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This paper examines how international education (IE), as an important tool of public diplomacy (PD) and soft power (SP), faces unique challenges as issues of national security (NS) become more prominent in this era of new geopolitics. It presents a model to understand the relationship between PD, SP and NS and then applies this model to a comparative study. The contrasting histories, approaches and perspectives of IE as it operates as a component of foreign policy and at the nexus of PD, SP and NS in both the U.S. and Canada are analysed. The paper concludes with three challenges faced by IE in the contemporary context: first, the diminishing role of the university as a distinct and valued non-state actor; second, the weakening of foreign policy as an outward looking, distinctly international investment; and third, the problem with choosing isolation over engagement as a strategy.

In this era of pandemics, asylum seekers, and conflict between super powers, social sciences are a critical subject that can help develop young people who can not only recognise racial and social discrimination but also injustices at a regional, national, and global scale. Mainstream subjects, such as sociology, routinely support learning in the social sciences area. As a science/biology teacher, I wanted to find out whether biosecurity science could be used to support learning in the social sciences area. My interest in biosecurity stems from personal and professional experiences in New Zealand. Further, in my own pedagogical experience, teaching science/biology in schools, I found young people (15-18 years) were unfamiliar with the concept of biosecurity in New Zealand. Considering my experiences, I set out to conduct research to look at the efficacy of using biosecurity in teaching and learning. This paper reports on the experience of one Year 13 social science teacher who used biosecurity content to teach in the social sciences learning area. Classroom observations and individual teacher interviews were used to gather data. The results show that biosecurity content engaged Year 13 social sciences students in the classroom and that the teacher used transformational learning theory to engage his students into undertaking social action related to biosecurity. Given the importance of biosecurity to New Zealand, this paper shows that social sciences as a learning area could support teaching and learning about biosecurity.

In the present study, we investigate gender bias against politicians in a large set of news articles (n = 1,139,571) published in major media outlets in the United States between 2010 and 2020 by tracing changes in reporting about 1,095 US politicians. Using topic modeling with latent Dirichlet allocation (LDA), we identify main policy-related topics in media reports. We find gender differences in the coverage of certain policy issues, with major imbalances explained by societal factors. Specifically, we show that women in high-level political positions receive less media coverage than their male counterparts and women in less powerful positions on economic and national security issues. However, women and men in less influential positions do not differ in the amount and type of reporting they garner. Since women are still underrepresented in leadership positions, the US media may inadvertently reflect and reinforce existing gender biases in society by devoting more attention to high-profile politicians, who are overwhelmingly male. Although our longitudinal analysis shows positive changes, the gender gap in reporting continues to exist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Prevent Duty requires universities in the United Kingdom to identify and report students who might be seen as 'vulnerable' to radicalisation. Since its introduction in 2015, the duty has been subject to increasing empirical research in the education sector. However, there has been limited research that specifically explores Muslim students' perceptions of Prevent in British universities. This paper directly addresses this gap in research by drawing upon the qualitative experiences of 25 university students who self-identified as 'British Muslims'. Individual, semi-structured interviews were transcribed and analysed using Thematic Analysis. The findings demonstrate the securitisation of higher education and 'policing' of Muslim students. The paper draws on Pantazis and Pemberton's use of the 'new suspect community' thesis in order to examine participants' views and experiences. When analysing the data, three particular themes are especially prominent: as a tool of 'surveillance', Prevent hampers freedom of speech, threatens student activism and forces Muslim students to hide their Muslim identity to avoid being labelled as 'radical' or 'vulnerable' to terrorism. It will be concluded that the 'surveillance' function of Prevent is problematic on the grounds that it renders universities 'modern-day panopticons'.

This paper theoretically demonstrates the potential of textual space in making an important contribution to school ethos and cultural pedagogy. It demonstrates how culturally-inclusive (representational) textual space can be expanded throughout the school and could contribute to social justice and decolonisation efforts beyond the English Literature classroom. This is increasingly important in an age of culturally and politically securitised schooling, where government control exercised at the macro-level (colonial/neoliberal education policy) and micro-level (teaching and learning; the enactment of the formal curriculum) reproduces cultural inequality. This paper therefore argues for textual space in the English Literature classroom to be appropriated as a representational, dialogical, historical and connected space (in opposition to neoliberalism's decontextualising and atomising agenda) for real-world political action and the democratisation of cultural production within the wider school environment.

