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Copyright of Industrial Relations / Relations Industrielles is the property of Universite Laval, Department of Industrial Relations and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this paper is to analyse institutional change in the Spanish labour market in from a historical perspective, particularly regarding two main areas: labour regulation and collective bargaining. The main thesis is that it is possible to identify four main stages. Firstly, there was an institutional structure unfavourable to workers, which was overcome by the agency of the labour movement in the period of the so-called desarrollismo (1960-1975). Secondly, the years of transition from dictatorship to democracy (1976-1983) were a period of labour market regulation. Thirdly, there was a period of labour market dualism (1984-1996) based on the application of flexibility at the margin in the face of veto power. This was followed by deregulation (1997-2019), which was a consequence of the weakening of power resources resulting from the previous labour market segmentation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature has shown that, much the same as other employers in southern Europe, the Spanish employers' peak association, the Spanish Confederation of Employers' Organisations (CEOE), did not take advantage of the radical legislative deregulation of 2010–2012 and, to the contrary, helped perpetuate the traditional institutions that order the industrial relations system. This article contributes to a better understanding of the underlying reasons that guided the CEOE's behaviour, and also incorporates the Spanish case into the literature on the adaptation of employers' organisations – and how the institutions and path dependence have an influence – in the face of the widespread trends of economic deregulation. Finally, this article provides up-to-date, solid and reliable data on membership of employers' associations in Spain, the lack of which is one of the shortcomings of the literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Primary immune thrombocytopenia (ITP) is a complex autoimmune disease whose hallmark is a deregulation of cellular and humoral immunity leading to increased destruction and reduced production of platelets. The heterogeneity of presentation and clinical course hampers personalized approaches for diagnosis and management. In 2021, the Spanish ITP Group (GEPTI) of the Spanish Society of Hematology and Hemotherapy (SEHH) updated a consensus document that had been launched in 2011. The updated guidelines have been the reference for the diagnosis and management of primary ITP in Spain ever since. Nevertheless, the emergence of new tools and strategies makes it advisable to review them again. For this reason, we have updated the main recommendations appropriately. Our aim is to provide a practical tool to facilitate the integral management of all aspects of primary ITP management. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Simple Summary: Hepsin is a serine protease whose deregulation leads to tumor invasion and metastasis in many tumor types. In colorectal cancer, the role of hepsin is unknown, so we aimed to study the correlations between its expression and clinical-histopathological variables of patients with this cancer. We recruited 169 patients with localized disease and 118 with metastatic cancer at diagnosis, and then, we measured hepsin staining from primary biopsy in order to correlate it with time-to-event variables, laboratory data, genetic alterations, histologic features, etc. Our results demonstrated hepsin was an independent prognosis factor for metastasis and thrombosis in patients with localized disease, whereas among metastatic subjects, lower levels of hepsin were associated with highest tumor dedifferentiation and spread to distant organs. These results point to hepsin as a potential biomarker for considerable complications in patients with colorectal cancer. In addition, this article brings to light new information about the implication of hepsin in colorectal cancer. Hepsin is a type II transmembrane serine protease whose deregulation promotes tumor invasion by proteolysis of the pericellular components. In colorectal cancer, the implication of hepsin is unknown. Consequently, we aimed to study the correlations between hepsin expression and different clinical-histopathological variables in 169 patients with localized colorectal cancer and 118 with metastases. Tissue microarrays were produced from samples at diagnosis of primary tumors and stained with an anti-hepsin antibody. Hepsin expression was correlated with clinical-histopathological variables by using the chi-square and Kruskal–Wallis tests, Kaplan–Meier and Aalen–Johansen estimators, and Cox and Fine and Gray multivariate models. In localized cancer patients, high-intensity hepsin staining was associated with reduced 5-year disease-free survival (p-value = 0.16). Medium and high intensity of hepsin expression versus low expression was associated with an increased risk of metastatic relapse (hazard ratio 2.83, p-value = 0.035 and hazard ratio 3.30, p-value = 0.012, respectively), being a better prognostic factor than classic histological variables. Additionally, in patients with localized tumor, 5-year thrombosis cumulative incidence increased with the increment of hepsin expression (p-value = 0.038). Medium and high intensities of hepsin with respect to low intensity were associated with an increase in thrombotic risk (hazard ratio 7.71, p-value = 0.043 and hazard ratio 9.02, p-value = 0.028, respectively). This relationship was independent of previous tumor relapse (p-value = 0.036). Among metastatic patients, low hepsin expression was associated with a low degree of tumor differentiation (p-value < 0.001) and with major metastatic dissemination (p-value = 0.023). Hepsin is a potential thrombotic and metastatic biomarker in patients with localized colorectal cancer. In metastatic patients, hepsin behaves in a paradoxical way with respect to differentiation and invasion processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Spain, rising rents are only the latest symptom of a broader housing crisis that has affected the country since 2008. The social consequences in terms of evictions, mortgage repossessions and difficulties in accessing affordable housing overlap with the effects of urban transformations, mass-tourism and gentrification linked to the so-called Spanish model. Historically, legal reforms have