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Even after the war's centenary from 2014–2018, many English-speaking popular readers and students retain a static and narrow conception of the First World War, much of it focused around the British experience in a section of trenches on the Western Front. This narrative of the war with its focus on the Battles of the Marne, Ypres, the Somme, and Passchendaele, is certainly significant, but it has played an outsized role in shaping the war's history for generations of people. This brief article provides an overview of resources and approaches that relate a different story about Britain's global war and offers concrete suggestions for reframing the story for students and public audiences alike. By broadening the British war story, beyond country and empire, to a global, transnational story, we can narrate a history that aligns more productively with the reality of the conflict as it was experienced. Rather than focusing only on a small slice of the rich wartime tapestry, such a global history re-centers the experiences of non-combatants, imperial citizens, non-citizens, and expatriates – telling a more holistic story of "Britain" at war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Edward Said's critique of the English novel drew upon his classic book, Orientalism, in which he proposed that much of modern European culture justified and even promoted imperial expansion. In later work, Said illustrated this argument through a reading of works of literature in which, he argues, the place of empire was either suppressed or distorted. This essay engages Said on both his general view of empire and the particular works of Jane Austen and George Eliot that he took to be illustrative of his view., Edward Said's life project was to connect culture and the literary humanism he so admired to imperialism. He outlined his main theses in three core texts: Orientalism: Western Conceptions of [...]

Drawing on Kristeva's theory of abjection, Wallerstein's world system theory, and Petras' imperialist-centered model of capitalist accumulation, this article argues that the immigration of Changez from Pakistan to America in The Reluctant Fundamentalist demonstrates a structural shift from the periphery to the center as a highly educated and skilled human capital in the era of global capitalism. The article contends that Changez's decision to accept a funded scholarship at Princeton University is a result of the lack of economic opportunities in Pakistan and the corrupt economic and political systems that impoverished his family. Furthermore, the article critically examines America's paradoxical policies of inclusion and exclusion toward Changez. While he gains access to Princeton University and the Underwood Samson company, his economic inclusion is not accompanied by genuine acceptance. In the context of global capitalism, Changez is economically included but psychologically abjected due to his ethnic identity. Keywords: Acceptance, Inclusion, Exclusion, Abject Identity, Hamid's The Reluctant Fundamentalist, Introduction: Immigration and Global Capitalism in The Reluctant Fundamentalist This article offers a comprehensive analysis of Changez's struggle for acceptance in America by placing his experiences as an immigrant within [...]

In his highly influential work Culture and Imperialism, Edward Said unravels the imperialist undertones in Jane Austen's Mansfield Park. Throughout the chapter entitled 'Jane Austen and the Empire,' Said demonstrates how this seemingly domestic novel of manners, not normally associated with imperialism, is actually densely saturated with colonialist discourse. For Said, the marginalized representation of the colonized territory of Antigua as simply a 'colonial garden' for the British imperial patriarch further accentuates the superior sense of colonialist entitlement. Thus, Said's approach in decolonizing the imperialist discourse in Mansfield Park may be extended to other canonical works not generally considered imperialist in nature. In this article, the researchers utilize Said's strategies involved in his reading of Mansfield Park to probe the imperialist nuances in Austen's Persuasion, a novel usually categorized as a romance/novel of manners which depicts two lovers' second chance at happiness despite all the social obstacles in their way. The researchers attempt to foreground the imperialist rhetoric in this novel, specifically Austen's tendency to romanticize and glorify the rising British naval society as the champions of the Empire. Furthermore, this article investigates the absent, peripheral representation of colonial terrains as opposed to the privileged, central position of the British Empire in the narrative. Keywords: Edward Said, Culture and Imperialism, Jane Austen, Persuasion, decolonization, imperialist discourse, In his seminal book Culture and Imperialism (1993), Edward Said critiques seemingly innocent, canonical literary works to uncover the implicit imperialist discourses embedded within them. Referring specifically to Austen's Mansfield [...]

'A strong character and sound common sense are far more valuable assets to a colonial officer than the most brilliant academic distinctions.' --Sir Alan Burns, 1949, p. 23. Professor of [...]