The article studies the evolution of the military-political course of the French Fifth Republic. The authors provide a comprehensive analysis of the four editions of the French White Paper, which are the conceptual foundations of the country’s defense and national security strategy. Particular attention is paid to the impact of the domestic political situation, international political and economic processes, as well as membership in the European Union and the North Atlantic Alliance on the formation of France’s defense policy. The methodological basis for the study of the French military policy evolution is a systematic approach: a comprehensive study of the Fifth Republic’s defense and national security strategy as parts of the global European security architecture, which consists of closely related components. In addition the authors use the concrete-historical method, as well as induction, deduction, content analysis and comparative analysis of the Fifth Republic’s regulatory and legal documentation in the field of national defense and security, which allowed identifying elements of the specifics and continuity of the military-political course of France. With the help of forecasting, as well as a statistical method based on official data from government departments and research centers, the authors assessed the state of the French Republic Armed Forces. The excessive involvement of the French armed forces in various external and internal military operations, accompanied by a reduction in the number of personnel and deterioration of their equipment, weakens of the combat potential of Paris.

To what extent does educational gaming add value to more traditional instructional models in learning core concepts of national security and warfighting? This paper presents the results from a quasi-experimental, cross-sectional, and longitudinal study of students taking two standardized courses in the Joint Military Operations department at the US Naval War College. Split into wargaming and non-wargaming sections by instructor preference, subject learning is measured through self-reported and objective measures at three points: prior to the start of the content block on "Operational Art"; after the case study of the WW2 battle of Leyte Gulf but prior to any wargaming; and for subjects in wargaming course sections, after participating in the Leyte Gulf scenario of the "War at Sea" wargame. The results support the hypotheses that wargaming increases learning and alter student preferences in favor of learning through gaming but fail to find evidence that students recognize the value of the debriefing phase of educational gaming. This article adds to existing studies by focusing on an understudied practitioner population--graduate-level career military officers at a professional military education (PME) institution--and mitigating several of the methodological challenges facing many scholarly projects in the study of educational gaming in political science.

This paper looks empirically at how the UK's policy of securitisation within education impacts on the meso-level space of cultural ethos and pedagogy within two majority non-white secondary schools and one majority non-white further education college. It does so primarily by documenting how British Values and Prevent policies enabled through the British Government's Counter-Terrorism and Security Act have impacted on institutional ethos both in terms of objective structures and staff subjectivities. It is argued here that the security-curriculum ensemble is a recognition of this meso-level space by central government and represents a development in moves made to restrict access and agency within this space, and even to circumscribe this space through symbolic violence. This paper concludes by urging school/college leaders to exercise their agency at the meso-level; to recognise this space as a place for democratisation and decolonisation as an equitable alternative to enforced cultural 'upgrading' and in(ex)clusion presented through securitisation policy that is in reality an instrument of symbolic domination.

Over the past decades, neo-Zionist discourse has gain prominence in Israel. This approach, which gives preference to the definition of Israel as a Jewish state over its definition as a democracy, is a specific version authoritarian populism. This paper explores how educational discourses, policies and curricular changes are being shaped by right-wing populist organization and politicians to strengthen New-Zionism, while delegitimising liberal-democratic values. The paper draws on three examples. The first focuses on the campaign to ban the activist groups 'Breaking the Silence' -- a group of army veteran who collect testimonies on Israel's misconducts in the occupied territories -- from entering schools. The second example is the case of 'Im Tirtzu', a right-wing organization, and their campaign against left-wing influences in the academy. A third example focuses on the changes to the compulsory civic curriculum -- an example to the ways in which education is used to perpetuate a particular notion of Jewish nationalism. These cases help reveal the reactions of academic institutions to such actions, and the partial acceptance they have gained in recent years. They also show how the boundaries of the political were redrawn and the role education policy and institutions play in delegitimizing left-wing critique.