been used to foster deregulation, financialisation and the commodification of housing. After the bursting of the housing bubble that caused the 2008 mortgage crisis, Spanish governments prioritised the rescue and reorganisation of the financial sector, paving the way for a new phase of speculation. By making rental contracts more flexible and providing tax advantages to international real estate companies, the legal reforms passed during the height of the mortgage crisis contributed to the creation of a «rental bubble». Therefore, considering the main housing legislative reforms passed in Spain before and after the global financial crisis, I argue that they contributed to the precarisation of the right to housing. However, analysing the response of social movements, I also suggest that, by using a counter-narrative based on the right to housing, grassroots organizations were able to legitimise practices of everyday resistance to housing precarity and to contribute to a change, at least partially and especially in Catalonia, of the legal framework to guarantee the right to housing. This analysis shows how the use of legal reforms in the housing crisis can be considered ambivalent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The expansion of the platform economy has altered the spatial organization of work and employment relations, leading to deregulation and eroding workers' social power. However, despite the radical individualization and precarization of platform work, workers demonstrate agency. This article explores the political strategies employed by place-based platform workers, with a particular focus on the spatiality of their collective action. Using an ethnographic methodology, the article analyses the case studies of drivers' trade associations in Chile and the couriers' organization in Spain. The results show significant similarities between the two groups: (a) non-conventional forms of labour activism; (b) using social media to share experiences, foster solidarity and organize collectively; (c) organizing in large cities; (d) starting locally and progressing to higher scales, and (e) building national and international alliances. The article concludes that workers respond to the spatial organization of work by platforms in a multi-scalar way that is strongly influenced by both their imaginaries and the political and regulatory context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This study aims to analyse the institutional changes in the Spanish labour market in the light of the measures introduced to support workers during the COVID-19 crisis. Applying the theoretical framework the authors' hypothesis is that the labour policy response to the crisis provoked by COVID-19 in Spain has ranged from strategy of preservation of the social democratic coalition to the anti-bourgeois bloc coalition with a greater presence of social pacts and the support of the social partners. Design/methodology/approach: Combining the institutional theory of liberalisation trajectories, the four ideal-typical reform strategies and the social pacts literature, the authors analyse the change in the labour market policy orientation during the COVID-19 economic crisis in Spain. Findings: In comparison to the Great Recession labour policy response, short-time work schemes and new benefits have characterised the 2020 labour policy strategy. Then, the labour policy response has oscillated between, on the one hand, a strategy of preservation of the social democratic coalition, which is characterised by measures to protect workers on the margins of the labour market without affecting the discretionary power of employers. On the other hand, a strategy of the anti-bourgeois bloc coalition, reflected in the employment safeguard clause that attempts to limit both external numerical flexibility and the increase in unemployment. Finally, the authors have analysed whether the labour policies after the COVID-19 crisis constitute a new round of social pacts in Spain and how this took place. They conclude that the main measures approved in the area of employment protection have been supported by social pacts and the social partners (trade unions and employers), as reflected in the signing of the Social Agreement in Defence of Employment (ASDE). Originality/value: To the best of the authors' knowledge, this is a significant contribution as it is the first article to point out that the labour policy represents a change in the trajectory of liberalisation, limiting the discretionary power of employers and re-regulating the labour market. The main measure of (re)regulation has been to safeguard employment and to avoid objective or unfair dismissals, which is the traditional form of adjustment. In other words, internal numerical flexibility has been promoted over external flexibility, thus significantly modifying the orientation of labour policy. Finally, the authors have found that social pacts have allowed for greater institutional coherence between legal changes and the behaviour of employers and workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 2008 economic recession, state intervention in the real estate sector has strengthened. This article explains how housing financialization was reignited in Spain following key policy reforms in 2013. We argue that Spanish authorities managed to strategically recreate a finance-friendly environment to attract global investors. They combined financial policies, other deregulatory reforms and neoliberal measures in a coordinated manner we call a policy package. Our analysis provides evidence of the legal and political arrangements at various state levels that effectively facilitated the reanimation of a new cycle of housing financialization which caused rising inflation in prices and distress in tenants' rights. This approach contributes to the understanding of how state-led actions foster a spatial fix to overcome financial crises by granting global speculative funds extraordinary benefits. In addition, we show how this process occurred with poor democratic accountability and was also confronted by various forms of social contestation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Simple Summary: In this study, our primary aim was to evaluate LMO2 mRNA expression in tissue, an area with limited research. Studies assessing LMO2 mRNA expression overlook tissue morphology since they have relied on microarray platforms or PCR methods. Our results show a reliable method to identify LMO2 mRNA expression in tissues, capturing the reported