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This paper is the first review of selective exposure studies in Spain, offering comprehensive insights into the diverse findings and analytical strategies employed over almost three decades by studies that explore the politically oriented media consumption of Spanish audiences. The article divides the evolution of this research line in Spain into two main phases -an initial phase (1995-2016) and a consolidation phase (2017-present)- according to the methodological approaches used during each period. Despite the challenges posed by working with secondary data and the lack of experimental designs, we note a robust initiation of this research line in Spain, accompanied by increasing methodological sophistication and diversification and a substantial accumulation of evidence on how Spanish audiences selectively consume like-minded news media. The paper also identifies the blind spots of selective exposure research in Spain, such as the scarcity of primary data sources, which overlooks phenomena such as online selective exposure and selective avoidance, the need to supplement multivariate analyses with other techniques that allow the direction of causal influence between variables to be established, and the significance of assessing the role of public media as facilitators or inhibitors of cross-cutting exposure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Convictions of political corruption depend on public communication, since for citizens, to perceive deviant behaviours, these must receive attention. In Spain, this type of behaviour is part of the agendas of citizens, media, and politicians and, to fight against it, accountability is essential. In addition to the judiciary and legislature (in their oversight role), the media and social media help voters, MPs and others to make informed decisions and press for action. However, the interrelationships between different agents, types, and forms of control for accountability are a rather unexplored research topic, especially when considering non-accountable institutions (those that have power, but are not directly accountable to the electorate, such as the monarchy). The debate on the inviolability of the emeritus presents a perfect scenario to describe what formulas and what kind of sanctions (legal, labour, reputational or personal) for accountability have occurred in Spain in the case of a non-accountable institution. This study explores the agendas of media, Parliament, and Twitter (and their inter-influences) during the Geneva papers scandal. We analyzed 189,037 tweets, 1,220 journalistic pieces and 78 parliamentary initiatives related to the former monarch. The main results show that the media, social networks, and Parliament have acted as agents of accountability with Juan Carlos I, as if it were an accountable institution. Online newspapers and Twitter have led the oversight, while the parliamentary initiative has been ineffective and has essentially served as an instrument of partisan communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the recent report The Impact of Influencers on Advertising and Consumer Protection in the Single Market the European Parliament mentions the use of nudity and sexual content and the role of perceptions and expectations towards body image and perfect images. What most moves consumers' attitudes and behavioral intentions is the credibility, attractiveness (both physical and in terms of familiarity and likability), expertise, trustworthiness, popularity, prestige and high power of the influencers. In Spain two White Papers on influencer marketing indicate that a common form of socialization, especially for girls and women, consists of showing a sexy or a perfect body and projecting an egocentric image. The aim of this research is to analyze the presence of self-objectification in top influencers in Spain and to identify its relationship with either social values of success and recognition or stereotypes. The methodology carried out has been a content analysis of 246 images of the first 14 top influencers that appear in the Report of the 500 most influential men and women influencers in Spain in 2022. From a previous literature review, the analysis has been conducted with a deductiveinductive research paradigm through coding with QSR Nvivo the following categories of selfobjectification: (1) sexy self-presentation; (2) appearance-centered attitude towards one's own perfect body - egocentric image; (3) stereotypical gender representation; and (4) success, social recognition, or popularity. The results show that self-objectification is more predominant in women than in men, and that it has an important correspondence with the self-perception of the professions they have as well as with age, being mainly belonging to the Z Generation. Both women and men who selfperceive themselves as having professions in which physical appearance is relevant (models or actors) tend to objectify themselves more. However, success and social recognition are more evident in those male influencers who emphasize their professional facet and do not resort to self-sexualization of their bodies (businessmen, advertisers or youtubers). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This paper aims to investigate the extent of intellectual capital disclosure (ICD) through websites and social media in Spanish local government (SLG) and analyze the factors that explain their disclosure. Design/methodology/approach: The study applies content analysis and regression techniques. The ICD is analyzed for Spanish municipalities with more than 100,000 inhabitants and provincial capitals over a period from January 2018 to February 2020. Findings: Findings emphasize that the quantity of disclosed information on intellectual capital (IC) is in the low level, particularly with regard to human capital (HC). Furthermore, the results show that the information provided via social media mainly concerns the relational capital (RC). On the other hand, results obtained indicate that larger municipalities, with lower financial autonomy and whose citizens have a high income level use the online media (both websites and social media) more actively to disclose information about IC. Finally, municipalities led by women and with high level of citizens' education exert a positive influence in the ICD only on websites. Practical implications: This paper makes a number of key contributions to the existing body of knowledge, focusing on ICD, a neglected area in the public sector accounting literature. It explores and identifies the supply-side and demand-side determinants of information affecting the ICD in local governments. The results of this research could be useful for policymakers, regulators and governments' managers to improve the online information addressing ICD issues. Originality/value: This paper adopts an innovative perspective by investigating the use of alternative tools for ICD in local government context (websites and social media). To the best of the authors' knowledge, this is the first study that focuses on investigating the determinants of online ICD in local governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through a content analysis, this paper explores the features of fake news on Spanish politics registered on the Maldita.es, Newtral, EFE Verifica and Verificat verification platforms between January 1 and March 31, 2022. These messages are spread mainly through Twitter and Facebook, using the text as support. The predominance of the ideological purpose, the high presence of stories of absolute invention, the shared role of anonymous and supplanted sources, the use of the informative style and the preponderance of left-wing formations as the object of hoaxes are also demonstrated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the beginning of 2020, media around the world have started and intensified their TikTok activity to gain notoriety and reach young people, their main user group. However, as with other previously popularized social media, such as Facebook or Twitter, the platform’s logic is different from that traditionally employed by the media system when developing information products. The objective of this paper is to analyze the degree of adaptation to the logic of this network for the activity developed on it by the Spanish media. For this purpose, a combined methodology of quantitative and content analysis was applied to 446 videos posted by the official user accounts of 20 Minutos, Antena 3 Noticias, El Diario, El Mundo, and El País–the five media outlets with the largest online audience in that period–from the time the accounts were created until January 31, 2022. Specifically, we studied the activity developed, the notoriety achieved, and the interaction obtained, as well as the most common formats, topics, protagonists, and brand identity elements. The results show that the main Spanish media have tried to adapt to the entertainment logic of the platform both with the use of native editing resources as well as through the creation of original materials, predominantly soft news, about entertainment, celebrities, and lifestyle. The videos that gain more notoriety are those that are more adapted to this logic. However, the Spanish media analyzed post less frequently than international media, obtain fewer views, and register lower engagement levels; in addition, they do not use their presence on this social network to promote their other editorial products. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Various barriers make recruiting a difficult task for researchers, especially when recruiting people living with HIV (PLWH) or conducting longitudinal studies. Effective recruitment is crucial to the validity of studies, and in this regard, social media can come to aid, although researchers usually rely on paid advertisements. This paper describes the free social media strategies used for participant recruitment in two studies carried out with PLWH in Spain and Latin America. Study 1 was a cross‐sectional study on the validation of two stigma scales with a 1‐month retest. Study 2 was a longitudinal study exploring the mental health of newly diagnosed PLWH, with a second assessment after 6 months. Facebook posts, Twitter mentions, and discussion forums were used in both studies. Study 2 also recruited participants through a healthcare centre. In Study 1, 5‐month recruitment yielded a sample of 458 PLWH, averaging 91.6 surveys/month and a 43% retention rate. In study 2, recruitment took 16 months, yielding a final sample of 145 newly diagnosed PLWH, 92 from the healthcare centre (5.75 surveys/month) and 53 from social media (3.31 surveys/month), with 95% and 60% retention rates, respectively. Participants in Study 2 did not differ in sociodemographic characteristics by recruitment method, except for the region of origin and financial difficulty (more diverse origin and greater difficulty emerged in social media participants). Greater psychological distress and lower personal and social resources were also found in social media participants. These data indicate that free social media recruitment is a feasible and effective tool for the recruitment of Spanish‐speaking PLWH, although it is best used in combination with traditional methods for newly diagnosed PLWH and longitudinal studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the conceptual frameworks of Bourdieu and postfeminism, this article analyses extant tensions between young women's gendered habitus and the health-related learning spaces of Physical Education (PE) and Instagram. We draw on data from a two-phase qualitative research project with thirty-seven young women (aged 15–17) from three secondary