega infrastructure projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To achieve the goals of the Polar Silk Road strategy and boost Northeast China's economy, China should focus on economic and trade cooperation in the Japanese Sea. Despite not being a coastal State, China can still expand its navigation rights and interests within the region. The Japanese Sea has not been fully utilized by China due to its lack of direct access, and the surrounding States' unstable political conditions have hindered long-term economic development arrangements. This paper proposes that China should develop its right of access to the Japanese Sea through the Tumen Region and assert the navigation rights and interests of third States. China can use current agreements and international law principles to uphold its right of access to the Japanese Sea through the Tumen River. It can also invest in overseas ports and improve transportation networks to implement the strategy of "accessing the sea through harbors of other States." Furthermore, China can strengthen its presence and use of shipping routes in the Japanese Sea by strengthening regional trade routes, connecting shipping routes with the Arctic, and expanding the abroad shipping of domestic goods. Moreover, this paper suggests that China should analyze the navigation rights and interests of third States in the territorial sea, exclusive economic zones, and straits surrounding the Japanese Sea to develop its sea routes. By doing so, China can realize its goals of the Polar Silk Road strategy and revitalize Northeast China's economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to the recently rising number of academic papers that empirically examine local variances in China's Belt and Initiative (BRI) projects in various foreign lands, this paper points out the tension between attempts to theorize BRI projects. The Sino-localized approach and the assemblage theory were the two main attempts used by scholars from disparate academic disciplines to conceptualize local agency and to understand how local conditionalities, practices, and norms may affect the outcome of BRI projects. We need to examine their differences and similarities, and determine whether they are really irreconcilable. In addition, how their ontological differences lead to epistemological, methodological and analytical differences in studying BRI projects should be clarified as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The world had to suffer the implications of Kindleberger Trap in post-World War I due to the vacuum created at the international level to provide global public goods by the then superpowers - Great Britain and the US. The exact implications could be faced by the rest of the world in the 21st century. Today, China aspires to become a global leader; thus, it must avoid the Kindleberger Trap, which can cause inferences for its stability. For this purpose, the state must provide the world with global public goods as a responsibility. The US had this responsibility until the Trump administration enacted the policy of isolation, just like the post-World War I era. This policy of the US administration created a gap at the international level that China wants to fill as a global power. This paper, therefore, examines the implications of the Kindleberger Trap on China, particularly after the initiation of China's Belt and Road Initiative. Meta-geopolitics is used as a framework to highlight areas of China's strength along with rooms that can cause a setback for China's stability at the national and international levels. This paper also analyses the domestic policies of China and how to avoid the Kindleberger Trap. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new world order has been instrumental in determining and promoting multilateralism, and as a result, the world has undergone several transformations in the past few decades. Amidst heightened US-China tension, President Biden unveiled the Build Back Better World (B3W) project during the 2021-G7 meeting. The following year it was re-branded as the Partnership for Global Infrastructure and Investment. While it has not been explicitly stated, B3W aims to counter China's multi-billion Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Understanding B3W vs. BRI debate is important for countries, especially those in the Middle East who already perform a balancing act between the US and China. This paper assesses B3W vs. BRI debate with particular reference to the Middle East. After evaluating the contradictions and complementarities between the two projects, this paper concludes that B3W will only benefit Middle Eastern countries if it aligns with BRI, where strategic objectives and interests make parallel, such as in the avenues of cyber innovation and economic development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Chinese Communist Party and its supporters are increasingly using social media platforms to shape China's public image. This online image is a means of strengthening domestic nationalism and of projecting "soft power" abroad. This paper examines various forms of anti-Westernism that are central to this image-making. It analyzes several recent topics—the Belt and Road Initiative, climate change, the COVID-19 vaccine, the Beijing Olympics, and the conflict in Ukraine—on the r/Sino subreddit page of Reddit and compares them with two online news outlets, the South China Morning Post and China Daily. The paper focuses on how these media frame the contest between a rising China and a failing West, so creating a discourse that competes with the negative portrayals of China outside the country. The paper contrasts the aggressive strengthening of China's image against the West on social media with more sober accounts of the same topics in China's official media and in commercial news outlets. The contribution of the paper is to document an emerging online anti-Westernism that is playing an increasing role in the changing geopolitical landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chinese mammoth investment projects abroad, and especially those under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) umbrella, are receiving heavy scrutiny in academic and policy circles. However, there is insufficient empirical evidence to evaluate their impact. This paper employs a difference- in-differences approach and a pair of new datasets on government spending and economic activity compiled by the World Bank to examine the local impacts of the Chinese-Pakistan Economic Corridor in Pakistan. It finds that the 2013 announcement of CPEC was accompanied by a disproportionate increase in government spending in CPEC districts. However, in the six years after it was first announced, CPEC has not directly contributed a significant increase in economic activity in the districts along its path. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article analyzes the China Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) education policy using a critical policy discourse approach. At the textual level, this paper focuses on policy framing by identifying how diagnostic (problem definition), prognostic (solutions), and motivational (rationales) framings are described in two foundational BRI education policy documents. Next, six additional policy documents are selected to construct a discursive totality to understand how framings are linked to and embedded within the broader discursive practice of policy documents. The interpretations of these framings are viewed through the lens of policy driver, lever, and value. Finally, a macro-sociological analysis aimed at explanatory and normative critique shows that BRI education is embedded in the discourses of national rejuvenation and China's aspirations to become a global leader of an alternative global governance and order. The paper ends with a discussion postulating that the BRI education policy's success depends on various shifting domestic and geopolitical factors, from the growth of the Chinese economy and ideological struggles among the world's major powers to grassroots reception or resistance to Chinese influence in BRI countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasing life expectancy is part of the United Nation's 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development and is a primary indicator of overall quality of life. This paper investigates whether Chinese overseas direct investments into Belt and Road countries have brought about improvement in the life expectancy in these countries, using datasets compiled by non-China sources for the period 2005–2019. This topic has not been addressed in the literature to date. In addition, the generalized method of moments estimation approach used in the study incorporates a novel application of a systematic sequential model specification search which removes the criticism of the flexibility inherent in the method. No significant impact on life expectancy was found from such investments in the Belt and Road countries, which is likely because life expectancy changes slowly, and effects on life expectancy, if present, may only become measurable in years or decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a mega-project of primarily infrastructure-related loans and investments in Pakistan. Recently, the official discourse has increasingly shifted to the agricultural sector. For the region of Gilgit-Baltistan bordering China, academic and policy debates highlight the potential boost of fruit exports to China as the most promising opportunity to be leveraged through the CPEC. This paper scrutinizes these promises from a locally grounded perspective, investigating potential benefits and risks for local farmers. To make sense of the complex interplay between external and local actors, interests, markets and (infra)structures, the paper follows an assemblage-inspired approach to map out local trajectories. Contrary to the CPEC narrative, agricultural exports from Gilgit-Baltistan recently came to a halt, due to increasing trade barriers and seemingly competing agricultural developments in neighboring Xinjiang, China. Moreover, the economically most promising local crop for export to China, namely cherries, does not seem too promising for the majority of small farmers. There are other commodities with export potential, but overall, prospects appear to be limited. There is a need for a deeper engagement with the inherent complexities of CPEC trajectories, particularly in regards to local farming contexts in Pakistan and relevant developments in China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Scholars have been debating the geopolitical importance of the strengthening China-Russia relationship for some time, noting that the relationship does not constitute a full alliance, but still might have great significance for world politics. This paper aims to improve on this scholarship by examining the evolution of China-Russia cooperation as it relates to the future of North Korea, especially in the wake of Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Design, Methodology, Approach: This scholarship represents a methodological advance over most previous discussions of the China-Russia relationship. It embraces the historical development of this relationship, probes structural arrangements in relationship to regional stability, and also draws upon extensive Russian and Chinese language data sets which constitute the material for a “discourse analysis,” to achieve a deeper understanding of this relationship as it pertains to the Korean Peninsula. Findings: Overall, this study documents substantial cooperation between Beijing and Moscow with respect to Korean affairs. While some disagreements between China and Russia do exist in this sphere, the main implication of these developments is the trend toward a hardening of the bipolar structure in Northeast Asia, informed by the growing influence of patriotic and nationalistic elite groups within both China and Russia. However, the study points out a paradox in that this hardening of bipolarity could actually help to stabilize the spiraling tensions that have surrounded North Korea in recent decades. Practical Implications: This paper may help students and policymakers alike in Northeast Asia evaluate the significance of the China-Russia quasi-alliance. Overall, this paper supports the conclusion that the dangers of the China-Russia quasi-alliance need not be exaggerated. Originality Value: This paper is innovative insofar as it gives balanced attention to both China’s