Education in the Arab world is in need of a revolution, and this revolutionary transformation is inevitably and intricately linked to the production, ordering, and dissemination of revolutionary, anti-colonial knowledge. This article emphasizes the urgency for decolonizing education, specifically English literature departments at Arab universities. Many thinkers have documented the connection between literature, culture, and imperialism on the one hand (Gauri Viswanathan's Masks of Conquest, 1989 and Edward Said's Culture and Imperialism, 1993) and literature, culture, and resistance on the other hand (Fanon, Kanafani, Cabral, Said, and others who wrote about zero point epistemology). While there have been some decolonization efforts in different parts of the world, even at Ivy League institutions (Cornell University, for example), Arab universities ironically maintain a very rigid, government accredited English and American literary curriculum with no attempt or intention at decolonizing these colonial era curricula. This article interrogates the aims behind maintaining a purely English (and American) literary curricula, especially as the Arab region continues to undergo the most violent and aggressive forms of Western intervention, which has led to massive destruction of Arab state infrastructures, the loss of Palestine in 1948, the dissolution of the social fabric of Arab societies and thousands of deaths in the past two decades. Against this destructive Western agenda, a constructive, awareness raising impulse embedded in a literature/culture of resistance is in order. It is high time that Arab universities decolonize their English literature departments, a necessary transformation that entails, to quote the title of an essay by Walter D. Mignolo, 'Epistemic Disobedience, Independent Thought and Decolonial Freedom' (2009). Keywords: decolonizing education, English literature, epistemic disobedience, revolution, Palestine, zero point epistemology, Education in the Arab world is in need of a revolution, and this revolutionary transformation is inevitably and intricately linked to the production, ordering and dissemination of revolutionary, anti-colonial knowledge. [...]

In Victorian England, tea culture became "a fact of life" as advertising appropriated the imperial commodity's surplus values, juxtaposing a semantics of English tea's authenticity with a semiotics of its surplus enjoyment. This article makes a larger observation on English tea culture, with one of its leitmotifs as the United Kingdom Tea Company's advertisements, which were published in leading periodicals such as The Illustrated London News, The Pall Mall Magazine, and The Graphic, between 1888 and 1900. Drawing on Roland Barthes's notion of mythologies, I argue that the United Kingdom Tea Company's advertisements, among others, reconfigured and standardized a gastromythology in English culture. As tea representations became sensualized, gendered, and racialized in English culture, they performed an aesthetically augmented reality to repress the memory of an erstwhile alien product while readily assimilating its identity into the larger fold of English imperialism. Literary and advertorial mythologems of tea drinking are entangled with how specific cultural and ideological mechanisms denominate and modulate culinary tastes and taste perception. Viewing English tea culture as benign expressions of individual or cultivated tastes is ultimately an aesthetic idealism that cannot go unchallenged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By focusing on the Nauruan and Maralinga Tjarutja campaigns for environmental rehabilitation from and justice regarding colonial-era phosphate mining and nuclear testing, this article investigates a striking double standard in the way the Australian Government dealt with the legacies of environmental extraction and toxicity in the Robert (Bob) Hawke--Paul Keating era (1983-96). As the Nauruan politician Alfred Derangdedage Dick underlined, Australia's reluctance to accept liability for environmental damage inflicted during its administration of the island was inconsistent with its demands that the United Kingdom take responsibility for cleaning up residual radioactive waste from the British nuclear testing program in South Australia. The comparison reveals that despite the natural tendency towards legal solutions that minimised their respective liability and avoided the creation of unwanted precedents, Australian and British officials nonetheless took seriously the moral and political implications of their respective positions. While admitting that moral, legal and political tensions are at the heart of all modern environmental policy (especially when significant costs are involved), this article nonetheless demonstrates that the absence of official co-operation at key moments in the Nauruan pursuit of a practical, post-mining solution is what ultimately led to an unsatisfactory legal settlement and further acrimony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a theoretical view that describes how the rooted Western imperial political structure in the Arab region has trapped the latter in a perpetual development crisis. It follows a de facto analysis and contends that Western imperialism has maintained a counter-development of Arab governance since the mid-19th century, which has resulted in a persistent economic deficiency in the region. This article discusses why Washington Consensus endeavors have failed to deliver the promised results in the development of the region, and argues that it has condoned the principal problem, which is the foreign de facto hostile Western strategic rule that has an inherent disinterest in achieving comprehensive development in the Arab region. This article provides an argument against the views that blame the Arab's economic failures on domestic institutional factors, and maintains that the foreign Western hostile domination is the primary source of the lasting backwardness in the Arab region. This article defines the West as the consortium of European and North American nations that have had imperial enterprises in the Arab region in the modern period. The most notable of these nations are the United States, the United Kingdom, and France. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cahiers Victoriens & Edouardiens is the property of Presses Universitaires de la Mediterranee and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the 1820s and 1830s, two debates about free ports took place in the United Kingdom of the Netherlands. One debate concerned domestic fiscal policy and the regulation of foreign trade. In this debate the legacies of the political economic thought of Gijsbert Karel van Hogendorp and the mid eighteenth-century debate on turning the Dutch Republic into a limited free port were played out. The first Dutch debate on free ports was a response to changing conditions in global trade and a further attempt to regain the old staple market and connect it to an industrialising national economy. The other debate concerned the establishment of the Dutch Trade Company (Nederlandse Handels Maatschappij) and the declaration of a series of overseas free ports in the years after the British seizure of Singapore and its ratification in 1824. This second debate concerned the modernisation of colonial trade to halt the expansion of British commercial settlements in and around the Dutch East Indies as well as in the Caribbean. Together these debates represented the national challenge to put the entire Dutch economy on a new foundation and reflected differing constitutional perspectives that had pitted liberals against patriots since the late eighteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The translation equivalence between龍/lung and dragon as well as夷/i and barbarian embodies the way of discourse power competition between China and the United Kingdom of Great Britain with different discourse pedigrees and discourse systems. The translation equivalence between龍/lung and dragon was constructed by means of mutation and discourse rewriting, and the political implication and cultural value of龍/lung in Chinese context were ablated. The equivalence between 夷/i and barbarian in the English context was established through the translation manipulation of the British, and the meaning of夷/i was separated from the Chinese historical context forcibly. The British operated discourse mutation on core Chinese political discourses via translation manipulation to weaken the subjectivity of China and bring China into the modern international discourse system dominated by the West, providing support for the expansion and colonization of British imperial discourse. This research provides reference for dealing with the cultural characteristics and universality, and the relationship between subject and object of discourse in the translation of contemporary Chinese discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of colonialism normally focusses on the socio-economic losses of colonies, and the benefits of metropoles are a much less-studied field. Our study indicates that the flow of resources, rent and personal wealth should not be downplayed as factors of economic growth in the key Empires, although information on most subjects is limited. This importance could be demonstrated (although not fully quantitatively evaluated) by India–United Kingdom relations before 1913. We highlight the key channels of this influence (trade, investment and migration), and the persistence of the income gaps between the dominant and dependent countries until their independence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Article provides a snapshot of current climate policy and litigation experiences in a select group of Commonwealth countries: the United Kingdom, Canada, India, Pakistan, Kiribati, and The Bahamas. It traces current domestic climate policies and litigation experiences back to the colonial histories of these countries. These Commonwealth countries enjoy a shared common law tradition, but in the context of climate change, levels of climate vulnerabilities, resilience, and historic and current responsibilities for emissions vary tremendously. Levels of climate vulnerability, and climate responsibility, often reflect the colonial histories of these countries. These colonial histories are reflective of racial capitalist trajectories that impact current day emissions, consumptive habits, and climate vulnerabilities. Political and economic blockages to progressive climate action persist in some Global North countries. Many current carbon major emitting companies are also located in several Global North countries in the Commonwealth, and many of these companies also have colonial histories and climate responsibilities. Additionally, policy and financial constraints in tackling the climate crisis persist in Global South countries. Policy constraints and blockages are not uniform, and they at times cross over the North-South divide, as do emerging legal relationships. Vulnerable populations and sacrifice zones exist within the Global North. Elites in the Global South also replicate racial capitalistic tendencies of oppression and exclusion towards more vulnerable subpopulations. Despite these hurdles, significant opportunities have emerged in many jurisdictions, largely as a result of innovative climate litigation suits, particularly in the Global South. This Article argues that litigants across the Commonwealth can share strategies and best practices in order to move climate policy forward in their jurisdictions, and reduce climate vulnerabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Just before the First World War, the largest French shipping line operating in the Indo-Pacific, the Compagnie des Messageries Maritimes, reported that 44 percent of its personnel were non-Europeans. Made up of French colonial subjects and foreign citizens, this workforce hailed from across the layover ports of the empire's Indo-Pacific steamship highways. Portrayed by French labor leaders as strikebreaking scabs, and by the large shipping companies as docile peons, these "indigenous" seafarers were largely erased from French imperial and labor history before the First World War. Mobilizing archives from France, the United Kingdom, and Vietnam, especially ships' logs from the 1880s to the 1910s, this article reassesses the place of the French empire's Asian and African seafarers within an intensifying labor movement and an incipient imperial security state. Revisiting everything from mobile acts of outright rebellion to subtly assertive practices of placemaking, the article argues that indigenous seafarers had begun forging a disruptive politics of mobile labor well before the First World War. Their ability to wield power in the face of stigmatization and precarization, the article suggests, points to the underexplored tensions between the "New Imperial" French state and the subcontracted shipping lines on which it depended. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Development aid discourses have been criticised for perpetuating othering and coloniality. They have been argued to produce and reproduce conceptual creations of a distinguishable 'us' and 'them' and uphold hierarchies where former colonial powers remain preeminent and subjugate the 'Global South'. The turn of the century, however, saw the emergence of 'development partnerships' to rebalance asymmetrical relationships between donor and recipient. Developing a critical discourse analysis framework from decolonial scholarship and applying it to the United Kingdom Department for International Development's development partnership with South Africa between 2014 and 2018, the article reveals clear examples of othering and coloniality. The suggestion of mutuality therefore appears to be just a façade, and the development partnership discourse is rather emphasising difference and justifying colonial hierarchies, contradicting its purported values. Recommendations include increased scrutiny of dehistoricised and decontextualised development narratives, and clearly stating national and political interests in bilateral partnerships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Empire/imperialism are terms that re‐emerge with patterned frequency. Claims that the Australia United Kingdom and United States agreement is imperial, that an Australian empire exists, or that coloniality continues after the end of formal colonialism are all made without connecting colonialism, settler‐colonialism, coloniality, or sub‐imperialism to the larger whole of which it is a part — empire. At the same time, political science has begun to make claims about empire as a particular type of politics and comparative historical literature has also emerged. This paper argues that empire should a site of inquiry for any decolonial project and elaborates what would be involved methodologically. It engages the question of methodology by comparing different approaches to the study of empire. My argument is that the interpretivist approach is the more methodologically robust principally because it raises a series of unresolvable methodological problems. I argue that study of empire, as a particular form of politics, is not just a social scientific question, it is an ethical normative question. I argue that it is politically necessary for the decolonisation of knowledge to broach the question of empire and its methodological problems. Only when we know the truth about empire, can we confidently contribute to a politics that would be post‐imperial. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scout Rally at Birmingham and Imperial Scout Exhibition organised in July of 1913 by the Boy Scouts Association constituted educational propaganda of the British Empire. The term "imperial", which was used in the British press, reflects the ideological meaning of this outsized event which gathered scouts from the United Kingdom and its dominions, and much smaller groups of scouts from Europe, including quite numerous groups from Poland. In the eyes of Poles, British "imperialism" or "patriotism" confronted as an ideal compared to Russian and German rule, and their attitudes were enthusiastically Anglomaniacal. This is the psychological key to understand the attractiveness of performing on the British arena for the representation of the young generation of Poles who were invited. For Polish scouts, the Scout Rally in Birmingham was an opportunity to demonstrate not only their skills but also patriotism as a function of political presence. This is how the Polish press understood these things, and which after the British – what needs to be emphasised – paid the most attention to the events in Birmingham. The most important Polish dailies publishing in Cracow, Warsaw, Poznań, and Lvov (now Lviv) closely followed the course of the rally, which was given the rank of success by a two-sentence depeche from London and a lengthy letter published in the Czas daily paper. The object of interest for the author of the article is the book written by the founder of Polish scouting, Andrzej Małkowski, which constitutes a noteworthy record of observations made by him during the Scout Rally as well as those made by other organisers of the Polish delegation's trip and of letters from journalists who accompanied this delegation and sent their correspondence to the Polish press from Birmingham, London, and Paris. Only one journalist broke out from apologetic opinions about the excellent performance of Polish scouts, who noticed shortcomings in performance and wrote about them. The article introduces the content of these letters and interprets and compares them. The opinion about the triumphant rally in Birmingham rooted firmly in Polish public opinion, constituting an important element of the founding myth of Polish scouting, which in the history of this movement is worth noting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the one hand, feminists critique the securitization of conflict-related sexual violence (CRSV) on various grounds, but, on the other hand, also raise concerns that the Western hyper-fixation on CRSV reproduces colonial narratives about race, gender, and sexuality. However, the productive effects of specifically Western state discourse about CRSV have yet to be fully examined in this context. How do Western states make use of the colonial gaze in constructing CRSV as an issue of grave concern, and to what ends? Further, what are the implications of this for the nexus of feminist critique and praxis? This article utilizes a macro-structural approach to discourse analysis to analyze the 2014 Global Summit to End Sexual Violence in Conflict, led by the United Kingdom. It argues that Western delegates securitized CRSV by relying on tropes of racialized men as maintaining backwards practices of gender and sexuality, and the construction of CRSV as a "pre-modern" weapon of war. This frame reproduces a racialized hierarchy of masculinity that constructs men from "conflict countries" as potential perpetrators in need of intervention, and men from "safe countries" as role models for gender-conscious militarized manhood. The article concludes by identifying potential practical implications of this discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Annals of Criminology is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In 2020, over 8,400 people made their way from France to the UK coast using small vessels. They did so principally in order to claim asylum in the United Kingdom (UK). Much like in other border-zones, the UK state has portrayed irregular Channel crossings as an invading threat and has deployed a militarized response. While there is burgeoning scholarship focusing on informal migrant camps in