biologic features of LMO2, that may be useful to study LMO2 mRNA expression in hematological neoplasms and solid tumors. Background: LMO2 is a relevant gene involved in B-cell ontogeny and a survival predictor of aggressive large B-cell lymphomas (aLBCL). Most studies assessing LMO2 mRNA expression have relied on microarray platforms or qRT-PCR methods, overlooking tissue morphology. In this study, we evaluate LMO2 RNA expression by chromogenic in situ hybridization (CISH) in normal tissue and in a series of 82 aLBCL. Methods: LMO2 CISH was performed in formalin-fixed paraffin-embedded tissues, scored by three different methods, and correlated with a transcriptome panel. Results: We obtained statistically significant results correlating the methods of evaluation with LMO2 protein expression and gene expression results. Normal tonsil tissue showed high levels of LMO2, particularly within the light zone of the germinal center. Conversely, in aLBCL, a notable reduction in LMO2 expression was noted, remarkably in cases carrying MYC rearrangements. Furthermore, significant results were obtained through overall survival and Cox regression survival analysis, incorporating International Prognostic Index data alongside LMO2 expression levels. Conclusions: We show a reliable method to identify LMO2 mRNA expression by CISH, effectively capturing many of the reported biologic features of LMO2. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The insider-outsider politics approach conjectures that moderate unions and centre-left parties safeguard the interests of insiders and neglect outsiders in labour market reforms. This article challenges this hypothesis. By comparing the positions taken by centre-left parties and moderate union confederations during labour market reforms in Portugal and Spain (1975–2019), it shows that while they may indeed protect insiders, they sometimes do the opposite. To explain this, the article argues that more attention must be paid to the configuration of left parties and confederations. In Portugal, where communist and radical left parties were strong, the centre-left was afraid of losing outsiders' electoral support, and thus it did not follow a pro-insider strategy. This was reinforced by the fact that the centre-left had to face the opposition of a strong class-oriented confederation that was not willing to commit to two-tier reforms. This was not what happened in Spain. The centre-left, supported by a union confederation, undertook a two-tier reform in 1984 because there was a different configuration of left parties and confederations. Notwithstanding, this was not a stable equilibrium because this confederation changed its position over time when it realized the negative consequences of these reforms. Henceforth, their strategy became more pro-outsider. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Quaderns de Psicologia is the property of Quaderns de Psicologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Neoliberal reforms arising from Spain's entrance into the European Higher Education Area (EHEA) have had major consequences for academic practice and unleashed heated debate in the university community and society. This article explores the main transformations and basis of the political-economic model of public universities in Spain. It focuses on two dimensions of the institutional framework that have had a significant impact on teaching and research practice in universities: the strategic focus of research policy and labor regulations and employment conditions. To address both dimensions, the analysis centers on the implications each has for the reproduction of a specific discipline, social anthropology, in the context of the University of Seville. The article describes some of the main factors conditioning and limiting these two dimensions, in particular how business logic and neocolonialism are driving new research policy and how a combination of neoliberal organization of labor, meritocracy and clientelist networks are impact hiring practices and intensifying labor precarization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Metabolic syndrome increases the risk of developing diabetes and cardiovascular disease. The regular practice of physical activity is a crucial factor for healthy aging and for controlling and preventing chronic diseases. To assess the effects of regular physical activity on the biochemical and inflammatory profiles, as well as the quality of life of older adults diagnosed with metabolic syndrome. Participants (aged 55–70 years; living in the Balearic Islands, Spain) were divided into two groups (n = 50 each) according to the degree of physical activity measured by metabolic equivalents of task (METs). Anthropometric parameters, blood pressure, biochemical and hematological parameters, and inflammatory biomarkers were measured. Beck Depression Inventory and adherence to the Mediterranean diet questionnaires, as well as the Dietary Inflammatory Index, chair test, health-related quality of life (HRQoL), and Rapid Assessment of Physical Activity, were also determined. The characterization of the patients was similar in both groups, showing a homogeneous sample. The group with the highest METs experienced a decrease in depression and an increase in the intensity of physical activity. Adherence to the Mediterranean diet and HRQoL physical dimensions increased in participants with the highest METs, also showing a decrease in glycemia and glycosylated hemoglobin values. Inflammatory biomarkers, including tumor necrosis factor alpha, interleukin-6, interleukin-1β, and osteoprotegerin, decreased in patients practicing more physical activity. High levels of physical activity are related to a healthier lifestyle, characterized by high adherence to the Mediterranean diet, decreased depressive behavior, oxidative stress, and inflammatory status in older people with metabolic syndrome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Platform capitalism is a growing reality with a widening social and economic impact. The rapid expansion of Short-Term Rental (STR) platforms has led to new challenges for policy regulation. The main objective of this paper is to shed some light on current conflicts surrounding the regulation of STR. The body of literature on this topic mainly focuses on the increasing substitution of sharing economy by commercial hosts. By contrast, we explain that the ideological notion of host hinders the understanding of the supply-side structure. A critical approach (as critique of ideology