This paper explores the alarming phenomenon of violent extremism in university campuses. It probes "why education fails to prevent violent extremism in this case?" Drawing on Robert Cox's distinction of "problem solving" and "critical theories," the paper examines policy discourses that aim to prevent violent extremism through education. It is observed that dominant policy discourses take up problem solving approaches to prevent/counter violent extremism and fail to take into account the broader structural violence that feeds extremist ideologies. The counter violent extremism policies largely view education as a means to control thinking rather than develop it. Such policies hinder the development of critical consciousness in students that can provide effective defence against extremism. Hence, there is a need to rethink education to counter extremism. Subsequently, the paper shifts its focus to Pakistan, where education has remained a central concern of counter extremism policies since 9/11. Based on 13 expert interviews, I explore higher education practices in Pakistan from practitioners' perspective. The practitioners point out multiple problems of educational status quo that need to be addressed to counter extremism on campus effectively.

In this paper, we investigate the pressures placed upon English teaching by neo-nationalist politics, particularly as it overlays existing neoliberal constraints. We focus on the experiences and perspectives of Brazilian teachers who are committed to critical language education even as it carries increasing risks to themselves. Interviews with five teachers are used to illustrate the ways in which their work is regulated through a form of power working through fear and threat of violence that has been termed (in)securitization (Rampton et al., 2022). By identifying the metapragmatic strategies adopted by teachers faced with hostile neo-nationalist (in)securitization, including through what we are terming border talk, teachers and other agents in other settings are in a better position to strengthen critical language teaching and, as a consequence, fight for a more democratic future.

The research paper explores the application of Functional Systemic Linguistics (FSL) in Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) on the news "Scenario Ferdy Sambo" in online media Kompas and Tempo. FSL is used to analyze the textual features of the news, including the choice of words, grammar, and coherence, to identify the underlying ideologies and power relations embedded in the discourse. CDA is employed to analyze the social context and discourse practices surrounding news production and consumption, including the actors involved, their interests, and the implications of the news for society. This research analyzes the news of the murder case of Brigadier J, who dragged the name of a general, Ferdy Sambo. This case is at the forefront of a problem that is rife throughout society. The internet media, particularly Tempo and Kompas, highlighted stories connected to the unearthing of CCTV that Ferdy Sambo had buried. News writing portrays thoughts and manifestations of emotion in the individuals who read it. This analysis tries to describe the structure of the text and the social context of the discourse news in Kompas and Tempo. The research technique incorporates Teun A. Van Dijk's critical discourse analysis. Data were acquired via viewing the tempo and Kompas websites. The results of the analysis demonstrate that the structure of the text is built on elements of macrostructure, superstructure, and microstructure in the form of semantic, syntactic, stylistic, and rhetorical features that underpin the overall discourse. Analysis related to the social context provides an overview of the representation of the reader/community regarding the allegations of Ferdy Sambo's involvement in the killing of Brigadier J through the CCTV found. This leads to the people's thinking/ideology that the news is according to what they need because it is plain and open. The materials supplied in the discourse provided further explanations and disrupted the basic scenario of Ferdy Sambo, who was not involved in the death of Brigadier J.

Climate change has become the main domain in security and political studies. The main objectives of the present study is to analyse the impacts of climate change on Pakistan’s national security that is highly vulnerable in terms of climate change. Climate change is considered a grave non-traditional threat to the modern state system and its security. Climate change has become an essential non-traditional security realm that has immensely challenged Pakistan’s security. Rapidly changing climate is posing a great challenge and the threat to state machinery and increasing a security threat to Pakistan. The research seeks state’s policies in dealing with climate change and formulates the answers at national and international level which are absolutely essential for maintainable political and economic development of the state. Food crisis owing to climate crisis changing the societal behavior and undermining the nation building in recent time. Severe climate change is increasing vulnerability in agriculture, forests, water and live stocks, fisheries, forests etc. State institutions have done not much to adapt to climate change which makes the country more vulnerable. This research is significant because two heavy floods in Pakistan in 2010 and 2022 seriously challenged the country’s capability and extremely influenced the capacity of state and society. The research is conducted on qualitative and interpretative methodology to grasp the present study and to inquire that what are the identifiable security threats which emanating in the security environment of Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Education & Science is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As immigration polices increasingly entangle with those of higher education (HE), institutions are being positioned as migrant surveillance actors. HE's participation in state-managed international student compliance regimes (ISCRs), for example, raises political and ethical questions, including those concerning the core mission of HE. This paper traces the Canadian ISCR context over the past decade, focusing on the introduction of the Designated Learning Institution (DLI) student compliance reporting requirement in 2014. It argues that Canadian HE's role in surveilling temporary residents on behalf of the state is a problematic bordering practice. It also posits that this new form of surveillance is not necessarily a novel compromise of HE's values, but rather connected to historical patterns of HE's involvement in border imperialism. It questions the benevolence of both Canada's immigration policies towards international students and, ultimately, higher education itself.