the Calais area, there has been little analysis of state responses to irregular Channel crossings. This article begins to address this gap, situating contemporary British responses to irregular Channel crossers within the context of colonial histories and maritime legacies. We focus particularly on the enduring appeal of "the offshore" as a place where undesirable racialized populations can be placed. Our aim is to offer a historicized perspective on this phenomenon which seeks to respond to calls to embed colonial histories in analyses of the present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because Baughan's reliance on imperialism and decolonization, internationalism, and capitalism suggests that Save might be similarly constituted and constrained, we should not see much difference between it and other aid agencies. $85.00 cloth $24.95 paper Baughan's I Saving the Children i is a scrupulously well-researched and fascinating study of the Save the Children organization (hereinafter Save), started in 1919 in the United Kingdom by the sisters Dorothy Buxton and Englatyne Jebb. [Extracted from the article]

This article charts the history of hundreds of Punjabi labourers who migrated to Argentina in 1912 and then onward to the United Kingdom. It argues that both worker agency and imperial concerns about mobility shaped this episode of migration and exclusion. Drawing from sources produced in Britain and Argentina, in English and Spanish, it shows how both workers and bureaucrats pursued competing goals, and how the ideas and activities of both groups mattered. It examines these migrant labourers' voices and goals in Argentina and the United Kingdom. These Punjabi men repeatedly weighed their options and pursued opportunities for advancement, often taking advantage of their imperial subjecthood to do so. This research also shows how those strategies coexisted with the efforts of bureaucrats in Buenos Aires and London who sought to repatriate these migrants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Other colonies in Africa, the Caribbean and the Pacific achieved independence over the next 20 years' At the time of Elizabeth II's accession in 1952, Britain still held more than 70 overseas territories. Benjamin D. Hennig maps the changing shape of the British Empire, and its role in the world during the reign of Queen Elizabeth II. [Extracted from the article]

The franchise enquiry led by Lord Lothian (Philip Kerr) was a central component in the Indian constitutional reform process of the 1930s. This article examines the general context of the enquiry, as well as the specific circumstances, under which it was conducted in both the United Kingdom and the sub-continent. Lothian's investigation paid special attention to the means by which increased numbers from untouchable caste groups could be enfranchised. The article explores the ways in which the position of the untouchables became a principal concern in discussions about the franchise and more general political reform. It also examines the close involvement of Lothian in the Round Table movement and its influence on his thinking about expanding the electorate and constitutional change in the subcontinent. A detailed focus is the effort made by Lothian to determine the potential number of untouchable voters in the United Provinces. Here, in one of the most populous provinces of British India, Lothian encountered multiple problems as he attempted to estimate the population of untouchable caste groups. The article argues that many of the difficulties he confronted had their origins in an earlier reticence on the part of the authorities in the province to recognise the untouchables as a minority that should be given any special political consideration. It was, ironically, Lothian's colleagues in the Round Table who had laid the foundations for this perspective and thus contributed to many of the difficulties and quandaries with which he subsequently wrestled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Few realise that amid rising international tensions, inter alia over Ukraine, Taiwan of China, Iran and AUKUS (Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States), nuclear arms control is today almost entirely dismantled and a manifestly declining and desperate US has launched a new nuclear arms, now also targeting China, making war and even nuclear war seem increasingly possible. The political and geopolitical economy of nuclear proliferation and control here highlights the singular role of the US in driving the arms race, arguing that the US desire to dominate the world economy, not the Cold War, caused the nuclear arms race; that the only surviving arms control treaty, the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), has become more a channel for proliferation than a dam against it; and that the US used the NPT to justify its post–Cold War international aggression against some countries while violating it to aid allies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This piece follows Stuart Ward's Untied Kingdom as it traverses a collapsing British Empire and an increasingly disunited United Kingdom to tell the complex history of Britishness in retreat across the world, mainly between 1945 and the early twenty-first century. It reviews some of the shifting meanings of Britishness that Ward charts in different contexts, different territories and at different moments in this history and the dwindling resonance of Britishness almost everywhere. It reviews other main themes that thread through the book: language, migration, race, belonging and unbelonging, nationalism, violence, and the impact of imperialism and colonialism on cultures, societies and mindsets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The field of participatory research with children developed largely thanks to shared learning between different cultures, places, and disciplines. However, grand narratives and power relationships in academia inherited from colonialism and imperialism can threaten to obstruct the transformative value of this approach. In this article, we present the case of Think Big, a multinational collaboration for participatory research with children that involved adult and child coresearchers from Australia, Chile, Colombia, and the United Kingdom. Our aim was to explore how this project helped build solidarities between adult researchers from different countries and disciplines. We applied a methodology of diffraction to explore the processes and outcomes of this collaboration and presented our insights using the metaphor of a tree to explain the