and ideological categories) should entail a class perspective based on rent theory and engage with critical works on platform capitalism. In this article, we propose an innovative analytical approach to STR supply-side supported by rent theory, which focuses on the relationship of agents with land and technology ownership and specialised management services, as these are forms of rent appropriation. From this point of view, these supply-side agents are not hosts, but class factions with common and competing economic interests in rent appropriation. Therefore, they can employ a variety of strategies to influence the political regulation of STRs. Based on in-depth interviews with landlords, individual managers, and corporate agencies in Andalusia (Southern Spain), we show the conflicting internal structure behind the ideological notion of host and even professionalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of EMPIRIA: Revista de Metodología de Ciencias Sociales is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper addresses the entanglements, complicities and collisions between financialization processes and state action during the current housing crisis in Spain, with a focus on Catalonia and the Barcelona area in the last decade. Departing from the assumption that housing financialization has been a major driver of the crisis, state interventions, including housing policies and legal regulations imposed on financial and real estate markets and on landlord-tenant relations, will be interpreted as modulators that may either alleviate or amplify the impacts of financial dynamics on people's access to adequate housing. Drawing on the cases of several legal reforms, we will illustrate variegated attitudes towards financial extraction adopted by different state agencies. It will be thus shown how, in the rare cases where the state has tried to alleviate the social harms derived from financial extraction, reforms have been superficial, have arrived late, and have failed to reverse the structural drivers of the crisis. We will thus try to shed some light into the nature of state action in the face of housing financialization, contending that states should not be understood as outsides with respect to finance, as, to the contrary, they are part of finance's very conditions of possibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite women being increasingly engaged in labor-platform activities, little of the research conducted on this topic to date has included a feminist perspective. However, the platform economy has direct impacts on the social organization of social reproduction and is changing the main dimensions of the world of work with crucial gendered effects. This study deploys a feminist political economics approach to assess the impacts of digital labor platforms on the reconfiguration and regeneration of intersectional inequalities. The findings of this analysis of digital platforms in the care sector in Spain reveal how they profit from regulatory contexts that perpetuate existing gender, race, and migrant status inequalities, as well as labor market vulnerability, with migrant women segregated into lower-paid and more insecure jobs. JEL Classification: J3, J5, J7, O3 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The article explores to what extent party politics has influenced the different trajectories in Spain and Italy in terms of gendered active social policies (ASPs) (i.e. ALMPs and WLBPs). Second, it investigates how social and political modernization in the two countries has facilitated or hindered party competition on gendered ASPs. Design/methodology/approach: To investigate to what extent parties support gendered ASPs, the article relies on an original content analysis of party manifestos issued during the 2010s national elections. A total of 1387 quasi-sentences have been coded. The results were then quantified to graphically show how positions differentiate across parties and countries. Findings: The content analysis of party manifestos displays that party politics matters: gendered ASPs are backed in a very different way by the Spanish and Italian parties. While in Spain all political parties have strongly championed ALMPs and WLBPs, this is not the case for the Italian parties. The research has also stressed that the specific path of social and political modernization is an important intervening variable that alters positively or negatively parties' support for gendered ASPs. Originality/value: The article contributes to widen theoretically and empirically the literature on ASPs in the Southern European countries. Theoretically, it questions the supposed homogeneity of the Southern social model and investigated the alleged bifurcation between Italy and Spain, focusing on those policies – ASPs – that constitute the foundations of the Southern model: familialism and dualization. Furthermore, this bifurcation was analyzed adopting a gender perspective, and exploring adherence to or departure from the Southern model. Third, the article focuses on the politics of ASPs demonstrating that inspecting the political arena can contribute to explain policy change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political polarization and information disorders are not new phenomena on the media agenda, but they have acquired considerable prominence in the wake of international events such as the election of Donald Trump. The present article seeks to help in understanding the interrelation of these concepts -disinformation and polarization- in the European quality press in recent years. Six newspapers (El Mundo, El País, Le Figaro, Le Monde, The Daily Telegraph and The Guardian) from three countries were selected on the basis of their quality, audience and representative character of their editorial lines between 2017 and late 2022, and a qualitative and quantitative frame analysis (n = 286) was carried out. Having observed all the definitions of polarization in the press, it was seen that party political alignment has the greatest presence in the international scenario, coming before the division of public opinion. In the sample, Spain has a prominent position, claiming to be a polarized pluralist country, as opposed to United Kingdom, which closely observes what happens in the United States, or France, where these phenomena have achieved less penetration. The conclusion is that political polarization is presented as a chronic problem caused by political actors who are not going to cease doing so, as opposed to information