schools in Spain who self-defined as physically active and engaging with exercise content on Instagram. Data obtained through focus groups and semi-structured interviews reveal how these young women's subjectivities are formed through negotiating the gender 'rules of the game' within these key pedagogical fields. Notably, most participants were critical of their learning in PE, which mainly remains a traditional masculine field. By contrast, they valued Instagram as an engaging space in which to learn about fitness to transform their bodies toward the feminine ideal. This involved a constant process of self-optimization, including the development of the 'right' mental dispositions, fitting strongly with their gendered habitus. Within this paper, we have developed the concept of 'postfeminist habitus' to explain the participants' engagements with health-related content on Instagram, which through language of choice and empowerment, disciplined the young women to achieve the normative body as a marker of success. We argue that while there are notably different patterns of engagement with PE and Instagram, in both spaces there is evidence of symbolic violence that reproduces the gender order. We conclude by suggesting changes that might make PE a more meaningful and hybrid learning space for young women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a context in which traditional parties are losing popular support, minor parties stand as relevant components of contemporary democracies. Such relevance implies that research should approach their communication strategies as an object of study in itself. Ignored by mainstream media, minor parties need to take advantage of the Internet and social media to compete with major parties. This paper analyzes Spanish minor parties' social-media communication in the context of the April 2019 election. A sample of 1,498 tweets was content-analyzed, gathered from the official Twitter profiles of the by then four main national minor parties: PACMA, the Communist Party of the Spanish Peoples, Zero Cuts, and VOX. Results indicate a lack of party-citizen interaction and dialogue, as well as the fact that mobilization tweets focus on traditional campaign-boosting functions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In November 2020, the Procedure against disinformation was approved in Spain and it provoked an intense reaction on social networks and in the media about the repercussions it could trigger on freedom of expression. To analyze this case study and to observe the confluence of the concern of society and journalism about the informative disorders, a combined methodological approach was designed. First, a multi-stage sample of more than 35,000 tweets with the hashtag #Ministeriodelaverdad has been selected, from which a quantitative and qualitative analysis has been carried out. Second, a content analysis was carried out in the main media in Spain, both press and television (ABC, El Mundo, El País, El Confidencial, El Independiente, Eldiario.es, LaSexta, Telecinco y RTVE. We found that the hashtag was promoted by conservative and anonymous political accounts which - with a greater degree of polarization - led the debate and fed the echo chamber with opinions and audiovisual contents. In the media, the editorial bias determines the acceptance of this measure and the plurality. Little similarity is found between the political sources represented in the media, mainly belonging to the bipartisanship (PP y PSOE) and experts from different areas, and the network, where among those identified there is a total predominance of liberals and far-right. This paper allows us to observe the changes in the construction of the public sphere that social media are inducing and, in the matter of the fight against informative disorders, reflects on the importance of the information media leading the shaping of public opinion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The fact that traditional radio is synchronous and unidirectional, with little or no room for interaction and content selection, is one of the main reasons why young people have turned their backs on it. In retrospect, conventional radio never cared for the younger generation, never designing strategies to bring them in. As a result, radio lost its relevance and it does not feature as part of young people's digital diet. Over the last year, the number of podcast consumers has steadily increased, which is causing this format to become more and more cemented in society. It could be a way to gain younger listeners, an opportunity not to be missed by the radio industry. In the past, young people continued to listen to the radio as they got older, but that is no longer the case nor is radio seen as the go-to resource for new musical content. The challenge for radio is clear: regaining its influence through proposals with added value to differentiate itself from global platforms. In order to carry out this research, a total of 410 young university students were surveyed. The results show what the current picture is in such a changing atmosphere. It has been observed that this audience bases their audio consumption on personal preferences, they mainly access it via social media and they would find it useful and interesting to create their own podcast. This paper includes a podcast where academic experts and audio professionals, interviewed for the doctoral thesis "xxx (anonymity for review)", reflect on the strategies that radio should adopt in order to gain young listeners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the context of disinformation in Spain from the perspective of the pseudo-media (i.e., websites that mimic conventional media to offer partisan content based on alternative facts). Using a quantitative (N = 1,143) and qualitative (n = 396) methodology, this research analyses publications from