roots (knowledges and frameworks), trunk (ongoing collaboration and communication between the teams from different countries), branches (local projects), and fruits (research outcomes) of our work. Based on our experience, we proposed that multinational collaborations for participatory research offer important opportunities for adult researchers to collaborate with children to generate more democratic knowledge about their lives and to generate more egalitarian relationships between adult researchers from different places and backgrounds. However, it is important to anticipate that multinational collaborations are more likely to be affected by social and political upheavals, and language barriers must be overcome to decentralize academia. Also, the organizations involved in these collaborations need to develop strategies that facilitate funding, ethics clearance, and international research agreements. Highlights: Participatory research can help improve knowledge, policies, and practices for child wellbeing.Multinational studies can be affected by social upheavals but still support child empowerment.Multinational collaborations can help make academia more egalitarian and inclusive.Bilingual team members, interpreters and translators are essential for multinational collaborations.Organizations should develop strategies that facilitate multinational research collaborations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1972, upon expulsion from Uganda by Idi Amin, diasporic Asians, who had settled in East Africa during colonial times, underwent a second stage of global dispersal. Many of them managed to resettle in the United Kingdom, despite anti-immigrant sentiments and increasingly restrictive immigration legislation. Other large groups arrived in India and Canada. One group, however, got scattered around the globe: the approximately 10,000 'Asians of undetermined origin', who were resettled as refugees under auspices of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees. This article investigates how and why this group of stateless Asians became refugees and candidates for international resettlement. It argues that all British policy makers sought to use the international community to shoulder part of the burden of winding up empire, while trying to avoid convictions for breaching newly emerging legally binding international human rights obligations. The Ugandan Asian crisis fits within the history of the creation of modern British immigration control law that took shape from 1962 onwards. This article proposes to decentralise the geographical frame beyond the UK to include developments in Kenya, Uganda, and India, where East African Asians likewise became 'undesirables'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A recent increase in awareness of the impact and aftereffects of imperialism and colonialism has served to indicate to the world that change can occur rapidly and likely irreversibly in numerous spheres of life. A well‐publicised example is the "Rhodes Must Fall" campaign that started in Cape Town, South Africa, in 2015, and eventually spread to the United Kingdom. One of the outcomes of this initiative has been the removal of the statue of Cecil John Rhodes from the campus of the University of Cape Town. Yet, in plant nomenclature, because of the rules that govern the scientific naming plants, names that include the root "rhodes‐", where C.J. Rhodes is commemorated, are persisting. This is one example of names and epithets that are perceived by many as offensive and unacceptable. The botanical community should take cognisance of these developments and use the mechanisms at its disposal, or develop new ones, to proactively find solutions to address how to deal with such names and epithets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the novels published in the course of the nineties, Every Light in the House Burnin' (1994), Never Far from Nowhere (1996), and Fruit of the Lemon (1999), Andrea Levy (1956-2019), a British writer of Jamaican origin, focuses on the experiences of British-born daughters of firstgeneration Caribbean immigrants in Britain. This paper will examine how Levy's young protagonists struggle to come to terms with their highly hybridized identities, which resist reductive racial categories of 'white' and 'black.' Experiencing racial bias on the one hand and confronting silences about their Jamaican heritage on the other, Levy's protagonists often find themselves in liminal spaces and are constantly compelled to negotiate private (Jamaican) and more public (British) spheres of existence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how the UK's selective neglect in linking the Responsibility to Protect (R2P) to its peaceful responses to Syria reinforces the claim that R2P is predominantly understood as military humanitarian intervention, which is deleterious for building international consensus for atrocity prevention and response. It does this through an empirical case study of the UK's responses to Syria during 2014-2016 when the UK's peaceful responses expanded, providing rich data for examining their underlying motivations. The article provides a case study of the UK's contestation of R2P's peaceful measures that builds upon existing work around the limits of contestation and norm degeneration due to how it feeds back to the international level. The article also explores the intersection between contestation and localisation and how the UK's particular localisation of R2P feeds into claims and fears of western imperialism, which obstructs effective atrocity prevention and response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the debates around colonialism, slavery, and identity in the context of a cultural war in Britain, where historical perspectives merge with discussions on identity, morality, and political ideologies. It discusses how historians, particularly in the United Kingdom (UK), tackling narratives about Britain's past, identity, and values amid debates on Brexit, challenging views on colonial history, and critiquing movements like Black Lives Matter.

The article discusses the evolving relationship between the United Kingdom's (UK) Overseas Development Aid (ODA) and its advance of its national interest following its exit as member of the European Union (EU). Also cited are the UK's merger of its Department for International Development (DfID) and the Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) to create the Foreign, Development and Commonwealth Office (FDCO), and the UK's shifting narratives of Europeanism, imperialism, and Atlanticism.