disorders, which are produced by certain specific international actors, such as Vladimir Putin, Donald Trump, and Jair Bolsonaro, who take advantage of communication flows on social media and the latter's lack of regulation. This article suggests that the way to resolve or at least alleviate the problem is by defending quality information and public media, emphasizing citizen responsibility in the face of social media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Informacion Comercial Espanola Revista de Economia is the property of S.G.E.E.I.P.C., Secretaria de Estado de Comercio, Ministerio de Industria, Comercio y Turismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Taxes on the consumption of certain products have played a key role in public revenue analysis in European countries. This work assesses the differences in tax planning for new non-combustion products across some European territories. Through theoretical analysis, the paper has three distinct aspects. Firstly, we show the taxpayer profile in different countries. Secondly, the study analyzes the risks for the health system and the individual. Thirdly, the design of the national tobacco tax is based on previous experience and planning in Europe. This paper concludes with a case study for different countries: (1) Spain "vapers" and "smokers", where the analysis is based on micro-data from the European Health Interview Survey 2020. (2) Sweden, with the analysis of snus, shows it as a practice on how to reach economic savings while decreasing economic costs thanks to the nudging of consumers towards better products. The results show taxation and, especially, land taxation should consider differences in planning in the case of new products, such as non-combustion products, given the user per capita income and the potential lower health risks involved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of EMPIRIA: Revista de Metodología de Ciencias Sociales is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The food delivery app business has grown in recent years, with an increasing number of customers and workers on these platforms. Food delivery apps are also an iconic example of the increasing precarity of working conditions. Delivery app workers have mobilised to demand greater stability and regulation, with one of their main demands being to switch from their current status as self-employed workers to being employees of these companies. However, in Spain, those who want to remain self-employed have also mobilised, demanding better wages and improved conditions from the platforms. In this article, we focus on the mobilisation of delivery workers in Spain, exploring the characteristics of the main actors involved and the evolution and current situation of the conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the synergies between press and politics in the debate on the regulation of complementary and alternative medicines (CAM) in Spain between 1979 and 2018. We argue that longitudinal analysis and comparison of this interaction and synergy reveal how the mainstream discourse has shifted. We use a dataset of news (N = 2,059), a news sample (n = 325) and a dataset of parliamentary records (N = 86). Using both quantitative and qualitative approaches, the dynamics of the interaction between the different institutions and actors involved is assessed. Specifically, the study analyses the media and parliamentary attention to CAM issues (agenda setting), how CAM is addressed (framing), and the actors who have a voice in the discourse (costructuring of power relations). The results indicate that relevant changes in the public debate on CAM have only occurred over the last few years, corresponding to three overlapping dynamics of influence of the media on politics: amplification, framing, and costructuring of power relations. This recent period has seen convergence in the discussion and narratives/frames used, which also corresponds to more widespread skepticism regarding CAM. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of ZARCH: Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies in Architecture & Urbanism is the property of Universidad de Zaragoza and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article, based on qualitative research, focuses on socioeconomic integration trajectories of the refugee population in Spain. In the period between 2014 and 2020, refugees' arrivals in Spain have continuously increased. Despite protection provided by the Spanish Reception System, refugees emulate the same precarious integration outcomes as refugees in other developed countries, such as unemployment, underemployment, poor and unstable housing, low incomes and economic uncertainty, gender inequalities, etc. We believe that a holistic analysis of integration outcomes, overcoming traditional human-capital theories, must include other social and structural factors -economic and institutional frameworks, gender, and ethnic discrimination- that shape their settlement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last few decades, within the framework of remarkable urban expansion accompanying a real-estate boom in Spain, it has been medium-sized cities that have registered the most drastic changes in morphology. Currently, about 50% of urbanised land was developed after 1980. Historically compact and dense urban structures have been transformed, with new urbanised spaces expanding into the outskirts. High land consumption has created sprawling, fragmented and scattered urban areas. These are new, more complex and multifunctional urban structures, and there has been a change in the scale of urbanisation, in the forms and in the resulting urban landscape. However, the growth model which has caused these transformations is defined by hardly sustainable land-use patterns. The number of medium-sized cities has increased by around 50%, while the number of houses built has grown by 109% and developed land by 87% between 1981 and 2021. This paper analyses these recent dynamics through the statistical treatment of growth patterns and their cartographic analysis using GIS technology. The significant modification of urban forms at this scale in the Spanish urban system is confirmed. The paper also reflects on the lack of sustainability in the prevailing model with respect to the 2030 city strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Biological therapies (BTs) indicated for psoriasis are highly effective; however, not all patients obtain good results, and loss of effectiveness is the main