Over the past decades, emerging focus has been on how teachers in Norway can foster citizenship in their classrooms to strengthen democracy. Yet, in conjunction with rising concerns of homegrown terrorism, a new curriculum in Norway draws on democratic education as a bulwark against terrorism. This paper explores the securitisation of the Norwegian educational domain. We analysed three counterterrorism policy documents to explicate the governance of security in school. Analyses of terrorism discourses show a depoliticised and individualised representation in the Norwegian security policy field. These discourses are accompanied by growing urgency where educators are expected to be vigilant towards presumed vulnerable students and report concerns to relevant authorities. This article provides new insight into what security expectations are placed on educators in Norway and their potential consequences for pedagogical practice.

This paper explores how Japan employed language education to justify Japanese imperial surveillance practices by examining the depiction of policemen and military police officers in Japanese language textbooks used by Korean primary students during the colonial period under Japanese rule. The analysis of the Japanese language textbooks used during this period uncovered the colonial educational goals and ideologies presented to Korean students, the ideal colonial citizens desired by the ruling system, and colonial aims furthered. This study investigates the ideologies presented in the textbooks using Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and Visual Image Analysis (VIA) by analyzing eight textbooks that were used in Japan and Korea. Both images and texts relating to Japanese government officials in the textbooks for Koreans from the colonial era are analyzed. The study reveals that the textbooks positioned Korean students to accept and integrate Japanese ideologies and attempted to indoctrinate Koreans into believing that the Japanese government officials were kind and cooperative, while also maximizing their authority over the colonized in their portrayal. The portrayal of government officials in the textbooks further reinforced this by showing the colonized having to display good behavior to authority figures, while not conveying any negative images of the government officials.

Purpose: Recent trends in Western civics education have attempted to secure democratic institutions from perceived threats. This paper investigates how political securitisation historically operated within civics textbooks in Australia and Aotearoa, New Zealand. It further evaluates how Maori, Aboriginal and other Indigenous peoples were variably incorporated or marginalised in these educational discourses. Design/Methodology/Approach: This discourse analysis evaluates a sample of civics textbooks circulated in Australia and New Zealand between 1880 and 1920. These historical sources are interpreted through theories of decoloniality and securitisation. Findings: The sample of textbooks asserted to students that their self-governing colonies required the military protection of the British Empire against undemocratic "threats". They argued that self-governing colonies strengthened the empire by raising subjects who were loyal to British military interests and ideological values. The authors pedagogically encouraged a governmentality within students that was complementary to military, imperial and democratic service. The hypocritical denial of self-government for many Indigenous peoples was rationalised as a measure of "security" against "native rule" and imperial rivals. Originality/Value: Under a lens of securitisation, the discursive links between imperialism, military service and democratic diligence have not yet been examined in civics textbooks from the historical contexts of Australia and New Zealand. This investigation provides conceptual and pedagogical insights for contemporary civics education in both nations.

While improvements in genomic sequencing speed and availability have decreased the time to pathogen identification, crucial legal, policy, and technical knowledge gaps related to the risks a novel pathogen might pose and what an appropriate response should involve may still remain. Early detection of biological threats, whether naturally occurring or manmade, is critical for initiating a robust biodefense and public health response. [Extracted from the article]