Copyright of Journal of Social Sciences Institute / Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi is the property of Bingol University / Rectorate and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The past few years have seen a vigorous resurgence of public and academic debate and controversy regarding the British Empire, its place within Britain's own history and the legacies of British colonial practices. In spite of this reinvigorated discussion of empire, education and schooling seem to have been an area largely overlooked within the field of new imperial history. Nonetheless, histories of education have increasingly been shaped by theoretical shifts in the imperial histories. This article discusses some recent literature concerning the British Empire, and suggests how these could prove useful for future studies of empire and education. First, it surveys a selection of key literature and developments in histories of empire and education. Then, it suggests three areas for future exploration by historians of education with interests in colonialism or empire: non-traditional sources, studies of and by indigenous and non-elite people, and research into the educational legacies of imperialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The speciality, Public Health Medicine (PHM), was developed in response to political and health realities in pre-apartheid South Africa (SA), following the lead of the discipline in Britain, SA's previous coloniser. This article describes a 47-year journey from its origins as Community Health through to current practice, based on reviews of archival material, databases of institutional stakeholders involved in trainee education and our own experiences. Embedded throughout PHM's history are tensions between colonial forms of public health education and practice and resistance to these. As found in complementary SA research, and globally, this review shows that concerns about unclear roles, inadequate career paths and professional boundaries have preoccupied and are innate to the speciality. To be institutionalised more definitively in SA, PHM needs to demonstrate its value as a key resource for the functioning of SA's health system and thus improve the health status of her population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With reference to a particular short lyric written in Gaelic, the poet discusses his origins in the Catholic community of Glasgow in the 1950s and 1960s, using the observations of Ngũgĩ wa Thiong’o to highlight how a predicament he had originally conceived of as utterly personal has much wider implications than he initially imagined, in terms of colonialism both linguistic and cultural. In his case, the mechanism of exclusion was twofold, as a Scot within the larger unit of the United Kingdom, and as the descendant of immigrants who were perceived as Irish rather than Scottish, foreigners in terms of their religion within the context of the city of Glasgow. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Northern Irish footballer James McClean chooses not to take part in the practice of wearing a plastic red poppy to commemorate those who have died fighting for the British Armed Forces. Each year he faces abuse, including occasional death threats, for his choice. This forms part of a wider trend towards 'poppy enforcement', the pressuring of people, particularly public figures, to wear the poppy. This enforcement seems wrong in part because, at least in some cases, it involves abuse. But is there anything else wrong with it? We will consider the various ways the existing literature on the ethics of commemoration might help us understand what is wrong with poppy enforcement. We will argue that this cannot provide a complete account of what is wrong with poppy enforcement. We then argue that such pressure can constitute two distinct forms of affective injustice, which are wrongs done to people specifically in their capacity as affective beings. In McClean's case, we argue first that poppy enforcement is a violation of affective rights and second that he faces a particular type of affective injustice that we call 'emotional imperialism'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This Article investigates how and why the cultural script of inequality persists for queer identities despite major legal advancements such as marriage, anti-discrimination, and employment protections. By regarding LGBTQ legal advancements as part of the American settler colonial project, Iconclude that such victories are not liberatory or empowering but are attempts at colonizing queer identities. American settler colonialism's structural promotion of a normative sexuality illustrates how our settler colonialist legacy is not just a race project (as settler colonialism is most widely studied) but also a race -gender - sexuality project. Even in apparent strokes of progress, American settler colonialism's eliminationist motives continually privilege White heteropatriarchal structures that dominate nonheteronormative sexualities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides theoretical and contextual background to The Academic Question of Palestine. Building on the work of Edward Said, we maintain that Palestine constitutes a unique question with special status in international academic spaces, particularly in the West, because of its entanglement with other imperial and settler colonial forms of dispossession. We argue that the special place that Zionism and its defence has occupied for decades in academia has rendered Palestine one of the thorniest and most divisive issues of our time. In the new millennium, the birth of the BDS movement; the emergence of new solidarities with global anti-racist movements; the scholarly and human rights consensus that Israel constitutes a regime settler colonial apartheid; the acceleration of Zionist violence, until the Gaza genocide, have generated new forms of repression and resistance in the academic space. This Special Issue offers the tools for understanding these recent transformations of the question of Palestine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By 1865 British Imperial governments had accepted that colonial courts had the authority to invalidate colonial statutes which contravened the relevant colony's constitution. This situation arose notwithstanding the lack of any express grant of such jurisdiction to colonial courts in Imperial or colonial legislation. This paper evaluates the first instance of a colonial court asserting that jurisdiction, during the Dog Act crisis in Van Diemen's Land (Tasmania) in the 1840s. Part one of the paper charts the background to, conduct of and judgment in the relevant litigation. The second part, which will appear in a future issue of this journal, explores the consequential attempts of the colony's Governor to remove the judges from office and to re-enact the invalidated colonial law. The suggestion made is that the Dog Act controversy provides considerable insight into