and Russia’s discourses and policies toward North Korea and evaluates the influence of Moscow-Beijing’s growing cooperation in the context of the Russia-Ukraine war, as it may impact the future of North Korea and the wider region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The management of international students has become a new challenge that China and most countries in the world must face in the context of the "Belt and Road Initiative" (BRI) and the globalization of higher education. In this paper, we conducted an empirical study on international students in China (ISC) based on a combination of spatial econometric models and analytical methods such as BCG, GeoDetector, and DDCAM, trying to provide a basis for "evidence-based decision-making" by the government in the management of international students and talents. Quantitative analyses revealed significant diversity and spatial effects in the spatio-temporal dynamics of ISCs, with the emergence of star, gazelle, cow, and dog types, suggesting that the scientific management of ISCs requires both local adaptation (spatial differentiation and heterogeneity) and regional collaboration (spatial correlation and autocorrelation). There were many factors affecting the spatio-temporal dynamics of ISCs, and the force of different factors varied considerably, with the key factor more than 0.5 but the auxiliary factor being less than 0.2. Moreover, the factors had significant interaction effects, and a large number of super-interacting factor pairs emerged, with a joint force of more than 0.9, twice the force of a single factor. Generally, the factors had a complex driving mechanism, suggesting that ISC management requires identifying the key and important factors, while attaching emphasis to the synergistic effects among different factors. The recommendation is that China should manage ISCs in spatial zones and introduce differentiated development strategies and policies in different zones. In conclusion, this paper proposes a technical route integrating "dynamic analysis-driving mechanism-policy design" for international students, which is applicable to China, while providing a reference for the management and spatial planning design of international students in other countries in the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Accelerating the formation of a green dual-circulation pattern is an essential strategic choice for China to achieve high-quality development. As a vital link for two-way economic and trade cooperation, the pilot free trade zone (PFTZ) is an important window for promoting green dual-circulation development. From the perspective of green dual-circulation, this paper attempts to construct a comprehensive index system of green dual-circulation by entropy weight method based on Chinese provincial panel data from 2007 to 2020 and uses the Propensity Score Matching–Difference in Differences method to test the policy impact of PFTZ building on regional green dual-circulation. The empirical results show that: (1) the establishment of PFTZs significantly promotes regional green dual-circulation development by 3%-4%. This policy effect has a strong positive impact on the eastern regions; (2) PFTZs can improve regional green dual circulation through the effect of green finance, technological progress, and the agglomeration of innovative talents. The mediating effect of green finance and technological progress is more pronounced; (3) The promotion effect of PFTZs is primarily due to the local green circulation effect, with no significant effects on the surrounding areas; and (4) There is a positive policy linkage effect between PFTZs and the Belt and Road Initiative. This study creates the analytical perspective and empirical support for assessing the policy impact of PFTZs and provides management insights for PFTZ policymakers in promoting green dual-circulation development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China has become a recent rising power in global development cooperation in the past few years. This paper examines how the Global North, as represented by Japan, responds to the rising of the Global South, as represented by China, in infrastructure support. This paper positions itself in the context of Global‐North/South and triangular cooperation to compare Japan's Partnership for Quality Infrastructure with China's Belt and Road Initiative from the dimensions of policy rhetoric, finance mechanism, environmental sustainability and rule of law. This paper draws the conclusion on whether the North–South competition enhances the quality and sustainability of those initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a Chinese solution to build a community of human destiny, Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) has shown China's international responsibility by promoting its green development. Based on the annual panel data of Chinese cities from 2004 to 2018, this paper systematically explores the effect of BRI on the Green Total Factor Productivity (GTFP) of cities along its domestic route using the difference-in-differences (DID) method. The results of the study show that (1) BRI significantly increases the GTFP of cities along its domestic route, and this finding holds after excluding a series of robustness tests such as endogeneity issues and other policy disturbances. (2) BRI promotes the growth of GTFP in the region mainly through improving science and technology innovation, increasing foreign direct investment and enhancing trade cooperation. (3) From the perspective of heterogeneity, the promotion effect of BRI on the GTFP of inland cities along the route is much higher than that of coastal cities, and cities along the route with stronger environmental concerns have a more significant enhancement effect. (4) Based on the policy context and the undertaking of role functions, there is a significant positive linkage effect between BRI Initiative and the Free Trade Zone (FTZ) construction in promoting GTFP growth. (5) From a spatial perspective, BRI has not only increased the GTFP of cities along the route, but also radiated the growth of GTFP in neighboring cities along the route. The conclusion of this paper provides a policy reference and theoretical basis for further building the green "Belt