Migration in post-colonial Africa has become an essential source of economic development. However, for some countries, it has also threatened national security. This paper examines the challenges preventing Africa from harnessing migration for economic development. The paper contends that while one cannot ignore migration's economic potential, African countries struggle to leverage migration for economic development. Reviewing literature as a data source, this paper found that a lack of political will, national vs continental interests, and the lack of social integration policies coupled with widespread political instability are significant problems that give rise to Africa's struggle to consolidate migration for economic development. The paper concludes that without effective policies, Africa will continue to miss the economic benefits of migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the Canadian government’s foreign and security policy responses to Russian disinformation in the context of the Russo-Ukrainian war. It asks whether, how, and why the government has securitised the “crisis of Russian disinformation.” The paper first briefly reviews literature on the Copenhagen’s School’s “securitisation” theory and how it has been used to explain responses to other crises. It then adopts the framework to contextualise the Canadian federal government’s official rhetoric, and then to categorise government policies and actions. The sources consulted include government actors’ reports and stated intentions and policies from 2022 to 2024. Adopting a securitisation framework reveals that Russian disinformation has been rhetorically securitised by government actors as an existential threat to national security and democratic integrity which requires urgent action. Within a context of cascading risks, the government has taken a range of distinct yet reinforcing policies and actions, some more comprehensive than others. The paper argues that together this “pervasive rhetorical securitisation” and “ad hoc practical securitisation” comprise the Canadian government’s ongoing process of partial securitisation. This process is legitimising different methods of governance: security and warfare communications (to address threats to national defence and security), democratic resilience (to address threats to democracy), and, most controversially, blocking and sanctioning (to signal discontent to the Russian regime). The analysis further reveals that each approach has different benefits and limits. The paper concludes that the securitisation process is incomplete compared to the government's rhetoric, with no over-arching organisation or strategy. It outlines implications for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This collective paper on radicalization and violent extremism part of the 'Philosophy of education in a new key' initiative by "Educational Philosophy and Theory" brings together some of the leading contemporary scholars writing on the most pressing epistemological, ethical, political and educational issues facing post-9/11 scholarship on radicalization and violent extremism. Its overall aim is to move beyond the 'conventional wisdom' associated with this area of scholarly research best represented by its many slogans, metaphors and other thought-terminating clichés. By providing conceptual lenses on issues previously compartmentalized primarily [or even exclusively] in security and intelligence studies or at the fringes of scholarly interest, radicalization and violent extremism turn out to be much more complex than 'radicalization studies' has been eager to acknowledge.