how, despite the absence of any explicit statutory grant of such jurisdiction, the power of judicial review of colonial legislation by colonial courts became established as an orthodox element of British colonial constitutional law in the latter nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops a framework to analyse imperialistic international relations (IIR) and the dynamics of international exploitation. A new exploitation index is proposed which captures the territorial structure of IIR: wealthy nations are net lenders and exploiters, whereas endowment-poor countries are net borrowers and exploited. Capital flows transfer surplus from countries in the periphery of the global economy to those in the core. However, while international credit markets and wealth inequalities are central in generating international exploitation, other factors, including labour-saving innovations, are shown to be essential in explaining its persistence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this special issue, we take up the metaphor of the ghost to identify the seemingly intangible yet undeniable persistence of racism, empire and colonialism in finance and the global capitalist economy. In the aftermath of a world system built through colonialism, imperialism and their race-making projects, we all emerge haunted by racial colonialism. Despite this differently-expressed but shared global condition, we also live in a world marked by a willed forgetfulness, occurring more broadly, and especially in fields like economics and political economy. We argue that in order to understand the cultural economy one must confront the ghostly aspects of it. This special issue contributes to the cultural economy of finance by demonstrating pivotal ways in which finance actually works. We do so by refracting the lens of contemporary financial activity to reveal hidden ghostly power relations connecting the past of empire and colonialism with the present of financialisation and coloniality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship of popular imperialism has identified annual public celebrations of Western European colonial empires as important tools for the shaping of new 'imperial' national identities. Building on the analyses of British Empire Day and Belgian and Italian colonial days, this article offers the first overview of the French week of pro-Empire celebrations, La Semaine coloniale française, and assesses its reach during the interwar period (1927–1939). In thinking through the fate and transformations of French Colonial Week, from an outdoor public spectacle, to a pale replica of Empire-Day school celebrations (Journée scolaire de la France d'Outre-mer), I will focus on two aspects specific to cyclical vectors of pro-Empire propaganda in Europe more broadly: the transnational context within which they developed between the wars, and their recursive nature. After an account of the event's foreign origins, devolved organisational model and regionally-inflected public celebratory practices, I will examine more closely the two most enduring and wide-reaching traditions that it produced: the Colonial-Week radio broadcasts and school campaigns. Reading La Semaine coloniale française through this comparative and diachronic framework, I will reflect on social, political and logistic reasons why it never coalesced into as ritualised and widely-observed a festival as Empire Day in Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Agroecology research on the Global North is recognised by scholars in the Global South as technical and environmental, ignoring the political dimensions of agroecological movements and change. This article applies the epistemological traditions of critical Latin American agroecology to a Global North case study: England, in the United Kingdom. As the origin nation of capitalist industrial agriculture, the application of Latin American agroecological thought can tell us a lot about the dynamics of the English situation, colonialism, and the barriers to agroecological transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the mid-1990s, the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has witnessed several instances of armed conflict, the resolution of which has entailed efforts to bring about the political transformation of rebel movements behind those insurgencies. This article analyses the failed transformation of the National Congress for the Defence of the People (Congrès National pour la Défense du Peuple, CNDP), the rebel group behind the Third Congo War (2006-2009). It is argued that this failure was the result of a set of factors, namely the controversial mixage policy agreed upon between government and the CNDP in the 2009 Goma Peace Agreement, the group's nature as a militarily-focused and ethnically-centred organisation, and the continued support of the CNDP by its regional backers well after the signing of the Goma Peace Agreement as well as the United Nations' decision to withdraw its support for the Goma peace process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the development of women's physical education (PE) in Taiwanese schools during the Japanese colonial period. It seeks to understand how Japanese colonizers cultivated and shaped Taiwanese women's bodies through PE in schools. First, Japanese colonizers faced the challenge of dismantling footbinding customs when implementing women's PE and body engineering policies. However, when women were liberated from footbinding and the concept of natural feet emerged among the population, women's PE came out of the shadow of footbinding. Second, as the natural feet generation arose, Taiwanese women started participating in physical activities and competitive sports while still abiding by the canons of the "Japanese woman." Third, during the Pacific War, improving one's physique and developing PE policies became part of a national defense strategy and the main focus in the process of producing imperial citizens. The body was given different meanings, yet its control and standardization were omnipresent under colonial governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keywords: October 7; Israel; Hamas; Middle East and North Africa region (MENA); Ashkenazi Jews; Mizrahi Jews; Zionism; Jewish nationalism; colonialism; Palestinian nationalist narrative; Arab nationalism; Western imperialism; Postcolonialism. INTRODUCTION IN [...]

The British colonies, which contributed the lion's share of Britain's geographical expansion during the nineteenth century, also provided the largest material contribution to Britain's industrialization, and much-needed ecological relief (in the form of land), through trade. Nevertheless, not all types of colonialism mattered equally. The biggest land relief came from the settler colonies in British North America and Australasia. The slave-based colonies were not as instrumental in alleviating Britain's land constraints as the nineteenth century progressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]