and Road" and promoting the sustainable development of China's economy and high-quality transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Implicit government guarantee results in financing convenience and distorting corporate investment. The effects on MCB's credit spread and corporate investment are studied in this paper based on China's bond market from 2010 to 2020. The implicit government guarantee lies in MCBs whose financing costs are significantly lower than those of POEs. The inefficiency of corporate investment also exists in MCBs with investment reductions. But this inefficiency has been corrected by China's recent major national strategy, the Belt and Road Initiative. We provide direct evidence from three perspectives, provinces along BRI routes, city-level features of China-Europe Railway Express and bond-level funding purposes. This paper reveals that implicit government guarantee could only reduce the funding cost, while major national strategy is helpful to promote corporate investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the socio-economic and geopolitical outcomes associated with infrastructure development across multiple scales. Starting from the premise that planetary socio-technical transformations in this vein have distinctly national drivers, we focus on the urban agency of Chinese-led investment. The paper explores how different forms of infrastructural development generated by the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) affects transformations in the political and material fabric of cities and their host regions. We approach BRI-related infrastructural practice through three interconnected optics – discourse, instruments, and politics – so as to interrogate the articulation of projects linked to the BRI within the material site of the urban. Based on theorisations of infrastructure from an urban perspective and a critical review of literature on the BRI itself, we develop three illustrative case studies at different spatial scales and within different geographic contexts – in Pakistan, Central Europe and the UK. To examine the cases as well as their embeddedness in broader debates on the topic, we use a systematic review methodology relying on a wide variety of sources. We offer comparative and relational perspectives on the manner in which these relatively diverse cases demonstrate China's role as a global urban actor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the Belt and Road Initiative adopted by the Chinese government for infrastructure development and global investment. A literature review was conducted using the perspective of China's foreign policy as a basis for analysis. The literature used included books, journals, electronic media, and official statements of Chinese officials with qualitative and quantitative data. In this paper, the author reveals the impact of this pandemic on the factors that influence China's foreign policy and, more specifically, the Belt and Road Initiative policy. This paper concludes that the Belt and Road Initiative has shown strong resilience and vitality in the face of the pandemic. Related projects are constantly advancing, and the associated cooperation has led to many benefits, which have become a bright spot in the haze of the pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's "the Belt and Road Initiative" (BRI) is a top-level cooperation initiative among countries proposed by China, which has promoted China's cooperation with relevant countries in various aspects and fields. Research reports from think tanks and experts on the evaluation, analysis, and research conclusions of the BRI can reflect the stance, opinions, and demands of various countries abroad regarding the initiative. This paper takes the BRI reports of important think tanks in the " Global Go To Think Tank Index Report 2020" as the subject of its research, and analyzes the key points and development trends of foreign think tank research on the BRI by using text mining, topic evolution, and social network analysis. It provides reasonable suggestions and ideas for promoting the construction of the BRI and deepening related cooperation in China. Research shows that the thematic distribution of research reports on the BRI by think tanks is mainly focused on the fields of politics, economy, and military. The research areas are relatively stable, and there is not a strong trend of thematic evolution. The evolution paths are also mainly distributed in the fields of politics, economy, and military. There are not many expansions in the thematic evolution directions over the years, and there is a strong inheritance of themes. The connection between research themes and the main purpose of the BRI is somewhat inadequate, indicating a certain limitation in the understanding of the BRI. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reducing the high incidence of corruption in the field of infrastructure investment is a significant research topic. China is committed to advancing the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) as a path of integrity. This paper aims to analyze the effects and mechanisms of institutional improvement induced by China's foreign infrastructure investments. The study employs project data and survey questionnaire data from project locations. We find that China's foreign infrastructure investments can endogenously drive the improvement of property rights systems in the surrounding areas of the projects, with the institutional improvement effects mainly occurring during the project initiation and completion phases, and these effects are long-lasting. Heterogeneity analysis shows that commercialized projects are the core driving force behind the improvement of property rights systems through China's foreign infrastructure investments. Based on this, the paper proposes two suggestions for promoting the construction of the BRI as a path of integrity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