eight Spanish pseudo-media that reach more than 4 million unique users. Results reveal an interest in three topics: vaccination, restrictions and speculation about Covid-19, national politics--focused on criticism against government--and topics related to human rights--mainly LGBTI, gender, immigration--with a total of 58.1% of the content published in four sections (International, Spain, Society, and Economy). The study reveals a growing trend towards polarisation and the use of clickbait techniques in four out of ten headlines. The Internet and social media are the most common sources quoted, while a third of the items lack sources or correspond to opinion pieces. Minorities and vulnerable groups are framed as a social threat, and the presentation of the coalition government as a danger to Spain that must be put to an end, which makes the discourse of these websites in tune with the ideology of the far right wing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the use of Twitter by the candidates for the presidency of the Government of Spain of the five main parties at the national level -PSOE, PP, Vox, Podemos and Ciudadanos- of the general elections campaigns held in April and November 2019. The main purpose of our study is to determine the strategies used of the microblogging network by the leaders, both in terms of activity, interaction and notoriety and in terms of topics and discursive development, as well as their similarities and differences. The secondary objective is to study the evolution of these strategies both between the two campaigns and with respect to previous elections. To this end, the research is based on a content analysis methodology that studies quantitative, qualitative and discursive elements. The results reveal an uneven use of Twitter in terms of the frequency of updates, but similar in terms of its unidirectionality, with scarce interaction with other users and a predominance of tweets with their own content over retweets. The dissemination of other people's content was used almost entirely to promote the candidate's political party and, to a lesser extent, to interact with journalists. Dialogue with citizens was almost always residual, both in retweets and in responses. This utilitarian conception of the microblogging network was accompanied by a polarizing thematic selection, with an almost general preponderance of political issues over policy issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since their formal proposal in 2010, various studies have been carried out on altmetrics from different perspectives and at different levels. However, the problem of the country-specific differences found in such studies has not been addressed in depth and considering the wide range of social media sources. This paper presents a cross-country comparison of altmetric coverage between Spain and a selection of 16 countries (EU-15 and the United States) in 22 research fields. All Spanish publications indexed in Web of Science that were published between 2016 and 2020, as well as all mentions of their altmetrics collected on Altmetric.com, were retrieved. The results show that, of the 434,827 Spanish publications considered, 55% are found on Altmetric.com. General altmetric coverage in Spain is similar to that in the rest of Europe and the United States, but it is in areas such as Arts & Humanities and Social Sciences where the lowest levels of coverage are found, although in the case of the latter the publications receive a higher number of mentions. Spanish publications reach a total of 3,569,553 mentions from different social media platforms, but Twitter is the main source of these mentions, accounting for 89%. Differences between research fields are also found, such as Environment & Ecology receiving a higher number of policy mentions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the evolution of the electoral use of Instagram in Spain, from its origins as a political communication channel to its current consolidation. A content analysis of eleven variables is applied to the formal, spatial, personal, thematic-discursive and interactive dimensions of the activity carried out on this social network by the candidates for the presidency of the Spanish Government of the parties that ran with the highest vote expectations in the General Elections of December 2015, June 2016 and April and November 2019 (571 posts). The results show the consolidation of Instagram as a political communication tool and the growing interest of the parties in it, as well as the increasing importance of short videos as a format. The electoral use of this social network is carried out with an increasingly mobilising intention, as evidenced both by the themes chosen and, above all, by the purpose of the publications, the spatial context represented and the hashtags used. The growing characterisation of candidates as leaders of the masses is also evidence of the personalisation of political leadership that occurs in this medium during electoral campaigns. Finally, the phenomenon of polarisation and the presence of populist stylistic traits are also beginning to be noticeable, as reflected in the increase in political issues and negative emotional appeals in the messages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is a fact that communication strategies in politics involve taking advantage of digital media and, more specifically, of social media, giving rise to politics 2.0. This paper analyses the communication that a sample of presidents of autonomous regions in Spain made on Twitter during the State of Alarm. Based on the meth)odology of content analysis, 1840 of their own tweets were analysed in order to determine what type of content they generated regarding the development of the health crisis, analysing how they said it and what topics they touched on. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of the baby boomers, as a new group of people aged 55 to 75, with unique interests, media exposure and shopping habits, set a before and after in the language that brands must speak. The main objective of social media is to build engagement, and in the digital environment, it means engaging both seniors and companies. For this, learning how they act in the digital environment is key. This paper aims to show how baby boomers behave in this environment, showing the challenges and advantages brands have to reach them effectively. Based on an exploratory and qualitative study with focus groups of senior internet and social network users from Portugal and Spain, the results show that analysing their habits of exposure to these media and the interests, brands do not seem to speak the same language they do, and that is why baby boomers do not feel engaged with them online. This work provides recommendations to get this engagement and improve the digital experience. In this line, to build this engagement, brands need to understand the variables of interest for baby boomers stemming from this study: affiliation and support. On the other hand, they must assume that this level of engagement will depend on establishing an active dialogue, with content targeted at different segments of the population, related to the variables above (affiliation and support), and to a degree enough to reach baby boomers emotionally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social media are already part of the communicative routines of most organizations, including communication agencies. Nevertheless, given their duty to serve other companies, these agencies should have an advanced understanding of these platforms, not only in their most profound sense but also in a time-advanced one. In other words, agencies should test emerging social media with the aim of knowing them in-depth and determining whether they serve their communicative purpose. It should be noticed that investment in digital advertising and actions with influencers are greater and greater. Besides, they are platforms that not necessarily remain unalterable, but some of them achieve their life cycle, even disappearing. On this matter, it is necessary to check if agencies really are working on the most recent social networks or only on those which are already consolidated. For such a research, the quantitative method, based on the content analysis, was adopted within a descriptive study. It was used on a sample of the ten communication agencies with the highest billing which operate in Spain. As secondary research objectives, it was considered to analyze the use that agencies do of social media which they are present in, to determine the existence of online content strategies, as well as to value the interaction level of these companies on online channels. The results show that most of analyzed agencies offer web 2.0-related services, such as digital strategy, online content management, monitoring and influencers relations. Social media talking, except for a few cases, communication agencies prefer to maintain a presence on the most consolidated social networks (Twitter, Facebook, Instagram, LinkedIn and YouTube). Furthermore, those are the ones that usually have links on their websites. This does not mean that agencies do not use the more recent applications, but that, mostly, they do not do this for their benefit as a brand. Otherwise they keep them in the background. In fact, some agencies use current platforms, such as Twitch or TikTok, publishing suitable content to their characteristics, which means that agencies know their possibilities, although their use is not still usual among them. Among the commonly used social networks, the activity of these agencies remains along the lines of what has already been concluded in previous academic papers: the purpose of information dissemination prevails with a self-promoting role. Communication agencies keep their social profiles updated and, during the month of research, they constantly published content, especially, information about themselves or about the communication sector, followed by news of common interest, clients news and projects carried out. Finally, although they published content frequently, the interaction with other users is low and, when it happens, it usually has, as mentioned, a self-promoting intention. In conclusion, communication agencies, as other kinds of organizations, are used to introduce social media work in their routines. However, it cannot be said that they are early adopters, at least to self-use. Probably, public relations professionals are researching and going deep in these new platforms, but in a private way, so agencies cannot, or prefer not to show their know-how by doing it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

TikTok, already widely used before the pandemic, boomed during the quarantine that locked down large parts of the world, reaching 2 billion downloads and 800 million monthly active users worldwide by the end of 2020. Of these 800 million users, 41% are aged between 16 and 24 years. This social network, widely known for its entertainment videos, is increasingly becoming a place for political discussion and therefore a unique opportunity for political actors to (re) connect with young people. Acknowledging that the political uses of TikTok are still understudied, this paper aims to explore whether and how Spanish political parties are including TikTok as part of their communication strategy. Through an affordance-centered content analysis of all the posts published by the five most important Spanish political parties (PP, PSOE, Ciudadanos, Podemos, and Vox), the current results show that, although all Spanish political parties have adopted this platform, their usage is unequal. From a quantitative perspective, PP was the first party to open a TikTok