reason for switching. Genetic factors may be involved. The objective of this study was to evaluate the influence of single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) on the drug survival of tumor necrosis factor inhibitors (anti-TNF) medications and ustekinumab (UTK) in patients diagnosed with moderate-to-severe psoriasis. We conducted an ambispective observational cohort study that included 379 lines of treatment with anti-TNF (n = 247) and UTK (132) in 206 white patients from southern Spain and Italy. The genotyping of the 29 functional SNPs was carried out using real-time polymerase chain reaction (PCR) with TaqMan probes. Drug survival was evaluated with Cox regression and Kaplan–Meier curves. The multivariate analysis showed that the HLA-C rs12191877-T (hazard ratio [HR] = 0.560; 95% CI = 0.40–0.78; p = 0.0006) and TNF-1031 (rs1799964-C) (HR = 0.707; 95% CI = 0.50–0.99; p = 0.048) polymorphisms are associated with anti-TNF drug survival, while TLR5 rs5744174-G (HR = 0.589; 95% CI = 0.37–0.92; p = 0.02), CD84 rs6427528-GG (HR = 0.557; 95% CI = 0.35–0.88; p = 0.013) and PDE3A rs11045392-T together with SLCO1C1 rs3794271-T (HR = 0.508; 95% CI = 0.32–0.79; p = 0.002) are related to UTK survival. The limitations are the sample size and the clustering of anti-TNF drugs; we used a homogeneous cohort of patients from 2 hospitals only. In conclusion, SNPs in the HLA-C, TNF, TLR5, CD84, PDE3A, and SLCO1C1 genes may be useful as biomarkers of drug survival of BTs indicated for psoriasis, making it possible to implement personalized medicine that will reduce financial healthcare costs, facilitate medical decision-making and improve patient quality of life. However, further pharmacogenetic studies need to be conducted to confirm these associations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 15-M mobilizations shook Spanish society and placed the demand for 'real democracy' at the center of political debate. In order to better understand the scope and impact of the Indignados' democratizing endeavors, this article aims to address an issue that has not received much attention: the connection of this protest cycle with the political economy. To this end, both the opportunity structure generated by the economic crisis and the class and generational conflicts shaping the mobilizations are analyzed. The article proposes that the symbolic and short-term success of 15-M in re-politicizing distributive conflicts contrasts with its medium-term inability to materially democratize the political economy. This relative failure can be explained by the confluence of several factors: on the one hand, 15-M's organizational weakness and its disconnection from a somewhat declining labor movement; on the other, the lack of responsiveness of Spain's political institutions to street politics and the powerful structural inertia of economic dynamics created by decades of neoliberalism. The findings of this case study aim to contribute to scholarly debates on the impacts of social movements and their connection to political economy and social classes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses 15-M and anti-austerity mobilizations in Spain from the perspective of repression and penalization. The literature has paid a great deal of attention to the consequences of this cycle of protest in relation to the quality of democratic participation and governance; it could be argued that the 15-M movement has raised the standards for key aspects of Spanish democracy. In articulating new counter-hegemonic claims, however, 15-M mobilizations have created an opportunity for new forms of repression. Drawing on criminology, socio-legal studies, and mobilization literature, we argue that this cycle of protest has been penalized. This involves a combination of technologies of repression that include invasive policing, securitization, and criminalization. Penalization needs to be seen as a dissent-suppressing mechanism, a negative response by political authorities and private actors that thrives when societies suffer from widespread anxieties about insecurity and crime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Job flexibilisation has increased interest in job insecurity and its consequences. Job insecurity, understood as a fear of losing employment, is linked to a deterioration of mental health, social relations or job satisfaction. Its study has been developed primarily in Europe, in the absence of validated psychometric scales in the Latin American context. To bridge this knowledge gap, the aim of this study is to cross-culturally adapt the Job Insecurity Scale (JIS) in Brazil, and secondly, to establish a cross-national analysis between people employed in Brazil and Spain. Methods: As criteria for the sample, people with formally established employment in Brazil and Spain were selected. For the scale adaptation process, a sequence of EFA, CFA and validity tests are carried out, as well as a multigroup invariance according to the gender variable. The cross-national comparison compares the effect sizes of affective and cognitive job insecurity on the mental health variable measured with the GHQ-28 scale in both countries. Results: 1165 employed people participate in the study, of whom 573 reside in Brazil and 592 in Spain. The results of the scale adaptation show that the JIS is suitable for use in the Brazilian employment context. The scale offers a factorialisation in two dimensions (affective and cognitive) (CFI = 0.993; TLI = 0.987; RMSEA = 0.04; SRMR = 0.049; GFI = 0.999; NFI = 0.980) with good reliability (ω > 0.84). The cross-national comparison shows that job insecurity has a greater weight in explaining the mental health of the employed population in Brazil than in Spain, which is related to higher indicators of job insecurity in the Brazilian context. Conclusions: With this validation we now have a validated scale of job insecurity validated for the Brazilian context. The comparison between countries shows the need to establish these analyses, since the behaviour of the phenomenon is different in the contexts studied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This study performs an empirical analysis on the relationship between labour cost stickiness and the decrease in employment protection in the Spanish labour reforms in 2010 and 2012. Following these reforms, the sticky behaviour of labour costs substantially decreased with respect to the pre‐reform period. All constituents of total labour costs followed a similar pattern: wages, social security