More and more Chinese enterprises have participated in the Belt and Road initiative (BRI) since its launch in 2013. However, have they all actually benefited? Which companies otherwise have benefited most from the plan? To answer these questions, this paper analyzes the impact of the BRI on Chinese enterprises. Among several findings, it reveals that the performance of companies remained low even though the initiative policy initially stimulated performance, the performance of enterprises depends on the geographical location of enterprises and that the returns of China's outward foreign direct investment in various industries became more volatile with only the mining industry enjoying better returns. Thus, the paper shows that the BRI offers Chinese enterprises opportunities but also brings challenges for companies to optimize the allocation of their resources and improve the performance of their investments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the textile trade data of 66 countries along the Belt and Road from 2001 to 2020, this paper uses the social network analysis method to measure the network centrality, uses the block model method to investigate the competitive and complementary relationship of textile trade among countries along the Belt and Road, and uses the QAP method to analyze the structure of textile trade network and its influencing factors. The results show that since the implementation of the "Belt and Road" Initiative, the density of textile trade network has increased significantly, and the network presents an obvious core-edge structure. China has always been in the center of textile trade network. Before and after the "Belt and Road" Initiative is put forward, core countries such as China, India and Thailand changed from internal sector to two-way overflow sector, and textile trade competition existed among core countries. The influencing factors on the textile trade network of countries along the Belt and Road are, in descending order, economic scale, regional trade agreements between countries, population scale, cultural proximity and geographical distance. Based on the research conclusions and combined with the textile trade network pattern of the Belt and Road countries, this paper puts forward relevant policy suggestions to promote high-quality development of textile trade between China and "The Belt and Road" countries from the perspective of social network. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines how Chinese transnational investments, as (re)framed in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), contribute to changes in urbanisation processes in Southeast Asia. On the ground, the BRI becomes contextualised and intersects with local and national development trajectories. The growing presence of Chinese actors in the region intensifies urban dynamics, especially in secondary cities and emerging urban sites, where the BRI is used as a lever for local internationalisation strategies. The heterogeneous nature of the links between the BRI and various large urban projects is demonstrated on the basis of case studies involving changing consortia of private and public Chinese and Southeast Asian actors. A regional approach allows us to identify connections and shared processes across Southeast Asian countries. It provides a historically grounded understanding of how the BRI incorporates long‐term interactions with China and more recent partnerships in Southeast Asian countries. The paper paves the way for a research agenda that contests the image of China as a monolithic actor implementing the BRI uniformly and consistently. Further analyses are needed to examine systems and networks of actors as well as the local urban politics that affect the BRI on the ground. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative, China is deepening its cooperation in oil and gas resources with countries along the Initiative. In order to better mitigate risks and enhance the safety of investments, it is of significant importance to research the oil and gas investment environment in these countries for China's overseas investment macro-layout. This paper proposes an indicator system including 27 indicators from 6 dimensions. On this basis, game theory models combined with global entropy method and analytic hierarchy process are applied to determine the combined weights, and the TOPSIS-GRA model is utilized to assess the risks of oil and gas investment in 76 countries along the Initiative from 2014 to 2021. Finally, the GM (1,1) model is employed to predict risk values for 2022 e2025. In conclusion, oil and gas resources and political factors have the greatest impact on investment environment risk, and 12 countries with greater investment potential are selected through cluster analysis in conjunction with the predicted results. The research findings may provide scientific decisionmaking recommendations for the Chinese government and oil enterprises to strengthen oil and gas investment cooperation with countries along the Belt and Road Initiative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Employing insights provided by the theory of monopolistic markets in economics and Great Power behaviour in the discipline of international relations, this paper aims to provide an alternative understanding of India's refusal to join the BRI beyond the immediate bilateral security, domestic politics, and economic considerations in Sino-Indian relations. We argue that BRI is an effort by China to position itself as the leading firm in the market for international development – a space for long dominated by Western development providers. The paper argues that India's efforts to contest the BRI can be seen as a natural outcome of other rising powers resisting China's efforts to monopolize the development market. In doing so, it provides a template of why rising powers compete with each other in providing developmental aid even when cooperation may create mutual benefits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the portrayal of China in Kazakhstani media, focusing on changes in perceptions before and during the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Through comparative discourse analysis, the research reveals a shift in media narratives from primarily economic and political aspects to a growing emphasis on fostering friendly relations between Kazakhstan and China. The paper also explores how diplomatic relations between the two countries influence media reports about China. Although the findings are specific to Kazakhstan, the study contributes to understanding