account, but its usage has been discontinuous; Podemos and Ciudadanos are the parties that publish the most and most constantly, while Vox has only published nine posts and the PSOE one. Nonetheless, from a qualitative perspective, Podemos and Vox generate more engagement and seem to understand and exploit TikTok's specific affordances better. The findings allow it to be concluded that, although globally Spanish political parties do not fully exploit the platform's affordances and tend to use it as a unilateral tool for promotion, the most engaging posts are those favoring interaction and geared toward politainment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text examines the role of emotions as a strategy of populist mobilization into a risk context, presuming that populism is a political style useful for any kind of political actor, but especially suitable for 'entrepreneur' and 'low-cost' parties. The article compares the cases of Podemos and Vox, the two populist parties that emerged successfully into the electoral scene after the Spanish movement of the Indignants (or 15M movement). Combining literature with an exploratory qualitative analysis of their websites and social media accounts, the paper argues that emotional persuasion is widely used by the two both populist parties' framings, but in quite different ways, according to their cute different ideological projects. Moreover, the text holds that emotions are not exclusive of the populist nor the social protests, but they are a feature of current democracy and even intrinsic to representative democracy from its origins. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COVID-19 pandemic and lockdown in Spain during Spring 2020 resulted in a ban on most uses of public space, producing a social redefinition of not only public spaces, but also private spaces such as homes. This paper examines the discourses related to balconies that appeared at this time on Twitter (X), an intermediate microspace and hybrid between the public and private. The study uses data from tweets posted in Spain during the strictest phase of the lockdown (from 15 March to 1 May 2020). Based on a descriptive analytical approach – both quantitative and textual – the study applies text content analysis and natural language processing to identify and analyse the main topics of conversation related to the use of balconies. The study brought to light two primary and complementary results. Firstly, the balcony during the pandemic became a revitalized space in an exceptional situation, partially adapting to the most common practices characteristic of public space and thus reaffirming the importance of the existence of public spaces for citizen encounters. Secondly, the various uses of balconies received different types of attention and generated stronger or weaker interactions on social networks, demonstrating the complexity and diversity of relationships with public spaces. • The impossibility of using public spaces multiplied the importance of balconies • Using Twitter data, we studied the use of balconies in Spain in the spring of 2020 • Balconies became a public microspace through their use towards the outside • Technology did not isolate citizens but was key for the promotion of the new uses • We found important differences by use in attachments to the tweets and interactions [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Positive sentiments towards urban green spaces (UGS) unequivocally increased worldwide amid COVID-19. In contrast, this paper documents that views on mobility restrictions applicable to UGS are of a contested nature. That is, while residents unambiguously report positive sentiments towards UGS, they do not share views on how to administer access to UGS—which is a matter of public policy. These contesting views reflect opposite demands that managers of UGS had to balance during the pandemic as they faced the challenge of reducing risk of spread while providing services that support physical and mental health of residents. The empirical analysis in this paper relies on views inferred through a text classification algorithm implemented on Twitter messages posted from January to October 2020, by urban residents in three Latin American countries—Argentina, Colombia, and Mexico—and Spain. The focus on Latin America is motivated by the documented lack of compliance with mobility restrictions; Spain works as a comparison point to learn differences with respect to other regions. Understanding and following in real-time the evolution of contesting views amid a pandemic is useful for managers and city planners to inform adaptation measures—e.g. communication strategies can be tailored to residents with specific views. • Amid COVID-19, social media showcased contesting views on mobility restrictions applicable to UGS. • Contesting views on regulation of access hold together with unambiguous increase in positive sentiments towards UGS. • These views reflect residents' stands with respect to how UGS should be used during a pandemic event. • Social media provides unstructured information to design and communicate adaptation measures in real-time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship between face-to-face and online social life, by developing different constructs for each. The paper investigates if the online and offline forms of social capital mirror each other, and which socio-economic groups have benefitted the most from the digitalization of social life. Using data from a survey carried out in Spain in 2016, the study confirms that social capital is more diversified and instrumental when expressed online than offline. The findings also suggest a widening of the digital gap between generations and socio-economic groups in favour of the younger, the better educated, and the upper classes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]