The intersection of trade openness and national security in the realm of international trade law constitutes a nuanced and intricate landscape. This paper endeavors to unravel the complexities inherent in this delicate equilibrium, examining legal frameworks within the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT)/World Trade Organization (WTO), Regional Trade Agreements (RTAs), and emerging global trends. The foundational principles outlined in GATT, particularly Article XXI, acknowledge the sovereign right of nations to take actions necessary for their essential security interests. However, the broad and permissive nature of this provision introduces challenges related to potential misuse and a lack of robust scrutiny mechanisms. The proliferation of RTAs, each housing unique national security clauses, adds layers of complexity to the overarching legal framework. Divergent standards, conflicting obligations, and the risk of fragmentation highlight the intricate balancing act that nations must perform to reconcile regional commitments with the principles of the global trade governance structure. The paper delves into practical applications and case studies, dissecting the challenges nations face as they navigate the fine line between economic integration and strategic safeguarding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article comprehensively analyzes Israel's experience in the legal regulation of cybersecurity and explores its potential adaptation for Ukraine. Israel is a leading cybersecurity nation due to its integrated approach to cyber protection. The paper examines key legislative acts and organizational measures implemented in Israel, such as establishing specialized cyber units like TEHILA and the Israel National Cyber Directorate (INCD), and coordination centers that facilitate cohesive efforts between governmental and private organizations. The article highlights the significance of incorporating cybersecurity mechanisms into Israel's national defense strategy and the active involvement of the private sector, including numerous tech companies and startups, in safeguarding information infrastructure. The crucial role of international cooperation, particularly with the EU and the USA, in developing an effective cyber strategy is also discussed, emphasizing its relevance for Ukraine amidst the ongoing conflict with Russia. Additionally, the article delves into the continuous improvement of cybersecurity technologies and the professional development of specialists in this field. It highlights the importance of a holistic approach encompassing technological advancements and strategic planning. The paper also emphasizes the need for interagency coordination and the collaboration with international partners to elevate the overall cybersecurity posture. Key aspects of adapting Israeli approaches to Ukrainian realities are outlined, including the necessity of establishing specialized bodies, developing a national cybersecurity strategy, and engaging the private sector in cybersecurity efforts. By integrating Israel's best practices, Ukraine can significantly bolster its cyber defense capabilities, enhancing its ability to respond to cyber threats more effectively and protecting its critical infrastructures. Furthermore, the study addresses legal regulation issues, including both the regulatory framework and practical aspects of implementing cybersecurity measures at national and local levels. Continuous monitoring and evaluation of the effectiveness of these measures are essential to identify and ne utralize potential threats timely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the current status of China's legislation on safeguarding sovereignty and security, resource security, navigation security, ecological security, and regulating law enforcement and judicial activities, and summarizes the characteristics of existing marine security legislation. This paper utilizes literature analysis and comparative analysis methods, under China's Overall National Security Outlook, this paper proposes a path of improvement by consolidating marine-related norms, promoting the formulation of a basic law on the seas, refining the legal provisions on marine security, improving the marine data classification and grading system and safeguarding marine data security, and pushing forward the reform of the adjudication mechanism of the maritime courts to enhance the ability to actively safeguard the rights and interests of the oceans and seas through the use of the rule of law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public support is a critical factor in the outcome of interstate conflicts, yet, how it operates, interacts with hard power, or influences the overall military outlook remains surprisingly undertheorized. Public support has been particularly salient for such states as Finland and Ukraine that have faced opponents of vastly greater military size, capability, and sophistication. This paper advances an original theory on the strategic utility of public support for conflict through an analysis of the case of Taiwan, a potential current flashpoint for a great power war. This paper assesses trends in Taiwanese public support for resisting a Chinese invasion over time, identifies a major upswing in the public's willingness to fight, and argues that further coordination by state and societal actors could deter a Chinese attack or at least greatly increase the costs of an invasion and the likelihood of failure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes how South Korea, the leader in memory chip manufacturing, is affected by the US-China chip war. To assess the strategy that the Korean government is building to mitigate the adverse effects on its export-dependent economy and national security, the paper looks at the interdependence of the semiconductor supply chain and the conditions of the current conflict. The analysis of the current US-China chip war and its impact on South Korea's semiconductor industry and, by extension, its national economy and security, shows how South Korea is addressing the challenges and exploiting the opportunities to maintain its status as a major semiconductor manufacturer. The paper also explains how South Korea is leveraging its technological power status and experience to ensure the security and continued growth of its semiconductor industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the position of the United States of America regarding Ukraine’s cooperation with the North Atlantic Alliance during both administrations of the 42nd US President William Jefferson Clinton. The reflection of Ukraine’s relations with NATO from the standpoint of the American establishment in such important foreign policy documents as «The National Security Strategy of the United States for 1994, 1995, 1997 year» (L.T.), as well as in the official sources of the Presidents of the United States - «Public Papers of the Presidents of the United States of America». [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of national security threats on a nation's economic growth and fiscal policy based on a case study of the Korean peninsula. I construct four measures of provocations using a newly-assembled list of North Korean provocative events going back to 1960. The results show that the overall impact of North Korean provocations on South Korea's short-run economic growth is negligible. Since inter-Korean relations have gone through four phases, this paper also estimates the impact of provocations over each subperiod. Provocations had a significant impact on South Korea's economic growth during 1960-1970 and 1992-1997 when inter-Korean tensions were high, but the effects took on different signs. While provocations decreased South Korea's economic growth during 1992-1997, it had a positive impact on South Korea's macroeconomy before 1970. This paper provides evidence that the effect of national security threats may vary with the responses from the government and political factors such as the relation between the targeted country and the country that inflicts the threat. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Increasing attention is being paid to the application potential of multi-functional reconfigurable metamaterials in intelligent communication, sensor networks, homeland security, and other fields. A polarization-independent multi-functional reconfigurable metasurface based on doped vanadium dioxide (VO2) is proposed in this paper. It can be controlled to switch its function among three working modes: electromagnetically induced absorption (EIA), electromagnetically induced transparency (EIT), and asymmetrical absorption. In addition, deep learning tools have greatly accelerated the design of relevant devices. Such devices and the method proposed in this paper have important value in the field of intelligent reconfigurable metamaterials, communication, and sensing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Xi'an Jiaotong University (Social Sciences) is the property of Journal of Xi'an Jiaotong University (Social Sciences) Editorial Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Engineering Sciences & Information Technology is the property of Arab Journal of Sciences & Research Publishing (AJSRP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The interests of states in the field of national security do not differ much. They are the following: the protection of sovereignty, independence, territory, population, natural resources, basic principles, and values, which constitute the basis for future development and enhancement of wellbeing and contribution to harmonious relations with other countries. What differentiates them is the extent to and the manner in which the afore-stated interests are realized. Starting from the complexity of the interests and values that the state builds and develops, and for the purpose of national security, we will tackle the part of achieving and preserving the stated interests during crises, specifically the emergence and management of pandemic situations and the protection of national security in certain institutions (police, army, judiciary), whose work is directly and indirectly related to the security of citizens. The nature of COVID-19 had a tendency of threatening national security in all areas of life: the political system, human rights, the judiciary, the media, the economy, health, education, the security sector itself, including the police, the military, and the overall security intelligence community. This paper will cover the second and third years of the pandemic. The paper used quantitative and qualitative methods, which when applied gave us different numbers and facts complemented by the actions of different institutions, as key elements of national security, and we expect the paper to be instructive for the academic community, state authorities, society, and individuals about how to better prepare for future pandemics [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of globalization and demographic change, states are currently more vulnerable to non-military, asymmetric, hybrid and cyber threats and threats from non-state actors. Russia's war on Ukraine, Hamas's military attack on Israel indicate the likelihood of armed aggression against the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the state in modern global conditions. In the introductory part of the paper, the author analyzes the notion of national security as the ability of states, taking into account global changes and development, to protect their own identity, survival and interests. Furthermore, the author analyzes the need to achieve Sustainable Development at the global level. In the final part of the paper, the author states that Investing in the common future with its closest neighbors is fundamental for the long-term political stability of the European Union itself. Therefore, the enlargement of the European Union is based on development programs aimed at achieving political stability, secure economic conditions, social cohesion and environmental sustainability. The content will be created based on the analysis of foreign literature and using electronic content. In preparing the content of the paper, the author will apply the general scientific methods: the descriptive method, the normative method, the comparative method and the content analysis method as a special scientific method. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do childhood experiences of wartime violence affect individuals' preferences for nuclear proliferation? This paper argues that individuals who experienced severe war violence during childhood are more likely to value the security-enhancing aspects of nuclear weapons. These individuals are more concerned about being exposed to additional wartime violence, so they view nuclear weapons as a deterrent against large-scale invasions. By utilizing the geographic variation of violence intensity during the Korean War, this paper compares the pre-war and post-war cohorts who resided in severely damaged regions and relatively safe areas. Within the pre-war cohort, I find that individuals who resided in war-torn areas are more supportive of nuclear proliferation than those who were exposed to less violence. This regional difference, however, is not substantial in the post-war generation. The results suggest that direct exposure to wartime violence during childhood increases public demand for nuclear weapons when confronted with security threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nowadays, there is a legitimization of enhancing managerial processes in professional environment. Efficiently managing resources, processes, and practices is fundamental. Entrepreneurs and public institution managers are actively seeking innovative solutions to achieve organizational goals swiftly, utilizing fewer resources, and minimizing or eradicating human errors. Given the challenging security environment, this paper aims to ascertain whether the public administration can leverage the advantages of Agile Culture implementation within the organizational framework of Romanian Administration. This study embarks on a structured literature review focusing on three pivotal pillars: organizational culture, Agile Culture, and Romanian public administration. It scrutinizes the feasibility of implementing Agile Culture within the organizational landscape of the Romanian Public Sector, situated within an integrative framework delineated by the current security context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes the current state of the Australian defence industry, highlighting its achievements, threats, and opportunities. Also discussed are the importance of having a robust national service scheme with regard to the manufacturing industry, and implications of the AUKUS (Australia United Kingdom United States) initiative on Australia's defence industry and national security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given Washington's vast expenditure during its 20 years of operations in Afghanistan, the Taliban's ascent to power in August 2021, after defeating the Afghan National Security Forces, generated strong feelings of shame and anxiety for the USA. Coupled with a dissonance between the US withdrawal and its narrative on fighting terrorism, this eventually culminated in an ontological security crisis for the USA. This paper aims to provide an understanding on how the US elite tried to overcome this moment of crisis and re-establish the US ontological security. For this purpose, the paper elaborates on the existing literature on the link between securitization/desecuritization and ontological security. It argues that, in the aftermath of the withdrawal, the USA employed both securitization and desecuritization practices at the narrative level, accompanied concomitantly by actions at the relational level, to overcome the state's ontological security crisis ensuing from the Taliban's ascent to power. However, the results have been, at best, mixed. Through reviewing multiple sources, both internal and external to the USA, the article suggests that the US narrative has been partially challenged and hence failed to re-establish the US ontological security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]