contributions and number of employees. Results are robust to different models, estimation methods, periods of time, and industries, as well as with respect to endogeneity concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political opposition to fiscal adjustments has varied significantly across countries. Our analysis links this variation to differences in the congruence of voter attitudes towards fiscal trade-offs across political blocs in different countries. These differences in attitudes, in turn, coincide with the implications of the distinct macroeconomic growth strategies that these countries pursue. Based on original survey data, we show that in Germany, supporters of different parties not only share similar views on the appropriate size of fiscal adjustment, but also on how to distribute these cuts across various spending items. In Spain, there is fundamental disagreement on the amount of austerity, but voters largely agree on the composition of fiscal adjustments. In the UK, there is disagreement between voters of diverging political blocs on both accounts. Variation in public attitudes, therefore, gives rise to very diverse political dynamics surrounding fiscal adjustments in different countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Spain has an aging population; 19.93% of the Spanish population is over 65. Aging is accompanied by several health issues, including mental health disorders and changes in the gut microbiota. The gut-brain axis is a bidirectional network linking the central nervous system with gastrointestinal tract functions, and therefore, the gut microbiota can influence an individual’s mental health. Furthermore, aging-related physiological changes affect the gut microbiota, with differences in taxa and their associated metabolic functions between younger and older people. Here, we took a case–control approach to study the interplay between gut microbiota and mental health of elderly people. Fecal and saliva samples from 101 healthy volunteers over 65 were collected, of which 28 (EE|MH group) reported using antidepressants or medication for anxiety or insomnia at the time of sampling. The rest of the volunteers (EE|NOMH group) were the control group. 16S rRNA gene sequencing and metagenomic sequencing were applied to determine the differences between intestinal and oral microbiota. Significant differences in genera were found, specifically eight in the gut microbiota, and five in the oral microbiota. Functional analysis of fecal samples showed differences in five orthologous genes related to tryptophan metabolism, the precursor of serotonin and melatonin, and in six categories related to serine metabolism, a precursor of tryptophan. Moreover, we found 29 metabolic pathways with significant inter-group differences, including pathways regulating longevity, the dopaminergic synapse, the serotoninergic synapse, and two amino acids. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes an analytical–methodological approach to understand this historical conjuncture of speculative urbanism in which global finance capital plays an increasingly important role in urban transformation. Whereas the scholarship on urban financialization makes sharp distinctions between what occurs in the global North and the South, portraying the process in the South as one of subordination or peripheralization and in the North as mature and stable (although volatile), this article seeks to demonstrate that the North–South divide is less effective as an explanatory power. Instead, it presents an analytical approach that is attuned to the relentless dynamism and inter-scalar hyper-mobility of finance capital working across the postcolonial map—in other words, a relational–conjunctural approach. The article suggests the method of "following the financial strategy" by analyzing urban forms and projects as processes constituted by the nexus of practices in finance and city planning. It looks closely at finance's use of inter-scalar financial tools (such as arbitrage, interest rate swaps, collateralized debt obligations, and currency hedges) across borders, sectors, infrastructures, and conditions, as mediated by national and international state actors. The value of this analytical–methodological approach will be illustrated through notable financial transactions occurring in and across cities to emphasize their speculative and financial characteristics—specifically highlighting investments traversing cities of Spain, the USA, and India. The focus here is on financial strategies emerging from the detritus of the 2008 global financial crisis and shaped by the expanding discursive-material formation of speculative urbanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This work identifies the urban impacts of two FIFA World Cups organised before the consolidation of the urban entrepreneurialism model, Spain 1982 and Italy 1990, and compares them with those of more recent sports mega-events. Main differences mostly concern the impacts related to the material transformation of hosting cities, with more recent events mostly affected. At the same time, most of the outcomes related to the urban politics sphere seem not to be much dependent on the type of governance model, whether it is influenced by entrepreneurial urbanism or not. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes how a neoliberal understanding of identity shapes gay subjectivity, body, affect, and intimacy in digital environments, particularly Instagram. This social media has become one of the most relevant elements of gay subculture in Western countries, including Spain. Neoliberalism usually reduces gayness to a sort of global marketable brand which is understood as an individual attribute rather than a collective identity that provides common ground to fight for LGBT rights and against homophobia. Drawing on previous research on online self-representation and gay subjectivity, we specifically explore this global pattern in Spanish gay users of Instagram. To this end, we examine posts containing the tag #gaySpain uploaded between April and May 2020. In general, our research shows that the profiles tend to provide narratives of successful personal self-engineering and self-promotion, rather than activism and collective empowerment. These narratives present the gay body as a commercial product or something to be admired and consumed, whilst affect is part of an online highly ritualized performance and communication, and by no means a force for social change. As part of self-representation in social media, intimacy is constructed on Instagram for a large audience as an attractive example of a thriving gay life; in simple terms, Instagram has become gay show business like other manifestations of this subculture such as the Pride march. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article deploys the notion of 'employable femininity', by which we refer to the mystification along postfeminist lines of an idealized womanhood suitable to be employed and worked upon, in order to explore how women's relation to employment is currently being articulated and contested in contemporary Spain. Structural transformations during neoliberalism have promoted women's rising involvement into labor markets while, simultaneously, reinforcing the systemic relevance of women's unpaid work in the domestic arena. A hegemonic, media-constructed model of femininity has thus emerged where participation into paid employment is presented as a path towards liberation and economic independence for certain women who, nonetheless, cannot do away with the care-related responsibilities traditionally allotted to them. The current Spanish conjuncture provides a paradigmatic case in point to observe how women's relation to employment is being reconfigured, insofar as attempts to 're-domesticate' women in the aftermath of the Great Recession have been confronted by a resurgent feminist movement which, nowadays, figures as the main vector of social contention in contemporary Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Weather conditions are important determinants of tourism demand. After reviewing the main contributions of previous research on the role of climatic variables in tourism demand functions, we explore different modelling alternatives to introduce temperature and rainfall in a gravity model. The dataset used comprises interregional tourism flows by Spanish residents from 2011 to 2015. We first estimate a benchmark model with both temperature and rainfall at the destination expressed in levels, and then consider some extensions to this model. In particular, special attention is paid to analyzing whether the sensitivity that tourists may have to weather factors can change across seasons. Other modelling issues examined include the relationship between climatic variables at the destination and at home, the influence of weather in previous periods (lagged values of temperature and rain), the variability of the weather variables (captured by the standard deviation of these variables), or whether the effect of temperature varies with the climatic characteristics of the region. Our empirical results confirm that spring and summer tourism in Spain is more sensitive to weather conditions, that the number of domestic overnight stays in Spain is strongly influenced by changes in the difference in temperature between tourists' home and destination regions, that the estimated parameters of lagged weather variables are higher than those corresponding to the travelling months, that temperature variability in the destination region reduces tourism demand, and that the effect of temperature on destination choice for residents in moderate-climate regions is lower than for residents in other types of regions. 天气状况是旅游需求的重要决定因素。本文在回顾了以往关于气候变量在旅游需求函数中的作用的研究成果后, 我们探索了在重力模型中引入温度和降雨的不同建模方案。使用的数据集包括2011年至2015年西班牙居民的跨地区旅游流量。我们首先用水平表示的目的地温度和降雨量来估计基准模型, 然后考虑对该模型的一些扩展。特别要注意的是, 游客对天气因素的敏感性是否会随着季节的变化而变化。研究涉及的其他建模问题包括目的地与客源地气候变量之间的关系,天气的影响在上一时期(以温度和降雨作为滞后值),天气变量的变异性(这些变量的标准差),或者温度随地区气候特征而变化的效应。实证结果证实, 西班牙春季和夏季旅游对天气状况更为敏感,国内在西班牙过夜游客量受游客客源地和目的地温差的显著影响,天气滞后变量的估计参数高于相应旅行月份的同期值,目的地地区温度变化减少了旅游需求,温度对中等气候地区居民目的地选择的影响小于其他气候类型地区居民。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A literary criticism to the book "Non - Performing Loans, Non-Performing People" by Melissa Garcia-Lamarca is presented. It discusses reference of Non-performing loan (NPL) to debts under financial distress. It mentions chapters of th book that describes policies of past housing and legal developments that culminated Global Financial Crisis (GFC). It also mentions process of modernization intiated by Spain after the end of dictatorship in 1975.

In a classic piece, Przeworski and Sprague describe an electoral dilemma of social democratic parties: they need to attract middle-class voters without losing support in the shrinking working-class. With cultural issues (e.g. immigration) becoming more salient, this dilemma has intensified recently as the positions of both classes differ markedly on those issues. Against this background, we analyse the class base of social democratic parties in 13 Western European countries using data from the European Social Survey (2002–2018). Our exploratory study shows that in almost all countries support for social democrats has decreased across all classes. Yet, we still find significant differences in the social democrats' class bases. In Denmark, Sweden or Spain, social democrats still largely base their support on service and particularly production workers, while in France or Switzerland, these groups no longer primarily vote for social democrats. Here middle-class people, particularly socio-cultural professionals, are the strongest supporters of social democrats. Countries such as Germany or Norway exhibit no clear social democratic class base and gaining support from both groups at the same time seems to be most difficult. Only the British Labour Party succeeded to some extent in the balancing act of winning both middle- and working-class voters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the 2008 financial crisis, Europe's largest banks have largely remained unchallenged. Is this because of the structural power banks continue to hold over states? This article challenges the view that states are sheer hostages of banks' capacity to provide credit to the real economy—the conventional definition of structural power. Instead, it sheds light on the geo-economic dimension of banks' power: key public officials conceive the position of "their own" banks in global financial markets as a crucial dimension of state power. State priority toward banking thus results from political choices as to what structurally matters most for the state. Based on a discourse analysis of parliamentary debates in France, Germany, and Spain, as well as on a comparative analysis of the implementation of a special tax on banks, this article shows that power dynamics within states largely shape political priorities toward banking at both domestic and international levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]