Central Asian views on China, especially in the context of the BRI and the region's changing geopolitical dynamics. The research suggests a trend toward more positive and neutral coverage of China in Kazakhstani news outlets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The global economy has been adversely affected by the COVID‐19 pandemic, leading to setbacks in development progress. Against this backdrop, donor countries have increased their expenditure on medical aid as part of their foreign assistance. As an emerging donor from the developing world, China has also been actively involved in providing medical assistance to other countries since 2020. This paper intends to investigate and elucidate China's motivation to offer medical aid to other countries amid the COVID‐19 pandemic. To this end, it utilizes a combination of quantitative and qualitative research methods. Specifically, the Tobit model is employed to conduct regression analyses on China's medical assistance during the pandemic. Additionally, two case studies, namely Chinese aid to Pakistan and the Democratic Republic of Congo, are examined to gain insights into the specific motivations driving China's medical aid. The results of this paper indicate that China's motivation for providing medical assistance during COVID‐19 is multifaceted, including self‐interested economic and political‐diplomatic factors rather than purely altruistic motives. Furthermore, the allocation of China's medical aid is significantly influenced by whether the recipient country is involved in the Belt and Road Initiative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a well-acknowledged central economic and diplomatic policy of the Chinese government, which was proposed by President Xi Jinping in 2013. This paper intends to discover the relationship between the public diplomacy narratives of the BRI and its implementation. By using content analysis, this paper analyzes Chinese President Xi's speeches from 2013 to 2020 about the BRI, as well as official statements of the Chinese central government. It identifies the public diplomacy narratives of the BRI: an assemblage of constantly changing policy settings that accommodates various economic and political interests. Also, this paper draws on differences between countries joining the BRI or not, and several case studies to elucidate the implementation of the BRI. Different from repetitive literature that explores either the BRI narratives or its implementation, this paper contributes by combining and comparing the two. Despite positive interpretations of the BRI the Chinese government has adopted, the paper argues that there are no deceptive tricks with skeletons in the closet of the Chinese government, as the BRI public diplomacy narratives are, in general, consistent with its implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new development pattern is a strategic choice to reshape China's new advantages in international cooperation and competition. It is based on China's current development stage, changes in the environment, and other factors. Located deep within China's interior, Xinjiang is a crucial region for the development of the western region and the Belt and Road Initiative. Its agricultural resources are exported to numerous foreign nations. In the context of the new development pattern, this paper first examines the foreign trade issues in Xinjiang. Second, this paper analyzes the current state of Sino-Kazakhstani trade, in particular the current state of trade in agricultural products. In addition, the growth potential of Xinjiang's agricultural international trade is analyzed utilizing the gravity model and fuzzy algorithm. Finally, countermeasures for the mode of development of Xinjiang's international trade are proposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The B&R strategy came into being to promote the free and orderly flow of economic factors, the efficient allocation of resources, and the depth of market integration. Logistics is the artery of element circulation and the basis of the B&R. The logistics capacity of core cities along the R&B will be an essential factor affecting the strategy. In this context, it is of practical significance to measure the logistics capacity of the core cities along the B&R. Since combing domestic and overseas research, this paper first uses clustering analysis to screen out nine core cities along the B&R and then uses fuzzy matter-element analysis to measure their urban logistics capacity and sort them. The results show that the urban logistics capacity in the eastern coastal areas of China is higher than that in northwest and southwest China. The logistics capacity of cities along "The 21st Century Sea Silk Road" is more robust than that of others and through the urban agglomeration could further achieve economies of scale. The logistics capacity of cities along the "Silk Road Economic Zone" should improve the construction of logistics infrastructure and enhance logistics information in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Purpose: This paper aims to determine whether a connection can be formed between corruption, plea-bargaining and civil alternative dispute resolution. Design/methodology/approach: Academic articles and textbooks are examined as are relevant reports by various academic institutions. Findings: Despite the similarities between plea-bargaining and civil alternative dispute resolution, the differences between the two overwhelmingly supersede their similarities. As such, there is unlikely to be an interplay between corruption, criminal plea-bargaining and civil alternative dispute resolution. Research limitations/implications: There are limited data available in relation to the prevalence of corruption activities by Chinese officials within the Belt and Road Initiative. Any discussions within this study is based on the impressionistic observations of the author, which may not reflect the true state of affairs in China. Practical implications: Those who are interested in examining the relationship between the criminal plea-bargaining and civil alternative dispute resolution will have an interest in this topic. Originality/value: The value of the paper is to demonstrate the difficulties in cross-fertilizing criminal law procedures with civil dispute resolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of China and the introduction of the Belt and Road Initiative have intensified regional great power competition. Seemingly, China and Japan have been competing over the export of infrastructure projects and access to the Southeast Asian market. Against this backdrop, this paper sheds light on recipient states' agency. Specifically, this paper explores how Indonesia has responded to Sino-Japanese competition through the perspective of economic hedging. In the realm of domestic railway development and the need to establish connectivity on Java, why did the Indonesian government decide to work with China to develop the Jakarta-Bandung High-speed Rail project and Japan on the North Java Upgrading Line, as the two lines are not interoperable? Railway policy in Indonesia is strategic and pragmatic. On the one hand, Sino-Japanese competition diversifies Indonesia's options as it continues striving to strengthen infrastructure development. On the other hand, the need continually to strike a balance between the two great powers requires skill and flexibility. Therefore, maintaining policy autonomy and accepting economic costs make-up secondary states' responses to great power competition in turbulent times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Macro-level discourses on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) firmly establish China as the sole agent in driving infrastructure development. This article contends that often obscured from view by the discourses on China's dominance are the host country authorities' exercising of agency in infrastructure development under their own jurisdiction. The paper focuses on the actions of the local host country authorities in developing an infrastructure megaproject as a part of the BRI in northern Myanmar's Kachin State. Currently under suspension, the Myitkyina Economic Development Zone (MEDZ, also known as Namjin Industrial Zone) would make an ambitious spatial intervention with wider implications and risks. The paper scrutinizes the 'strategies' by the local authorities in 2019-2020 in their attempts to move the project forward covertly. These include exploiting the project's designation as an economic developing zone to conceal its scale and the inclusion of a major urban development, lack of transparency, and alleged abuse of power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research presents a full picture of the rationale behind China's infrastructure investment under the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which was formally initiated in 2013. In this paper, we argue that the main reason for China to conduct infrastructure investment under BRI is to strategically respond to the emergence of the "New Normal," which pushes the country to sustain economic growth through further structural transformation. We come up with three relevant factors for why infrastructure projects under BRI could be conducive to structural transformation in China's economy, as it (1) provides a much better alternative to the existing poor logistic conditions and can create accessibility among regions, (2) enables the smooth flow of factor endowments of production that significantly reduce production costs, and (3) indirectly strengthens the influence of the debt provider's home currency. This paper also provides three theoretical pillars: the comparative advantage following (CAF) and defying (CAD) development strategies, the late development theory with antineoliberalism characteristics, and the new international division of labor, from which these three factors might potentially explain how BRI could enhance the structural transformation of this second‐largest economy in the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Geopolitical conflicts and power games among major nations present substantial challenges to cross-border trade and global economic development; however, the existing literature has paid limited attention to the role of geopolitical risk in agricultural exports, especially the underlying macroimpact mechanisms from the perspective of agricultural land. This paper utilizes China's agricultural export data spanning 1995–2020 to empirically investigate the influence of geopolitical risk on China's agricultural exports and unveil its specific internal mechanisms. The findings reveal that China's agricultural exports are negatively affected when its trading partners are exposed to geopolitical risk. Notably, trading partners' agricultural land is instrumental in mitigating the adverse effects of geopolitical risk on China's agricultural exports. Moreover, a heterogeneity analysis shows that the impact of geopolitical risk on China's agricultural exports is more significant in non-Belt and Road countries than in Belt and Road countries. Given China's status as one of the world's major agricultural exporting nations, the results of this study hold significant importance in proactively addressing and alleviating the impact of geopolitical risks on both Chinese and global agricultural exports. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Technology is recognised as one of the most important factors in world economic development, particularly contributing to the trade growth of information and communications technology (ICT) products. The decomposition of export growth has been a popular way to analyse how trade has been influenced since 2000. However, there is little investigation regarding the structure of ICT product trading of China, which is the de facto largest trader of ICT goods export and import. This paper contributes to the existing methods with a non-parametric model. The coefficient estimates which functions of their factors represent a dynamic analysis of the factors' influence on decomposed trade growth. The empirical study shows that China's strategy tends to be conservative, as the growth of trade to developed countries mostly came from the volume increase of existing trade lines instead of the increase of trade varieties. Suggestions include that the trade growth could benefit from resource reallocation in ICT industries and the procedure simplification of exporting ICT products. This paper also provides empirical evidence that the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) increased the trading volume and frequency by completing the transportation chain and decreasing the variable trade costs. Furthermore, suggestions are provided on improving the impact on the globalisation of ICT. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China's special economic zones have been hailed as a flagship of her policy on 'opening up' to the outside world, as well as the China-led global Belt and Road Initiative. In this paper, we conceptualize the internationalization of Chinese SEZs, and frame the genealogy and underpinning dynamics of China's international SEZs, both domestically and overseas. The paper critically probes the underlying logics of three parallel international developments of Chinese SEZs: (1) capital-oriented land expansion in the form of international SEZs combining both 'bring in' and 'going out', especially since BRI; (2) different industrial landscapes at various timelines and sites; (3) variegated transnational SEZs governance, bilateral central governments governance, marketized state or entrepreneurship state, or private ventures. We contribute to the SEZ land literature by delivering a novel framework which encompasses variegated internationalization trends among China's vast domestic and overseas SEZs. These internationalization trajectories in turn contour and entrench global variegated capitalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to explore a model of efficient allocation of financial resources in China and other Belt and Road countries to ensure it plays the most effective economic role. In terms of financial resources, this paper uses a fixed effects model to conduct an empirical study of 2006-2019 panel data on the financial resources of Belt and Road countries. The paper finds that the role of financial resources varies from country to country along the Belt and Road. 1) In some regions, increased bank credit is playing a less important role in driving the economy; 2) Securities markets have an important role in promoting economic growth; 3) The insurance industry has great potential for economic development; 4) Foreign direct investment has boosted economic development. Hence we need to face up to the fact that the role of financial resources in economic growth varies from country to country along the Belt and Road, so we need to formulate the corresponding strategies to optimize financial resources and promote the sustainable development of Belt and Road economies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I study why and how China uses green overseas finance in its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to build soft power. I apply Miskimmon et al.'s framework, which postulates that soft power is built on 'signals' and 'action': I study eleven relevant Chinese BRI government and sector‐led signals in green BRI development and analyze Chinese green versus non‐green energy investments as actions. I find that Chinese regulators and financial institutions have provided multiple signals for greening finance in the BRI, while green finance action is insufficient with continued sponsoring of non‐green investments. The paper concludes that green finance is a tool for China to build soft power in the BRI, but it is applied insufficiently due to a lack of green finance action. The paper also finds that insufficient strength of soft power signals can lead to a dichotomy between soft power signals and action with possible negative consequences for soft power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper comprises original research on China's use of bilateral media cooperation to mediate its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Building upon the literature on strategic narratives, aesthetic power and the Silk Road as a foreign policy concept, we present a detailed case study of the visual imagery of the "Silk Road" documentary collaboration between China's and Russia's state-owned international broadcasters, China Radio International and RT (formerly Russia Today). We employ a visual methodology to interrogate the formation and projection of multimodal (visual, textual and oral) narratives about China's infrastructural activities along this metaphorical new "Silk Road". We examine how the Silk Road series gives sense to China's BRI, the relative weighting of Chinese and Russian strategic narratives about the BRI, and how power is distributed in this Chinese-Russian media partnership. Our analysis reveals that in re-packaging visual imagery that applies nostalgia to the history of core places and technologizes their future, the series projects a pre-curated Chinese visual narrative that emplots the BRI as human and cultural development. Russian regional strategic narratives are marginalized. China is applying its aesthetic power to Russian journalists and politicians; RT obtains some commercial benefits, but the Russian state's aesthetic power is ceded to China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Sino-Indian rivalry in Sri Lanka's economic turmoil has significant implications for regional security and India's defense cooperation. Following President Xi's announcement of China's grand strategy, the Belt and Road Initiative, in 2013, China has utilized its infrastructure investment as a typical example of its implementation of soft power diplomacy on a global dimension. This has raised concerns about China's geopolitical ambitions in the Indian Ocean and the potential security threat it poses to India. Using qualitative research methods, this paper analyzes the geo-strategic importance of Sri Lanka in China's ambitions and the political strategies behind economic crises in South Asian countries. The paper evaluates the impact of China's debt-trap diplomacy on India's national security and defense cooperation with Sri Lanka. The findings suggest that Sri Lanka's economic instability has provided China with an opportunity to encircle and contain India in the region, and that India needs to take proactive steps to mitigate this threat. Overall, the paper highlights the importance of understanding the Sino-Indian rivalry in Sri Lanka's economic turmoil for regional security and India's defense cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]